Piccadilly, 16th February 1855.
(Friday night.)
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that after he had made his statement this afternoon, a conversation of some length took place, in which Mr Disraeli, Mr Roebuck, Mr Thomas Duncombe, and several other Members took part, the subject of discussion being whether Mr Roebuck's Committee should or should not be appointed.
Viscount Palmerston is concerned to say that it was not only his own impression but the opinion of a great number of persons with whom he communicated in the course of the evening, including the Speaker, that the appointment of the Committee will be carried by a very great majority, perhaps scarcely less great than that by which the original Motion was affirmed; and it was also the opinion of good judges that a refusal to grant an enquiry would not be a good ground on which to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the Country. The general opinion was that the best way of meeting the Motion for naming the Committee which Mr Roebuck has fixed for next Thursday, would be to move some instruction to the Committee directing or limiting the range of its enquiry. This is a matter, however, which will be well considered at the meeting of the Cabinet to-morrow....
The reason alleged for the determination of Members to vote for Mr Roebuck's Committee is the general desire throughout the Country that an enquiry should be instituted to ascertain the causes of the sufferings of your Majesty's troops in the Crimea.
Buckingham Palace, 20th February 1855.
Dearest Brother,—I must not let Lord John Russell visit Berlin without personally recommending him to your Majesty—an honour which he deserves in a high degree, as a statesman of wide outlook, well-informed, and moderate. At the same time I may be allowed to repeat my conviction, which I have expressed several times already, that it appears to me impossible to obtain peace so long as Prussia continues indisposed to maintain, in case of necessity by force of arms, the principles publicly expressed in concert with the belligerent Powers and Austria.
Much blood, very much blood, has already been shed. Honour and justice force the belligerent Powers to make every sacrifice in continually defending those principles to the utmost. Whether diplomacy will succeed in saving Prussia from taking an active share in this defence—that remains the secret of the future, which the King of kings alone possesses!
Albert presents his homage to your Majesty, and I beg to be most cordially remembered, and remain as ever, my dear Brother, your Majesty's faithful Servant and Friend,
Buckingham Palace, 21st February 1855.
I have just seen Mr Gladstone, who received my box so late that I did not wish to detain him more than a few minutes, as the Cabinet was waiting for him. I told him, however, the substance of Lord Palmerston's letter, and of the Queen's answer, the wisdom of which, he said, nobody could doubt for a moment, and added that the choice lying only between many evils, I hoped he and his friends would not strive to obtain an absolute good, and thereby lose the Queen the services of an efficient Government. He begged that I should rest assured that the first and primary consideration which would guide their determination would be the position of the Crown in these critical circumstances. He had had no opportunity of consulting these last days either Mr S. Herbert or Sir James Graham. But for himself he felt the greatest difficulty in letting the House of Commons succeed in what he must consider a most unconstitutional, most presumptuous, and most dangerous course, after which it would be impossible for the Executive ever to oppose again the most absurd and preposterous demands for enquiry.37
Footnote 37: See post, p. 109, note 38.
I asked, "But can you stop it?"
He answered: I believe Lord Palmerston made a mistake in not grappling with it from the first, and using all the power the Crown had entrusted to him, even ostentatiously, for the purpose. Now it might be most difficult—but it ought not to pass without a solemn protest on the part of the men who were not connected with the Government, and should not be supposed to have any other than the interests of the Country at heart. A Government was powerless in resisting such an encroachment of the House, where the whole Opposition, from personal motives, and the supporters of Government from fear of their constituents, were bent upon carrying it. Such a protest, however, might form a rallying-point upon which future resistance might be based, and the Country, now intoxicated by agitation, might come to its senses.
As to the strength of the Government, he believed it had very little at this moment in the House, and that such would be the case with any Government Lord Palmerston could form, he had foretold him, when Lord Derby had made him the offer to join an Administration of his forming. At this moment the secession of the Peelites would rather strengthen the Government than otherwise, as, from their connection with Lord Aberdeen, they had been decried in the Country with him, and the Whigs looked upon them with all the personal feelings of men deprived of their offices by them.
