Buckingham Palace, 3rd February 1855.
Footnote 28: This Memorandum, though signed by the Queen, was written by the Prince.
Lord Lansdowne arrived at half-past nine in the evening, and met our question whether he had anything satisfactory to report, with the remark that he saw his way less than ever, and that matters had rather gone backward since he had been here in the morning. He had been in the afternoon at Sir James Graham's bedside, who had had a consultation with Mr Gladstone, and declared to him that the country was tired of Coalitions, and wanted a united Cabinet; that they (the Peelites) could not possibly serve under Lord John or even with him after what had happened; that he felt the strongest objections to serving under Lord Palmerston. They were one and all for the vigorous prosecution of the war, but in order to attain a speedy peace. Lord Palmerston was known to entertain ulterior views, on which he was secretly agreed with the Emperor of the French; and when it came to the question of negotiations, the Government was sure to break up on a ground most dangerous to the country. Lord Lansdowne could but agree in all this, and added he had been tempted to feel his pulse to know how much it had gone down since he had been with Sir James.
The meeting between Lord Palmerston and Lord John had just taken place in his presence. They had discussed everything most openly, but being both very guarded to say nothing which could lead the other to believe that the one would serve under the other. He confessed everything was darker now than before. They both seemed to wish to form a Government, but he could really not advise the Queen what to do under the circumstances.
I summed up that the Queen appeared to me reduced to the necessity of now entrusting one of the two with a positive commission. It was very important that it should not appear that the Queen had any personal objection to Lord Palmerston; on the other hand, under such doubtful circumstances, it would be safest for the Queen to follow that course which was clearly the most constitutional, and this was, after having failed with Lord Derby, to go to Lord John, who was the other party to the destruction of the late Government. The Queen might write such a letter to Lord John as would record the political reasons which led to her determination. Lord Lansdowne highly approved of this, and suggested the addition of an expression of the Queen's hope of seeing Lord Palmerston associated in that formation.
I drew up the annexed draft which Lord Lansdowne read over and entirely approved.
He has no idea that Lord John will succeed in his task, but thinks it a necessary course to go through, and most wholesome to Lord John to have his eyes opened to his own position, of which he verily believed he was not the least aware.
Windsor Castle, 4th February 1855.
The Queen quite approves of the pension to Sir G. Grey, which he has fully earned, but would wish Lord Aberdeen well to consider the exact moment at which to offer it to him, as Sir George is so very delicate in his feelings of honour. Lord John Russell will probably have to give up the task of forming an Administration on account of Sir George's declining to join him. If the pension were offered to him by Lord Aberdeen during the progress of negotiations, he could not help feeling, she thinks, exceedingly embarrassed.
Chesham Place, 4th February 1855.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He saw last night Sir George Grey, who is extremely averse to the formation of a purely Whig Government at this time. Since that time he has received the two notes enclosed: one from Lord Palmerston, the other early this morning from Lord Clarendon.29
It only remains for him to acknowledge your Majesty's great kindness, and to resign into your Majesty's hands the task your Majesty was pleased to confide to him.
Footnote 29: Lord Palmerston wrote:—
"144 Piccadilly, 3rd February 1855.
"My dear John Russell,—I certainly inferred from what Clarendon said this afternoon at your house, that he had pretty well made up his mind to a negative answer, and I could only say to you that which I said to Derby when he asked me to join him, that I should be very unwilling, in the present state of our Foreign relations, to belong to any Government in which the management of our Foreign Affairs did not remain in Clarendon's hands.
"George Grey, by your account, seems to tend to the same conclusion as Clarendon, and I think, from what fell from Molesworth, whom I sat next to at the Speaker's dinner this evening, that he would not be disposed to accept any offer that you might make him.
Lord Clarendon wrote:—
"Grosvenor Crescent, 3rd February 1855.
"My dear Lord John,—The more I reflect upon the subject, the more I feel convinced that such a Government as you propose to form would not satisfy the public nor command the confidence of the Country.
