Windsor Castle, 30th January 1855.
Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three. He came from the Cabinet, and tendered their unanimous resignation. Nothing could have been better, he said, than the feeling of the members towards each other. Had it not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep up Party differences, it must be confessed that the experiment of a coalition has succeeded admirably. We discussed future possibilities, and agreed that there remained nothing to be done but to offer the Government to Lord Derby, whose Party was numerically the strongest, and had carried the Motion. He supposed Lord Derby would be prepared for it, although he must have great difficulties, unless he took in men from other Parties, about which, however, nothing could be known at present.
Lord Aberdeen means to behave more generously to Lord Derby than he had done to him, and felt sure that his colleagues would feel a desire to support the Queen's new Government.
He said Lord Grey's plan17 had not met with the approbation of the House of Lords. The indignation at Lord John's conduct on all sides was strongly on the increase.
Lord Aberdeen was much affected at having to take leave of us.
Footnote 17: For concentrating in a single department the business connected with the administration of the Army.
Windsor Castle, 30th January 1855.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at Buckingham Palace (whither she is going for a few hours) to-morrow at half-past eleven.
Buckingham Palace, 31st January 1855.
The Queen has just received the Duke of Newcastle's letter.
She readily grants him the permission he asks,18 and seizes this opportunity of telling him how much she feels for him during this trying time, and what a high sense she shall ever entertain of his loyal, high-minded, and patriotic conduct, as well as of his unremitting exertions to serve his Sovereign and Country.
Footnote 18: The Duke, in order to refute Lord John Russell, asked leave to state what had passed in the Cabinet.
Windsor Castle, 31st January 1855.
We went up to Buckingham Palace and saw Lord Derby at half-past eleven. The Queen informed him of the resignation of the Government, and of her desire that he should try to form a new one. She addressed herself to him as the head of the largest Party in the House of Commons, and which had by its vote chiefly contributed to the overthrow of the Government. Lord Derby threw off this responsibility, saying that there had been no communication with Mr Roebuck, but that his followers could not help voting when Lord John Russell told them on authority that there was the most ample cause for enquiry, and the whole country cried out for it. Moreover, the Government, in meeting the Motion, laid its chief stress upon its implying a want of confidence in the Government—a confidence which they certainly did not enjoy. He ownedTHE LEADERSHIP that his Party was the most compact—mustering about two hundred and eighty men—but he had no men capable of governing the House of Commons, and he should not be able to present an Administration that would be accepted by the country unless it was strengthened by other combinations; he knew that the whole country cried out for Lord Palmerston as the only man fit for carrying on the war with success, and he owned the necessity of having him in the Government, were it even only to satisfy the French Government, the confidence of which was at this moment of the greatest importance; but he must say, speaking without reserve, that whatever the ignorant public might think, Lord Palmerston was totally unfit for the task. He had become very deaf as well as very blind, was seventy-one years old, and ... in fact, though he still kept up his sprightly manners of youth, it was evident that his day had gone by.19 ... Lord Derby thought, however, he might have the Lead of the House of Commons, which Mr Disraeli was ready to give up to him. For the War Department there were but two men—both very able, but both liable to objections: the first was Lord Grey, who would do it admirably, but with whom he disagreed in general politics, and in this instance on the propriety of the war, which he himself was determined to carry on with the utmost vigour; then came his peculiar views about the Amalgamation of Offices, in which he did not at all agree. The other was Lord Ellenborough, who was very able, and would certainly be very popular with the Army, but was very unmanageable; yet he hoped he could keep him in order. It might be doubtful whether Lord Hardinge could go on with him at the Horse Guards. We agreed in the danger of Lord Grey's Army proposal, and had to pronounce the opinion that Lord Ellenborough was almost mad. This led us to a long discussion upon the merits of the conduct of the war, upon which he seemed to share the general prejudices, but on being told some of the real facts and difficulties of the case, owned that these, from obvious reasons, could not be stated by the Government in their defence, and said that he was aware that the chief fault lay at headquarters in the Crimea. Lord Raglan ought to be recalled, as well as his whole staff, and perhaps he could render this less painful to him by asking him to join the Cabinet, where his military advice would be of great value.
Footnote 19: Lord Derby's judgment was not borne out by subsequent events. Lord Palmerston was Prime Minister when he died on the 18th of October 1865, ten years later. "The half-opened cabinet-box on his table, and the unfinished letter on his desk, testified that he was at his post to the last,"—Ashley's Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. ii. p. 273.