He agreed with me that in the present disruption of Parties, the difficulty of obtaining any strong Government consists, not in the paucity of men, but in the over-supply of Right Honourable gentlemen produced by the many attempts to form a Government on a more extended base. There were now at least three Ministers for each office, from which the two excluded were always cried up as superior to the one in power. He said this could not be amended until we got back to two Parties—each of them capable of presenting to the Queen an efficient Administration. Now the one Party did not support its Chief from personal rivalry—and the other, from the very feeling of its own incapacity, became reckless as to the course of its political actions.
He concluded by saying he felt it right to reserve his final determination till the last moment at which it would become necessary.
Downing Street, 21st February 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and feels extreme regret in having to state to your Majesty that Sir James Graham, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert announced at the Cabinet Meeting to-day their determination to retire from the Government in consequence of their inability to consent to the nomination of Mr Roebuck's Committee.38 No other Member of the Government has as yet intimated any intention to retire. Viscount Palmerston will assemble the remaining Members of the Government to-morrow at twelve to take into consideration the steps to be taken for supplying the places of the retiring Members.39
An endeavour has been made to induce Mr Roebuck to postpone the appointment of the Committee till Monday, but he will not consent to delay it beyond to-morrow, and he will insert in the votes to-night, to be printed to-morrow morning (in accordance with the rules of the House), the proposed list of names which have been settled between the Government and Mr Roebuck, and which seem to be unobjectionable, all things considered....
Footnote 38: The retirement of the Peelites in a body from Lord Palmerston's Ministry is a curious instance of the tenacity of Party ties, since the prosecution of the enquiry into the conduct of the war affected the Whig as much as the Peelite section of the Aberdeen Cabinet. In reference to their reason for resignation (viz. that the investigation was a dangerous breach of a great constitutional principle, and that similar enquiries could never thenceforward be refused), see Parker's Sir James Graham, vol. ii. pp. 268-272.
The secession of the Peelites, however, did not make the Ministry a Whig Government. The last Whig Administration was that which left office early in 1852. Had Lord John Russell succeeded in his attempt on the present occasion, the Whig party might have endured co nomine; but Palmerston had, notwithstanding Cobden's distrust, been popular with the Radicals, and henceforward his supporters must be known as the Liberal Party.
Footnote 39: Sir Charles Wood became First Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Vernon Smith succeeding him at the Board of Control), Sir George Lewis succeeded Mr Gladstone at the Exchequer, and the Colonial Office was offered to and accepted by Lord John Russell, who was at the moment in Paris on his way to attend the Vienna Conference.
Buckingham Palace, 27th February 1855.
My dearest Uncle,—Since I last wrote to you, we have again had much trouble, as Van de Weyer will have informed you. We have lost our three best men—certainly from the purest and best of motives—but the result is unfortunate. Altogether, affairs are very unsettled and very unsatisfactory. The good people here are really a little mad, but I am certain it will right itself; one must only not give way to the nonsense and absurdity one hears.
Lord John's return to office under Lord Palmerston is very extraordinary!40 I hope he may do good in his mission; he is most anxious for it.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 23rd. The frost has left us, which personally I regret, as it agrees so well with me; but I believe it was very necessary on account of the great distress which was prevalent, so many people being thrown out of employment.
The Emperor's meditated voyage41—though natural in him to wish—I think most alarming; in fact, I don't know how things are to go on without him, independent of the great danger he exposes himself to besides. I own it makes one tremble, for his life is of such immense importance. I still hope that he may be deterred from it, but Walewski was in a great state about it.