"To yourself personally I am sure it would be most injurious if you attempted to carry on the Government with inadequate means at this moment of national danger.
"On public and on private grounds, therefore, I should wish to take no part in an Administration that cannot in my opinion be either strong or permanent. Yours sincerely,
Windsor Castle, 4th February 1855.
Lord John Russell having just informed the Queen that he was obliged to resign the task which the Queen confided to him, she addresses herself to Lord Palmerston to ask him whether he can undertake to form an Administration which will command the confidence of Parliament and efficiently conduct public affairs in this momentous crisis? Should he think that he is able to do so, the Queen commissions him to undertake the task. She does not send for him, having fully discussed with him yesterday the state of public affairs, and in order to save time. The Queen hopes to receive an answer from Lord Palmerston as soon as possible, as upon this her own movements will depend.
144 Piccadilly, 4th February 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and with a deep sense of the importance of the commission which your Majesty asks whether he will undertake, he hastens to acknowledge the gracious communication which he has just had the honour to receive from your Majesty.
Viscount Palmerston has reason to think that he can undertake with a fair prospect of success to form an Administration which will command the confidence of Parliament and effectually conduct public affairs in the present momentous crisis, and as your Majesty has been graciously pleased to say that if such is his opinion, your Majesty authorises him to proceed immediately to the accomplishment of the task, he will at once take steps for the purpose; and he trusts that he may be able in the course of to-morrow to report to your Majesty whether his present expectations are in the way to be realised.
Piccadilly, 5th February 1855.
(5 p.m.)
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has had the honour to receive your Majesty's communication of to-day; and in accordance with your Majesty's desire, he begs to report the result of his proceedings up to the present time.
The Marquis of Lansdowne, the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Clarendon, the Earl Granville, Sir George Grey, Sir Charles Wood, have expressed their willingness to be members of the Administration which Viscount Palmerston is endeavouring to form, provided it can be constructed upon a basis sufficiently broad to give a fair prospect of duration.
Mr Gladstone, Mr Sidney Herbert, and the Duke of Argyll have declined chiefly on the ground of personal and political attachment to the Earl of Aberdeen, against whom, as well as against the Duke of Newcastle, they say they consider the vote of the House of Commons of last week as having been levelled. Viscount Palmerston has not yet been able to ascertain the decision of Sir James Graham, but it will probably be the same as that of his three colleagues.
Viscount Palmerston hopes, nevertheless, to be able to submit for your Majesty's consideration such a list as may meet with your Majesty's approval, and he will have the honour of reporting further to your Majesty to-morrow.
Buckingham Palace, 6th February 1855.
We came to Town to hear the result of negotiations, and saw Lord Palmerston at one o'clock. He said there were circumstances which prevented him from submitting a List of the Cabinet, but would at all events be able to do so in the afternoon.
Lords Lansdowne, Clarendon, Granville, Sir G. Grey, Sir C. Wood, Sir William Molesworth, and the Chancellor had consented to serve—unconditionally—having withdrawn their former conditions in consequence of the very general opinion expressed out of doors that the country could not much longer be left without a Government. He heard this had also made an impression upon the Peelites, who had refused to join. He submitted their letters (declining) to the Queen, of which copies are here annexed. They had been written after consultation with Sir J. Graham, but Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle having heard of it, have since exerted themselves strongly to prevail upon them to change their opinion, and it was still possible that they would do so. Lord Clarendon had suggested that if Lord Aberdeen himself was invited to join the Government, and could be induced to do so, this would obviate all difficulty. He had in consequence asked Lord Lansdowne to see Lord Aberdeen on the subject, as his joining could only be agreeable to him. Many of the Peelites not in the late Cabinet had strongly disapproved of the decision taken by Mr Gladstone and friends, and offered their services, amongst others Lord Canning, Lord Elcho,30 and Mr Cardwell.
Footnote 30: Now Earl of Wemyss.