To be able to meet the House of Commons, however, Lord Derby said he required the assistance of men like Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert, and he was anxious to know whether the Queen could tell him upon what support he could reckon in that quarter. We told him we had reason to believe the Peelites would oppose a Government of Lord John Russell, but were inclined to support one of Lord Derby's; whether they were inclined to join in office, however, appeared very doubtful. The Queen having laid great stress on a good selection for the office of Foreign Affairs, Lord Derby said he would have to return to Lord Malmesbury, who, he thought, had done well before, and had now additional experience.
Should he not be able to obtain strength from the Peelites, he could not be able to form a creditable Government; he must give up the task, and thought the Queen might try some other combinations with Lord John Russell or Lord Lansdowne, etc.
He did not think a reconstruction of the old Government would be accepted by the country; however, whatever Government was formed to carry on the war, should not only not be opposed by him, but have his cordial support, provided it raised no question of general constitutional importance.
Should all attempts fail, he would be ready to come forward to the rescue of the country with such materials as he had, but it would be "a desperate attempt."
Lord Derby returned a little before two from Lord Palmerston, to whom he had gone in the first instance. Lord Palmerston was ready to accept the Lead of the House of Commons, and acknowledged that the man who undertook this could not manage the War Department besides. He undertook to sound Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert, but had, evidently much to Lord Derby's surprise, said that it must be a coalition, and not only the taking in of one or two persons, which does not seem to suit Lord Derby at all—nor was he pleased at Lord Palmerston's suggestion that he ought to try, by all means, to retain Lord Clarendon at the Foreign Office. Lord Palmerston was to sound the Peelites in the afternoon, and Lord Derby is to report the result to the Queen this evening.
St James' Square, 31st January 1855.
(9:30 p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to submit to your Majesty the answer which he has this moment received from Viscount Palmerston to the communication which he made to him this morning by your Majesty's command. Lord Derby has not yet received from Mr Sidney Herbert and Mr Gladstone the answers referred to in Lord Palmerston's letter; but, from the tenor of the latter, he fears there can be no doubt as to their purport. With respect to Lord Clarendon, Lord Derby is fully sensible of the advantage which might accrue to your Majesty's service from the continuance in office of a Minister of great ability, who is personally cognizant of all the intricate negotiations and correspondence which have taken place for the last two years; and neither personally nor politically would he anticipate on the part of his friends, certainly not on his own part, any difficulty under existing circumstances, in co-operating with Lord Clarendon; but the present political relations between Lord Clarendon and Lord Derby's friends are such that, except upon a special injunction from your Majesty, and under your Majesty's immediate sanction, he would not be justified in making any overtures in that direction.20 Should Lord Derby receive any communication from Mr Gladstone or Mr. Sidney Herbert before morning, he will send it down to your Majesty by the earliest opportunity in the morning. Lord Derby trusts that your Majesty will forgive the haste in which he writes, having actually, at the moment of receiving Lord Palmerston's answer, written a letter to say that he could not longer detain your Majesty's messenger. Lord Derby will take no farther step until he shall have been honoured by your Majesty's farther commands.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant and Subject,
Footnote 20: Although opposed to the ordinary procedure of party government, there were recent precedents for such overtures being made. When the Whigs displaced Peel in 1846, Lord John Russell attempted to include three of the outgoing Ministers in his Cabinet, and on the formation of the Coalition Ministry, negotiations were on foot to retain Lord St. Leonards on the woolsack.
1st February 1855.
Lord Derby came down here at eleven o'clock, and brought with him two letters he had received from Mr Gladstone and Mr Sidney Herbert, who both declared their willingness to give Lord Derby's Government an independent support, but on mature consideration their impossibility to take office in his Administration. Lord Derby said, as to the independent support, it reminded him of the definition of an independent Member of Parliament, viz. one that could not be depended upon. Under the circumstances, he would not be able to form such an Administration as could effectively carry on the Government.
He thought that Lord Palmerston had at first been willing to join, but it was now evident that the three letters had been written in concert.21
Footnote 21: Lord Palmerston wrote that, upon reflection, he had come to the conclusion that he would not, by joining the Government, give to it that stability which Lord Derby anticipated. He, however, gave the promise of his support to any Government which would carry on the war with energy and vigour, and maintain the alliances which had been formed.