On Thursday we saw twenty-six of the wounded Coldstream Guards, and on Friday thirty-four of the Scotch Fusileers. A most interesting and touching sight—such fine men, and so brave and patient! so ready to go back and "be at them again." A great many of them, I am glad to say, will be able to remain in the Service. Those who have lost their limbs cannot, of course. There were two poor boys of nineteen and twenty—the one had lost his leg, quite high up, by the bursting of a shell in the trenches, and the other his poor arm so shot that it is perfectly useless. Both had smooth girls' faces; these were in the Coldstream, who certainly look the worst. In the Scotch Fusileers, there were also two very young men—the one shot through the cheek, the other through the skull—but both recovered! Among the Grenadiers there is one very sad object, shot dreadfully, a ball having gone in through the cheek and behind the nose and eye and out through the other side! He is shockingly disfigured, but is recovered. I feel so much for them, and am so fond of my dear soldiers—so proud of them! We could not have avoided sending the Guards; it would have been their ruin if they had not gone....
I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Footnote 40: For twenty years Lord John Russell had been Leader of the Whig Party in the House, and Lord Palmerston subordinate to him.
Footnote 41: The Emperor had announced his intention of going to the Crimea, and assuming the conduct of the war. The project was most unfavourably regarded by the Queen and the Prince, by Lord Palmerston, and by the Emperor's own advisers. But the intention, which had been carefully matured, was arrived at in full loyalty to the Alliance with this country, and had to be tactfully met. Accordingly, it was arranged that when Napoleon was at the Camp in Boulogne in March, Lord Clarendon should visit him there, and discuss the question with him. Eventually, the Foreign Secretary persuaded the Emperor to relinquish, or at any rate defer, his expedition; a memorandum of what passed on the occasion was drawn up by the Prince from the narration of Lord Clarendon, and printed by Sir Theodore Martin. (Life of the Prince Consort, vol. iii. p. 231.)
Buckingham Palace, 1st March 1855.
The Queen thanks Lord Clarendon for his letter received this evening, and will return the enclosures to-morrow.
The Queen gathers from what she has read that the Emperor is bent upon going, and that nothing in the shape of remonstrance or argument will turn him from his purpose.
Should the Emperor's journey take place, Lord Cowley's accompanying him appears to the Queen in all respects a most useful step, and the Queen gives accordingly her permission for him to go.
The Emperor's taking the management of the whole Campaign, as well as the command of our Forces, entirely into his own hands, involves so many considerations that it may be worth considering whether we ought not previously to come to a more direct and comprehensive understanding with him, such as full and verbal discussion would alone afford—to which, in some shape or other, his present stay at Boulogne might afford some facilities.
The Hague. 2nd March 1855.
(Received 3.45 p.m.)
The Emperor Nicholas died this morning at 1 A.M. of Pulmonic Apoplexy, after an attack of Influenza.43
Footnote 42: Who had married the sister of Lady John Russell.
Footnote 43: Nothing had been known publicly of the Czar's illness, and the startling news of his death caused a sensation in England of tragedy rather than of joy. Mr Kinglake has vividly depicted the feelings of agony and mortification with which the news of the earlier Russian reverses had been received by Nicholas. On the 1st of March, he received the full account of the disaster at Eupatoria, after which he became delirious, and died on the following day. He had stated, in referring to the horrors of that Crimean winter, that Russia had still two Generals on whom she could rely: Generals Janvier and Février; and Leech, with matchless art, now made his famous cartoon—"General Février turned traitor," depicting Death, in the uniform of a Russian officer, laying his bony hand on the Emperor's heart.
House of Commons, 2nd March 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty....
The death of the Emperor of Russia may or may not produce important changes in the state of affairs. It is probable that the Grand Duke Hereditary will succeed quietly, notwithstanding the notion that a doubt would be started whether he, as son of the Grand Duke Nicholas, would not be superseded by his younger brother born son of the Czar.44 It is possible that the new Emperor may revert to that peaceful policy which he was understood to advocate in the beginning of these transactions, but it is possible, on the other hand, that he may feel bound to follow out the policy of his father, and may be impelled by the headstrong ambition of his brother Constantine. At all events, this change at Petersburg should not for the present slacken the proceedings and the arrangements of the Allies.