Lord Palmerston had been with Lord John Russell yesterday, and had had a very long conversation with him in a most friendly tone; he asked Lord John whether he would follow out the proposal which he had lately made himself, and take the lead in the House of Lords as President of the Council. He declined, however, saying he preferred to stay out of office and to remain in the House of Commons, which Lord Palmerston obviously much regretted. They went, however, together all over the offices and their best distribution. He would recommend Lord Panmure for the War Department and Mr Layard as Under Secretary.... Lord Palmerston was appointed to report further progress at five o'clock.
Buckingham Palace, 6th February 1855.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—It would be a great relief to the Queen if you were to agree to a proposal which we understand is being made to you to join the new Government, and by so doing to induce also Mr Gladstone, Mr S. Herbert, and Sir James Graham to do the same.
London, 6th February 1855.
Sir,—I am sanguine in believing that the great object of the union of my friends with the new Government may be attained without the painful sacrifice to which your Royal Highness refers. Contrary to my advice, they yesterday declined to remain in the Cabinet, but I have renewed the subject to-day, and they have finally decided to place themselves in my hands. This rendered other explanations necessary, before I could undertake so great a responsibility. When I shall have the honour of seeing your Royal Highness, I will, with your Royal Highness's permission, communicate what has passed, so far as I am concerned.
I venture to enclose the copy of a letter which I addressed to Mr Herbert this morning, in answer to one received from him late last night, in which he expressed his doubts of the propriety of the first decision at which they had arrived. I have the honour to be, Sir, your Royal Highness's most humble and devoted Servant,
Argyll House, 6th February 1855.
My dear Herbert,—I received your letter too late to answer it last night. In fact, I had gone to bed.
You say that you are in a great difficulty as to the course you ought to take. I am in none whatever.
I gave you my decided opinion yesterday that you ought to continue in Palmerston's Administration; and I endeavoured to support this opinion by the very arguments which you repeat in your letter to me. Surely this letter ought to have been addressed to Gladstone and Graham, and not to me. I fully concur in thinking that you came to a wrong conclusion yesterday, and I would fain hope that it would still be reversed.
When you sent to me yesterday to attend your meeting, I certainly hoped it was with the intention of following my advice.
Your reluctance to continue in Palmerston's Cabinet is chiefly founded on the apprehension that he will pursue a warlike policy beyond reasonable bounds. I have already told you that I have had some explanations with him on the terms of peace, with which I am satisfied. But whatever may be his inclinations, you ought to rely on the weight of your own character and opinions in the Cabinet. I am persuaded that the sentiments of the great majority of the Members of the Cabinet are similar to your own, and that you may fairly expect reason and sound policy to prevail in the question of peace and war.
But above all I have recently had some very full conversations with Clarendon on the subject, and I am entirely satisfied with his disposition and intentions. I am sanguine in the belief that he will give effect to his present views.
A perseverance in the refusal to join Palmerston will produce very serious effects, and will never be attributed to its true cause. The public feeling will be strongly pronounced against you, and you will greatly suffer in reputation, if you persevere at such a moment as this in refusing to continue in the Cabinet.
In addition to the public necessity, I think you owe much to our late Whig colleagues, who behaved so nobly and generously towards us after Lord John's resignation. They have some right to expect this sacrifice.
Although your arguments do not apply to me, for I yesterday adopted them all, you conclude your letter by pressing me to enter the Cabinet. Now there is really no sense in this, and I cannot imagine how you can seriously propose it. You would expose me to a gratuitous indignity, to which no one ought to expect me to submit. I say gratuitous, because I could not be of the slightest use in such a situation for the purpose you require.
I can retire with perfect equanimity from the Government in consequence of the vote of the House of Commons; but to be stigmatised as the Head and tolerated as the subordinate member I cannot endure.