He was anxious to carry any message to any other statesman with which the Queen might wish to entrust him. This the Queen declined, with her best thanks. He then wanted to know what statement Lord Aberdeen would make to-night in the House, stating it to be very important that it should not appear that the Administration had gone from Lord Aberdeen through any other hands than the ones which should finally accept it.
It would be well known that he had been consulted by the Queen, but there was no necessity for making it appear that he had undertaken to form an Administration. The fact was, that he had consulted none of his Party except Mr Disraeli, and that his followers would have reason to complain if they thought that he had put them altogether out of the question. We told him that we did not know what Lord Aberdeen meant to say, but the best thing would be on all accounts to state exactly the truth as it passed.
After he had taken leave of the Queen with reiterated assurances of gratitude and loyalty, I had a further long conversation with him, pointing out to him facts with which he could not be familiar, concerning our Army in the Crimea, our relations with our Ally, negotiations with the German Courts, the state of public men and the Press in this country, which convinced me that this country was in a crisis of the greatest magnitude, and the Crown in the greatest difficulties, which could not be successfully overcome unless political parties would show a little more patriotism than hitherto. They behaved a good deal like his independent Member of Parliament, and tried to aggravate every little mishap in order to get Party advantages out of it. I attacked him personally upon his ... opposition to the Foreign Enlistment Bill, and pointed to the fact that the French were now obtaining the services of that very Swiss Legion we stood so much in need of. His defence was a mere Parliamentary dialectic, accusing the clumsy way in which Ministers had introduced their Bill, but he promised to do what he could to relieve the difficulties of the country. In conclusion I showed him, under injunctions of secrecy, the letter I had received from Count Walewski, which showed to what a state of degradation the British Crown had been reduced by the efforts on all sides for Party objects to exalt the Emperor Napoleon, and make his will and use the sole standard for the English Government.22
Footnote 22: This curious letter of the Count stated in effect that the alliance of England and France, and the critical circumstances of the day, made Lords Palmerston and Clarendon indispensable members of any Ministry that might be formed.
Lord Derby called it the most audacious thing he had ever seen, adding that he had heard that Count Walewski had stated to somebody with reference to the Vienna Conferences: "What influence can a country like England pretend to exercise, which has no Army and no Government?"
I told him he was right, as every one here took pains to prove that we had no Army, and to bring about that the Queen should have no Government.
Windsor Castle, 2nd February 1855.
Lord Lansdowne arrived late yesterday evening. The Queen, after having stated that Lord Derby had given up the task of forming a Government, asked his advice under the present circumstances, to which he replied that he had little advice to give. I interrupted that at least he could impart knowledge to the Queen, upon which she could form a decision. The first and chief question was, What was Lord JohnLORD JOHN RUSSELL SUGGESTED Russell's position? Lord Lansdowne declared this to be the most difficult question of all to answer. He believed Lord John was not at all dissatisfied with the position he had assumed, and was under the belief that he could form an Administration capable of standing, even without the support of the Peelites. He (Lord Lansdowne) would certainly decline to have anything to do with it, as it could receive its support only from the extreme Radical side, which was not favourable to Lord John, but shrewd enough to perceive that to obtain a Government that would have to rest entirely upon themselves would be the surest mode of pushing their own views. Lord John, although not intending it, would blindly follow this bias, excusing himself with the consideration that he must look for support somewhere. He himself doubted, however, even the possibility of Lord John succeeding; but till he was brought to see this no strong Government was possible. We asked about the Peelites, Lord Palmerston, etc. He did not know whether the Peelites would serve with Lord John Russell—they certainly would not under him. There was a strong belief, however, particularly on the part of Lord Clarendon, and even shared by Lord Palmerston, that without Lord John a stable Government could not be formed. The Queen asked whether they could unite under him (Lord Lansdowne). He replied he had neither youth nor strength to make an efficient Prime Minister, and although Lord John had often told him "If you had been in Aberdeen's place my position would have been quite different," he felt sure Lord John would soon be tired of him and impatient to see him gone. He thought an arrangement might be possible by which Lord Clarendon might be Prime Minister, Lord John go to the House of Lords and take the Foreign Office, and Lord Palmerston the Lead in the House of Commons. We told him that would spoil two efficient men. Lord Clarendon had no courage for Prime Minister, and Lord John had decidedly failed at the Foreign Office.