The House of Commons has been engaged in discussing Mr Roebuck's proposal that the Committee of Enquiry should be a secret one. This proposal was made by the majority of the Committee on the ground that they anticipated a difficulty in conducting their enquiries without trenching on the delicate and dangerous ground of questioning the proceedings of the French. The proposal was objected to by Lord Seymour45 and Mr Ellice, members of the Committee, by Sir James Graham as unjust towards the Duke of Newcastle, and others whose conduct ought to be enquired into with all the safeguards which publicity secures for justice, and not before a Secret Tribunal in the nature of an Inquisition. The general sense of the House was against secrecy, and Viscount Palmerston expressed an opinion adverse to it, on the ground that it could not be enforced because the Committee could not gag the witnesses, and that the character of secrecy would excite suspicion and disappoint public expectation. Sir John Pakington, a member of the Committee, was for secrecy, Mr Disraeli spoke against it, and the Motion has been withdrawn.
Footnote 44: The eldest son, the Grand Duke Alexander (1818-1881), succeeded as Czar Alexander II.
Footnote 45: Lord Seymour (afterwards Duke of Somerset) drafted the Report of the Committee.
Buckingham Palace, 4th March 1855.
Dear Augusta,—The astounding news of the death of your poor uncle the Emperor Nicholas reached us the day before yesterday at four o'clock. A few hours previously we had learnt that his condition was hopeless. The news is sudden and most unexpected, and we are naturally very anxious to learn details. His departure from life at the present moment cannot but make a particularly strong impression, and what the consequences of it may be the All-knowing One alone can foresee. Although the poor Emperor has died as our enemy, I have not forgotten former and more happy times, and no one has more than I regretted that he himself evoked this sad war.46 To you I must address my request to express to the poor Empress, as well as to the family, my heartfelt condolence. I cannot do it officially, but you, my beloved friend, you will surely be able to convey it to your sister-in-law as well as to the present young Emperor in a manner which shall not compromise me. I have a deep, heartfelt desire to express this. To your dear, honoured mother convey, pray, my condolence on the death of her brother....
Footnote 46: The Queen records, in the Life of the Prince Consort, that she entertained a sincere respect for the Emperor personally, and received the news of his death with regret (vol. iii. p. 225, note).
Buckingham Palace, 5th March 1855.
The Queen is very anxious to bring before Lord Panmure the subject which she mentioned to him the other night, viz. that of Hospitals for our sick and wounded soldiers. This is absolutely necessary, and now is the moment to have them built, for no doubt there would be no difficulty in obtaining the money requisite for this purpose, from the strong feeling now existing in the public mind for improvements of all kinds connected with the Army and the well-being and comfort of the soldier.
Nothing can exceed the attention paid to these poor men in the Barracks at Chatham (or rather more Fort Pitt and Brompton), and they are in that respect very comfortable; but the buildings are bad—the wards more like prisons than hospitals, with the windows so high that no one can look out of them; and the generality of the wards are small rooms, with hardly space for you to walk between the beds. There is no dining-room or hall, so that the poor men must have their dinners in the same room in which they sleep, and in which some may be dying, and at any rate many suffering, while others are at their meals. The proposition of having hulks prepared for their reception will do very well at first, but it would not, the Queen thinks, do for any length of time. A hulk is a very gloomy place, and these poor men require their spirits to be cheered as much as their physical sufferings to be attended to. The Queen is particularly anxious on this subject, which is, he may truly say, constantly in her thoughts, as is everything connected with her beloved troops, who have fought so bravely and borne so heroically all their sufferings and privations.
The Queen hopes before long to visit all the Hospitals at Portsmouth, and to see in what state they are.
When will the medals be ready for distribution?
Ootacamund, 14th March 1855.
The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to your Majesty; and in obedience to the command, which your Majesty was pleased to lay upon him, that he should keep your Majesty acquainted with the course of public events in India, he has the honour to inform your Majesty that he has now felt it to be his duty to request the President of the Board of Control to solicit for him your Majesty's permission to retire from the office of Governor-General of India about the close of the present year.