If at any future time my presence should be required in a Cabinet, I should feel no objection to accept any office, or to enter it without office. But to be the Head of a Cabinet to-day, and to become a subordinate member of the very same Cabinet to-morrow, would be a degradation to which I could never submit, that I would rather die than do so—and indeed the sense of it would go far to kill me.
If you tell me that your retaining your present offices, without the slightest sacrifice, but on the contrary with the approbation of all, is in any degree to depend on my taking such a course, I can only say that, as friends, I cannot believe it possible that you should be guilty of such wanton cruelty without any national object.
I must, then, again earnestly exhort you to reconsider the decision of yesterday, and to continue to form part of the Government. I will do anything in my power to facilitate this. If you like, I will go to Palmerston and promote any explanation between him and Gladstone on the subject of peace and war. Or I will tell him that you have yielded to my strong recommendation. In short, I am ready to do anything in my power.
I wish you to show this letter to Gladstone and to Graham, to whom, as you will see, it is addressed as much as to yourself.
I hope to meet you this morning, and Gladstone will also come to the Admiralty. Yours, etc.
Buckingham Palace, 6th February 1855.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—We are just returning to Windsor. Lord Palmerston kissed hands after having announced that his Peelite colleagues also have agreed to keep their offices. The Queen is thus relieved from great anxiety and difficulty, and feels that she owes much to your kind and disinterested assistance. I can quite understand what you say in the letter which I return. You must make allowances also, however, for the wishes of your friends not to be separated from you. You will not be annoyed by further proposals from here.
To-morrow we shall have an opportunity of further conversation with you upon the state of affairs. Believe me always, yours, etc.,
Buckingham Palace, 6th February 1855.
My dearest Uncle,—We are here again for a few hours in order to try and facilitate the formation of a Government, which seemed almost hopeless.
Van de Weyer will have informed you of the successive failures of Lord Derby and Lord John ... and of Lord Palmerston being now charged with the formation of a Government! I had no other alternative. The Whigs will join with him, and I have got hopes, also the Peelites, which would be very important, and would tend to allay the alarm which his name will, I fear, produce abroad.
I will leave this letter open to the last moment in the hope of giving you some decisive news before we return to Windsor....
I am a good deal worried and knocked up by all that has passed; my nerves, which have suffered very severely this last year, have not been improved by what has passed during this trying fortnight—for it will be a fortnight to-morrow that the beginning of the mischief began....
Six o'clock p.m.—One word to say that Lord Palmerston has just kissed hands as Prime Minister. All the Peelites except poor dear Aberdeen (whom I am deeply grieved to lose) and the Duke of Newcastle, remain. It is entirely Aberdeen's doing, and very patriotic and handsome of him. In haste, ever your devoted Niece,
Windsor Castle, 7th February 1855 .
Though the Queen hopes to see Lord Aberdeen at six, she seizes the opportunity of approving the appointment of the Hon. and Rev. A. Douglas31 to the living of St Olave's, Southwark, to say what she hardly dares to do verbally without fearing to give way to her feelings; she wishes to say what a pang it is for her to separate from so kind and dear and valued a friend as Lord Aberdeen has ever been to her since she has known him. The day he became Prime Minister was a very happy one for her; and throughout his Ministry he has ever been the kindest and wisest adviser—one to whom she could apply on all and trifling occasions even. This she is sure he will still ever be. But the thought of losing him as her First Adviser in her Government is very painful. The pain is to a certain extent lessened by the knowledge of all he has done to further the formation of this Government, in so noble, loyal, and disinterested a manner, and by his friends retaining their posts, which is a great security against possible dangers. The Queen is sure that the Prince and herself may ever rely on his valuable support and advice in all times of difficulty, and she now concludes with the expression of her warmest thanks for all his kindness and devotion, as well as of her unalterable friendship and esteem for him, and with every wish for his health and happiness.
Footnote 31: The Hon. Arthur Gascoigne Douglas (1827-1905), son of the nineteenth Earl of Morton; Bishop of Aberdeen and Orkney, 1883-1905.