Lord Lansdowne had had Lord Palmerston with him during the Derby negotiation, and clearly seen that at first he was not unwilling to join, but had more and more cooled upon it when he went further into the matter. Lord Derby and Lord Palmerston had had a full discussion upon Lord Grey, and discarded him as quite impracticable.... After much farther discussion it was agreed that Lord Lansdowne should go up to Town this day, see first Lord Palmerston, then the Peelites, and lastly Lord John, and come to Buckingham Palace at two o'clock, prepared to give answers upon the question what was feasible and what not. He inclines to the belief that we shall have to go through the ceremony at least of entrusting Lord John with the formation of an Administration.
Lord John was not without large following amongst the Whigs, and whatever was said about his late conduct in the higher circles, he believed that it is well looked upon by the lower classes. His expression was, that it would be found that the first and second class carriages in the railway train held opposite opinions.
Buckingham Palace, 2nd February 1855.
Lord Lansdowne arrived at two o'clock, and reported that he had seen all the persons intended, but he could not say that he saw his way more clearly. They all gave pledges generally to support any Government, but were full of difficulties as to their participation in one.
Mr Gladstone would clearly not serve under Lord John—might possibly with him—if much pressed by Lord Aberdeen to do so. He would probably serve under Lord Palmerston. Mr S. Herbert expressed apprehension at the effect upon the prospects of peace which would be produced by Lord Palmerston's being at the head of the Government.
Lord John Russell would not serve under Lord Palmerston, and fancies he might form a Whig Administration himself, of which Lord Palmerston, however, must be the chief member. Lord Palmerston would not like to serve under Lord John Russell—would be ready to form an Administration, which could not have duration, however, in his opinion, if Lord John Russell held aloof!
He found Lord John fully impressed with the fact of his having brought the Queen into all these difficulties, and of owing her what reparation he could make. Lord Palmerston also felt that he had some amends to make to the Queen for former offences. We asked Lord Lansdowne whether they could not be combined under a third person. He felt embarrassed about the answer, having to speak of himself. Both expressed their willingness to serve under him—but then he was seventy-five years old, and crippled with the gout, and could not possibly undertake such a task except for a few months, when the whole Administration would break down—of which he did not wish to be the cause. In such a case, Lord John had stated to him that the man to be Leader of the House of Commons was Lord Palmerston, meaning himself to be transferred to the House of Lords, in his former office as President of the Council.
Without presuming to give advice, Lord Lansdowne thought that under all circumstances it would do good if the Queen was to see Lord John Russell, and hear from himself what he could do. She could perfectly keep it in her power to commission whom she pleased hereafter, even if Lord John should declare himself willing to form a Government.
Buckingham Palace, 2nd February 1855.
The Queen has just seen Lord Lansdowne. As what he could tell her has not enabled her to see her way out of the difficulties in which the late proceedings in Parliament have placed her, she wishes to see Lord John Russell in order to confer with him on the subject.
Buckingham Palace, 2nd February 1855.
Lord John Russell came at five o'clock.
The Queen said she wished to consult him on the present crisis, and hear from him how the position of Parties stood at this moment. He said that immediately at the meeting of Parliament a general desire became manifest for a modification of the Government; that the Protectionists were as hostile to the Peelites as they had been in the year '46; that the old Whigs had with difficulty been made to support the late Government; that the dissatisfaction with the conduct of the war was general, and the country cried out for Lord Palmerston at the War Department; that he considered it of the greatest importance that Lord Clarendon should remain at the Foreign Office, where he had gained great reputation, and nobody could replace him. On the question whether Lord Palmerston would be supported if he formed an Administration, he said everybody would give a general support, but he doubted the Whigs joining him. He did not know what the Peelites would do, but they would be an essential element in the Government, particularly Mr Gladstone; the best thing would be if Lord Palmerston took the lead of the House of Commons. A Government formed by Lord Lansdowne or Lord Clarendon would ensure general support, but Lord Lansdowne had declared that he would not undertake it for more than three months, and then the Government would break down again; and we objected that Lord Clarendon ought, as he had said, not to be moved from the Foreign Office, to which he agreed. He himself would prefer to sit on the Fourth Bench and support the Government. The Queen asked him whether he thought he could form a Government. After having taken some time for reflection, he said he thought he could,24 but he thought it difficult without the Peelites, and next to impossible without Lord Palmerston;NEGOTIATIONS he did not know whether both or either would serve with or under him; he would offer Lord Palmerston the choice between the Lead of the House of Commons and the War Department—and in case he should choose the former, ask himself to be removed to the House of Lords; he had been Leader of the House of Commons since '34, and as far as being able to support his title, he was enabled to do so, as his brother, the Duke of Bedford, intended to leave an estate of £5000 a year to his son. The Queen asked him whether he would do the same under the Administration of Lord Lansdowne, for instance; he begged to be allowed time to consider that. He acknowledged to the Queen—on her remark that he had contributed to bring her into the present difficulties—that he was bound to do what he could to help her out of them; and on the Queen's question what he could do, he answered that depended very much on what the Queen would wish him to do.