The Governor-General begs permission respectfully to represent, that in January next, he will have held his present office for eight years; that his health during the last few months has seriously failed him; and that although he believes that the invigorating air of these hills will enable him to discharge all his duties efficiently during this season, yet he is conscious that the effects of an Indian climate have laid such a hold upon him that by the close of the present year he will be wholly unfit any longer to serve your Majesty.
Lord Dalhousie, therefore, humbly trusts that your Majesty will graciously permit him to resign the great office which he holds before he ceases to command the strength which is needed to sustain it. He has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble and devoted Subject and Servant,
Buckingham Palace, 14th March 1855.
The Queen returns the letter and Despatches from Vienna. They don't alter her opinion as to our demands. Every concession in form and wording ought to be made which could save Russian amour-propre; but this ought in no way to trench upon the substance of our demands, to which Austria must feel herself bound.47
Footnote 47: As has already been stated, the "Four Points" were the basis of the negotiations at Vienna; the third alone, which the Allies and Austria had defined as intended to terminate Russian preponderance in the Black Sea, caused difficulty.
Osborne, 19th March 1855.
The Queen has read with the greatest interest Lord Cowley's three reports. The changeableness of the French views are most perplexing, although they have hitherto not prevented a steady course from being followed in the end. Lord Cowley seems to have been a little off his guard when he took the proposal of our taking Sinope as a second Malta or Gibraltar, for a mere act of generosity and confidence towards us. We must be careful not to break down ourselves the barrier of the "abnegation clause" of our original treaty.48 The Austrian proposal can hardly be serious, for to require 1,200,000 men before going to war is almost ridiculous.
The Queen read with much concern the two simultaneous proposals from the King of Prussia's simultaneous Plenipotentiaries—both inadmissible, in her opinion. A very civil answer would appear to the Queen as the best, to the effect that, as Prussia was evidently not now in a mood to resume her position amongst the great Powers with the responsibilities attaching to it, we could not hope to arrive at any satisfactory result by the present negotiations, but shall be ready to treat Prussia with the same regard with which we have always done, when she shall have something tangible to propose.
Footnote 48: I.e. the formal renunciation by the Allies of any scheme of territorial acquisition.
Osborne, 19th March 1855.
With regard to the Expedition to the Baltic49 the Queen concurs in believing it probable that we shall have to confine ourselves to a blockade, but this should be with the certainty of its being done effectually and free from any danger to the squadron, from a sudden start of the Russian fleet. Twenty sail of the Line (to which add five French) would be a sufficient force if supported by the necessary complement of frigates, corvettes, and gunboats, etc., etc.; alone, they would be useless from their draught of water, and if twenty ships only are meant (not sail of the Line), the force would seem wholly inadequate. The Queen would therefore wish, before giving her sanction to the proposed plan of campaign, to have a complete list submitted to her of what it is intended to constitute the Baltic Fleet.50 We ought likewise not to leave ourselves destitute of any Reserve at home, which the uncertain contingencies of another year's war may call upon at any moment.
The Queen regrets Lord Shaftesbury's declining office, and approves of Lord Elgin's selection in his place.51
She thanks Lord Palmerston for the clear and comprehensive explanation of Sir George Lewis's Stamp Duties Bill,52 and approves of Lord Palmerston's proposal for the adjournment of Parliament for the Easter holidays.
Footnote 49: The expedition was commanded by Rear-Admiral Richard Dundas. About the same time Vice-Admiral Sir James Dundas retired from the Mediterranean Command, in favour of Sir Edmund Lyons.
Footnote 50: The allied fleet comprised 23 line-of-battle ships, 31 frigates and corvettes, 29 smaller steamers and gunboats, and 18 other craft.
Footnote 51: As Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; Mr Matthew Talbot Baines was ultimately appointed.
Footnote 52: Imposing a penny stamp upon bankers' cheques, if drawn within fifteen miles of the place where they were payable.