Piccadilly, 7th February 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that a difficulty has arisen in regard to the reconstruction of the Administration, which your Majesty might perhaps be able to assist in removing. It is considered by the Members of the proposed Cabinet to be a matter of great importance that Lord Lansdowne should not only be a Member of the Cabinet, but that he should also be the Organ of the Government in the House of Lords.
Viscount Palmerston pressed this upon Lord Lansdowne yesterday afternoon, and was under the impression that Lord Lansdowne had consented to be so acknowledged, with the understanding that Lord Granville, as President of the Council, should relieve him from the pressure of the daily business of the House, while Lord Clarendon would take the burthen of Foreign Office discussions, and that thus the ordinary duties of Leader of the House of Lords would be performed by others, while Lord Lansdowne would still be the directing chief, who would give a character and tone to the body. But Viscount Palmerston learns this morning from Lord Granville and Lord Bessborough that Lord Lansdowne does not so understand the matter, and is unwilling to assume the ostensible Leadership, even upon the above-mentioned arrangement, and that he wishes Lord Granville to be the Leader in the House of Lords.
Lord Granville, however, with reason urges that there are many members of the House of Lords who would show to Lord Lansdowne, from his long standing and high political position, a deference which they would not show towards Lord Granville, so much younger a man. If Lord Lansdowne were in Town, Viscount Palmerston would have gone to him strongly to entreat him to be the person to announce in the House of Lords the formation of a Ministry, and to continue to be the organ of the Government in that House, at least till Easter, and upon such matters and occasions as might require the weight of his authority; but if your Majesty were to view the matter in the same light in which it has presented itself to Viscount Palmerston, to the Chancellor, to Lord Clarendon, to Lord Granville and others, and if your Majesty should think fit to express an opinion upon it to Lord Lansdowne, such an opinion would no doubt have great weight with Lord Lansdowne.
Viscount Palmerston submits a list of the proposed Cabinet. Until Sir George Grey returns to Town this afternoon from Portsmouth, whither he went yesterday evening to take leave of his son, who has a commission in the Rifles,32 and was to embark this morning for the Crimea, Viscount Palmerston will not know whether he prefers the Colonial Office or the Home Office. Whichever of the two he chooses, Mr Herbert will take the other. Viscount Palmerston does not submit to your Majesty the name of any person for the office of Secretary at War, as he proposes that that office shall merge in the office of Secretary of State for the War Department, and Viscount Palmerston suspends for the present any recommendation to your Majesty for the office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, as that office may be made available for giving strength either in the House of Lords or in the House of Commons according to circumstances.
Footnote 32: George Henry Grey, afterwards Lieut.-Colonel of the Northumberland Militia, and Captain in the Grenadier Guards; father of the present Sir Edward Grey, M.P. He predeceased his father in 1874.
Windsor Castle, 7th February 1855.
The Queen has just received Lord Palmerston's letter with the List of the Government, which she approves. She entirely agrees with him in the view he takes with respect to Lord Lansdowne's position in the House of Lords, and will write to him on the subject. From what he said, however, the Queen would hope that he would not be disinclined to make the announcement of the Government as well as to take the lead on all occasions of great importance.33
The Queen approves that the office of Secretary at War should remain open at present; but as regards the question itself of these two offices, she reserves her judgment till the subject is submitted to her in a definite form.
Footnote 33: Lord Lansdowne consented, on particular occasions only, to represent the Government, but claimed to be himself the judge of the expediency or necessity of his doing so. The ministerial life of this doyen of the Whig Party spanned half a century, for he had, as Lord Henry Petty, been Chancellor of the Exchequer in the ministry of "All the Talents" in 1806-1807. Lord Granville now assumed the Liberal leadership in the Lords, which, as Lord Fitzmaurice points out, he held, with a brief exception of three years, till his death in 1891].