Footnote 23: This Memorandum, though signed by the Queen, was written by the Prince.
Footnote 24: Colonel Phipps thus describes Lord Aberdeen's comment on Lord John Russell's words:—"I told Lord Aberdeen that Lord John had said that he thought that he could form a Government. He laughed very much, and said: 'I am not at all surprised at that, but whom will he get to serve under him? Has he at present any idea of the extent of the feeling that exists against him?' I replied that I thought not, that it was difficult for anybody to tell him, but that I thought that it was right that he should know what the feeling was, and that he would soon discover it when he began to ask people to join his Government. Lord Aberdeen said that was very true...."
She commissioned him finally to meet Lord Lansdowne and Lord Palmerston, to consult together, and to let Lord Lansdowne bring her the result of their deliberation this evening, so that she might see a little more clearly where the prospect of a strong Government lay.
We had some further discussion upon Mr Roebuck's Committee, which he thinks will not be as inconvenient as all his friends suppose. It would meet with great difficulties, and might be precluded from drawing up a report. On Lord Grey's Motion25 and the Army question he declared that he held to his Memorandum of the 22nd January which the Duke of Newcastle had read to the House of Lords, and acknowledged the necessity of maintaining the office of the Commander-in-Chief, although subordinate to the Secretary of State, and retaining the Army Patronage distinct from the Political Patronage of the Government.
Footnote 25: See ante, p. 80, note 17.
I omitted to mention that Lord John, in answer to the question whether Lord Clarendon would serve under Lord Palmerston, answered that he could not at all say whether he would; he had mentioned to him the possibility, when Lord Clarendon drew up and made a long face.
Buckingham Palace, 2nd February 1855.
The Queen has just seen Lord Lansdowne after his return from his conference with Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston. As moments are precious, and the time is rolling on without the various consultations which Lord Lansdowne has had the kindness and patience to hold with the various persons composing the Queen's late Government having led to any positive result, she feels that she ought to entrust some one of them with the distinct commission to attempt the formation of a Government. The Queen addresses herself in this instance to Lord John Russell, as the person who may be considered to have contributed to the vote of the House of Commons, which displaced her late Government, and hopes that he will be able to present her such a Government as will give a fair promise successfully to overcome the great difficulties in which the country is placed. It would give her particular satisfaction if Lord Palmerston could join in this formation.
Chesham Place, 2nd February 1855.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He acknowledges that having contributed to the vote of the House of Commons, which displaced your Majesty's late Government (although the decision would in any case have probably been unfavourable), he is bound to attempt the formation of a Government.
As your Majesty has now entrusted him with this honourable task, and desired that Lord Palmerston should join in it, Lord John Russell will immediately communicate with Lord Palmerston, and do his utmost to form a Government which will give a fair promise to overcome the difficulties by which the country is surrounded.
Lord John Russell considers Lord Clarendon's co-operation in this task as absolutely essential.
Buckingham Palace, 3rd February 1855.
Lord John Russell arrived at half-past one o'clock, and stated that he had to report some progress and some obstacles. He had been to Lord Palmerston, and had a long and very free discussion with him. He (Lord Palmerston) told him although the general voice of the public had pointed him out as the person who ought to form a Government, he had no pretensions himself or personal views, and was quite ready to accept the lead of the House of Commons under Lord John in the House of Lords; but that he thought that, if the Queen would see him, now that she had seen Lord Derby, Lord John, and Lord Lansdowne, it would remove any impression that there were personal objections to him entertained by the Queen, which would much facilitate the position of the new Government. They then discussed the whole question of offices, agreed that Lord Panmure would be the best person for the War Department; that Lord Grey could not be asked to join, as his views on the Foreign Policy differed so much from theirs, and he had always been an intractable colleague; that if Mr Gladstone could not be prevailed upon to join, Mr Labouchere,26 although an infinitely weaker appointment, might be Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Sir F. Baring replace Sir J. Graham, if he could not be got to stay.