Osborne, 22nd March 1855.
The other day, when the Queen spoke to Lord Panmure on the subject of the distribution of the Medal for the Crimean Campaign amongst the Officers, and those who are in this country, no decision was come to as to how this should be done. The Queen has since thought that the value of this Medal would be greatly enhanced if she, were personally to deliver it to the officers and a certain number of men (selected for that purpose). The valour displayed by our troops, as well as the sufferings they have endured, have never been surpassed—perhaps hardly equalled; and as the Queen has been a witness of what they have gone through, having visited them in their hospitals, she would like to be able personally to give them the reward they have earned so well, and will value so much. It will likewise have a very beneficial effect, the Queen doubts not, on the recruiting. The manner in which it should be done, and the details connected with the execution of this intention of hers, the Queen will settle with Lord Panmure, when she sees him in Town.
Will the Medals now be soon ready?
Windsor Castle, 17th April 1855.
Dearest Uncle,—Your kindness will, I know, excuse any description of all that has passed, and is passing, and I leave it to Charles. The impression is very favourable.53 There is great fascination in the quiet, frank manner of the Emperor, and she is very pleasing, very graceful, and very unaffected, but very delicate. She is certainly very pretty and very uncommon-looking. The Emperor spoke very amiably of you. The reception by the public was immensely enthusiastic. I must end here. Ever your devoted Niece,
Footnote 53: The Emperor and Empress of the French arrived on the 16th of April, on a visit to England. They were enthusiastically received both at Dover (notwithstanding a dense fog, which endangered the safety of the Imperial yacht) and on their progress from the South-Eastern terminus to Paddington. In passing King Street, the Emperor was observed to indicate his former residence to the Empress.
Buckingham Palace, 19th April 1855.
Dearest Uncle, ... I have not a moment to myself, being of course entirely occupied with our Imperial guests, with whom I am much pleased, and who behave really with the greatest tact.54 The Investiture went off very well, and to-day (we came from Windsor) the enthusiasm of the thousands who received him in the City was immense. He is much pleased. Since the time of my Coronation, with the exception of the opening of the great Exhibition, I don't remember anything like it. To-night we go in state to the Opera. In haste, ever your devoted Niece,
Footnote 54: A review of the Household troops in Windsor Park was held on the 17th, and a ball was given at the Castle in the evening. A Council of War on the 18th was attended by the Prince, the Emperor, and some of their Ministers; in the afternoon the Queen invested the Emperor with the Garter. On the following day the Emperor received an address at Windsor from the Corporation of London, and lunched at the Guildhall; the Queen and Prince and their guests paid a State visit to Her Majesty's Theatre in the evening to hear Fidelio. On the 20th the party, with brilliant ceremonial, visited the Crystal Palace at Sydenham, and were enthusiastically received by an immense multitude; another important Council, relative to the future conduct of the war, was held in the evening.
Buckingham Palace, 24th April 1855.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your kind letter of the 19th and 20th, by which I am glad to see that you were well. Our great visit is past, like a brilliant and most successful dream, but I think the effect on the visitors will be a good and lasting one; they saw in our reception, and in that of the whole Nation, nothing put on, but a warm, hearty welcome to a faithful and steady Ally. I think also that for Belgium this visit will be very useful, for it will increase the friendly feelings of the Emperor towards my dear Uncle, and towards a country in which England takes so deep an interest.
The negotiations are broken off, and Austria has been called upon to act according to the Treaty of the 2nd December. She intends, I believe, to make some proposal, but we know nothing positive as yet. In the meantime I fear the Emperor (I mean Napoleon) will go to the Crimea, which makes one anxious.... Ever your devoted Niece,
Buckingham Palace, 25th April 1855.
The Queen has read the letter of Lady —— to Lady Palmerston, and now returns it to Lord Palmerston.