10th February 1855.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to say that, with the permission of Lord Palmerston, and at the urgent recommendation of Lord Aberdeen and Lord Lansdowne, he has made to Lord John Russell the proposal to act as our negotiator at Vienna, which your Majesty was pleased to sanction on Wednesday night.34
Lord Clarendon thinks, that whether the negotiations end in peace or are suddenly to be broken off, no man is so likely as Lord John to be approved by the Country for whichever course of proceeding he may adopt, and it will be a great advantage that the negotiator himself should be able to vindicate his own conduct in Parliament.
Lord Clarendon has this evening received a very kind and friendly answer from Lord John, who is disposed to accept, but desires another day to consider the proposal.
As our relations with the United States are of the utmost importance at this moment, and as they have rather improved of late, Lord Clarendon humbly hopes he may be excused if he ventures to suggest to your Majesty the expediency of inviting Mr Buchanan35 to Windsor.
Footnote 34: In pursuance of the negotiations referred to (ante, p. 65), a conference of the Powers was held at Vienna. Lord John's view of the attitude which he hoped Great Britain would take up is clearly stated in his letter of the 11th to Lord Clarendon, printed in Walpole's Life of Lord John Russell, vol. ii. p. 242. He favoured the admission of Prussia to the Conference.
Footnote 35: American Minister to Great Britain, afterwards President of the United States.
Piccadilly, 10th February 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that having been very kindly received at Paris by the Emperor of the French, he thought it would be useful to write to the Emperor on the formation of the present Government, and he submits a copy of the letter36 which he addressed to the Emperor.
The Emperor, when Viscount Palmerston took leave of him, signified his intention of writing occasionally to Viscount Palmerston, and that is the reason why Viscount Palmerston adverts to such communications in his letter.
Viscount Palmerston has just had the honour to receive your Majesty's communication of this day, and will not fail to bear in mind the suggestions which it contains.
Footnote 36:
Londres, 8 Février 1855.
Sire,—Appelé par la Reine ma Souveraine au poste que maintenant j'occupe, je m'empresse de satisfaire au besoin que je sens d'exprimer à votre Majesté la grande satisfaction que j'éprouve à me trouver en rapport plus direct avec le Gouvernement de votre Majesté.
L'Alliance qui unit si heureusement la France et l'Angleterre et qui promet des résultats si avantageux pour toute l'Europe, prend son origine dans la loyauté, la franchise, et la sagacité de votre Majesté; et votre Majesté pourra toujours compter sur la loyauté et la franchise du Gouvernement Anglais. Et si votre Majesté avait jamais une communication à nous faire sur des idées non encore assez mûries pour être le sujet de Dépêches Officielles, je m'estimerais très honoré en recevant une telle communication de la part de votre Majesté.
Nous allons mettre un peu d'ordre à notre Camp devant Sevastopol, et en cela nous tâcherons d'imiter le bel exemple qui nous est montré par le Camp Français. A quelque chose cependant malheur est bon, et le mauvais état de l'Armée Anglaise a donné aux braves et généreux Français l'occasion de prodiguer à leurs frères d'armes des soins, qui ont excité la plus vive reconnaissance tant en Angleterre qu'à Balaclava. J'ai l'honneur d'être, Sire, etc. etc.,
Windsor Castle, 11th February 1855.
This letter gave us great uneasiness.... The sort of private correspondence which Lord Palmerston means to establish with the Emperor Napoleon is a novel and unconstitutional practice. If carried on behind the back of the Sovereign, it makes her Minister the Privy Councillor of a foreign Sovereign at the head of her affairs. How can the Foreign Secretary and Ambassador at Paris, the legitimate organs of communication, carry on their business, if everything has been privately preconcerted between the Emperor and the English Prime Minister? What control can the Cabinet hope to exercise on the Foreign Affairs under these circumstances?...
Windsor Castle, 11th February 1855.
The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his letter of the 10th, and for communicating to her the letter which he had addressed upon the 8th to the Emperor of the French on the formation of the present Government, the copy of which the Queen herewith returns.