She has to observe that it has been with her an invariable rule never to take upon herself the office of sitting in judgment upon accusations or reports against private character. No person therefore can have any reason to suppose that she will by marked neglect or manner appear to pronounce a verdict upon matters in which she is not the proper Court of Appeal.
Palais des Tuileries, le 25 Avril 1855.
Madame et bonne Sœur,—A Paris depuis trois jours, je suis encore auprès de votre Majesté par la pensée, et mon premier besoin est de Lui redire combien est profonde l'impression que m'a laissée son accueil si plein de grâce et d'affectueuse bonté. La politique nous a rapprochés d'abord, mais aujourd'hui qu'il m'a été permis de connaître personnellement votre Majesté c'est une vive et respectueuse sympathie qui forme désormais le véritable lien qui m'attache à elle. Il est impossible en effet de vivre quelques jours dans votre intimité sans subir le charme qui s'attache à l'image de la grandeur et du bonheur de la famille la plus unie. Votre Majesté m'a aussi bien touché par ses prévenances délicates envers l'Impératrice; car rien ne fait plus de plaisir que de voir la personne qu'on aime devenir l'objet d'aussi flatteuses attentions.
Je prie votre Majesté d'exprimer au Prince Albert les sentiments sincères que m'inspirent sa franche amitié, son esprit élevé et la droiture de son jugement.
J'ai rencontré à mon retour à Paris bien des difficultés diplomatiques et bien d'autres intervenants au sujet de mon voyage en Crimée. Je dirai en confidence à votre Majesté que ma résolution de voyage s'en trouve presque ébranlée. En France tous ceux qui possèdent sont bien peu courageux!
Votre Majesté voudra bien me rappeler au souvenir de sa charmante famille et me permettre de Lui renouveler l'assurance de ma respectueuse amitié et de mon tendre attachement. De votre Majesté, le bon Frère,
Buckingham Palace, le 27 Avril 1855.
Sire et mon cher Frère,—Votre Majesté vient de m'écrire une bien bonne et affectueuse lettre que j'ai reçue hier et qui m'a vivement touchée. Vous dites, Sire, que vos pensées sont encore auprès de nous; je puis Vous assurer que c'est bien réciproque de notre part et que nous ne cessons de repasser en revue et de parler de ces beaux jours que nous avons eu le bonheur de passer avec Vous et l'Impératrice et qui se sont malheureusement écoulés si vite. Nous sommes profondément touchés de la manière dont votre Majesté parle de nous et de notre famille, et je me plais à voir dans les sentiments que vous nous témoignez un gage précieux de plus pour la continuation de ces relations si heureusement et si fermement établies entre nos deux pays.
Permettez que j'ajoute encore, Sire, combien de prix j'attache à l'entière franchise avec laquelle Vous ne manquez d'agir envers nous en toute occasion et à laquelle Vous nous trouverez toujours prêts à répondre, bien convaincus que c'est le moyen le plus sûr pour éloigner tout sujet de complication et de mésentendu entre nos deux Gouvernements vis-à-vis des graves difficultés que nous avons à surmonter ensemble.
Depuis le départ de votre Majesté les complications diplomatiques ont augmenté bien péniblement et la position est assurément devenue bien difficile mais le Ciel n'abandonnera pas ceux qui n'ont d'autre but que le bien du genre humain.
J'avoue que la nouvelle de la possibilité de l'abandon de votre voyage en Crimée m'a bien tranquillisée parce qu'il y avait bien des causes d'alarmes en vous voyant partir si loin et exposé à tant de dangers. Mais bien que l'absence de votre Majesté en Crimée soit toujours une grande perte pour les opérations vigoureuses dont nous sommes convenus, j'espère que leur exécution n'en sera pas moins vivement poussée par nos deux Gouvernements.
Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses plus affectueux hommages et nos enfants qui sont bien flattés de votre gracieux souvenir, et qui parlent beaucoup de votre visite, se mettent à vos pieds.
Avec tous les sentiments de sincère amitié et de haute estime, je me dis, Sire et cher Frère, de V.M.I. la bien bonne Sœur,