Footnote 26: He had been President of the Board of Trade in the former administration of Lord John Russell.
Lord John then saw Mr S. Herbert, who declared to him that it was impossible for any of the Peelites to join his Government, connected as they were with Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle, but that they would infinitely prefer a Government of Lord John's to one of Lord Palmerston, whose views on Foreign Policy, uncontrolled by Lord Aberdeen, they sincerely dreaded.
Lord John then went to Lord Clarendon, and was surprised to find that he could not make up his mind to remain at the Foreign Office under his Government. Lord John thought that the expression of a wish on the part of the Queen would go a great way to reconcile him. His objections were that he had always received the handsomest support from the Peelites, and thought the Government too weak without their administrative ability.
Lord John had seen none of his own friends, such as Sir G. Grey, Sir C. Wood, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Granville, but had not the smallest doubt that they would cordially co-operate with him.
Lord John is to come again at a quarter before six o'clock. The Queen has appointed Lord Palmerston for three o'clock, and Lord Clarendon at four.
Buckingham Palace, 3rd February 1855.
Footnote 27: This Memorandum, though signed by the Queen, was written by the Prince.
In the Audience which the Queen has just granted to Lord Palmerston, he thanked her for the message which she had sent him through Lord John Russell, and declared his readiness to serve her in any way he could under the present difficulties. He had preferred the lead of the House of Commons to the War Department, having to make a choice between two duties which no man could perform together.
In answer to a question from the Queen, he said he hoped that the present irritation in the Whig party would subside, and that he would be able to complete a Government. He regretted that the Peelites thought it impossible for them to join, which would make it very difficult for Lord John. He had just heard from Count Walewski that Lord Clarendon was very much disinclined to remain at the Foreign Office under Lord John. They were to have a meeting at Lord John's at five, where he hoped to find that he had waived his objections; but he must say that if Lord Clarendon persisted he must himself withdraw, as he had indeed made it a condition with Lord John. The Queen asked him whether, if this attempt failed, she could reckon upon his services in any other combination. His answer was that it was better not to answer for more than one question at a time; we must now suppose that this will succeed.
What he stated with reference to the Army question and the Committee of the House of Commons was perfectly satisfactory.
Lord Clarendon, whom we saw at four o'clock, complained very much of the unfairness of Lord John in making him personally answerable for impeding the progress of Lord John's Government. The fact was that his opinion was only that of every other member of the late Government, and of the public at large; which could be heard and seen by anybody who chose to listen or to read. So impossible had it appeared to the public that Lord John should be blind enough to consider his being able to form a Government feasible, that it was generally supposed that he had been urged to do so by the Queen, in order to escape the necessity of Lord Palmerston. He acknowledged that the Queen's decision in that respect had been the perfectly correct and constitutional one, and perhaps necessary to clear the way; but he hoped that for her own sake, and to prevent false impressions taking root in the public mind, the Queen would give afterwards Lord Palmerston his fair turn also, though he could not say that he would be able to form an Administration. The Queen said that this was her intention, that she never had expected that Lord John would be able to form one, but that it was necessary that his eyes should be opened; Lord Clarendon only regretted the precious time that was lost.
He must really say that he thought he could do no good in joining Lord John; his Government would be "a stillborn Government," which "the country would tread under foot the first day," composed as it would be of the same men who had been bankrupt in 1852, minus the two best men in it, viz. Lord Lansdowne and Lord Grey, and the head of it ruined in public opinion. If he were even to stay at the Foreign Office, his language to foreign countries would lose all its weight from being known not to rest upon the public opinion of England, and all this would become much worse when it became known that from the first day of Lord John's entering into Lord Aberdeen's Government, he had only had one idea, viz. that of tripping him up, expel the Peelites, and place himself at the head of an exclusive Whig Ministry. Besides, he felt that the conduct of all his colleagues had been most straightforward and honourable towards him, and he was not prepared "to step over their dead bodies to the man who had killed them." The attempt of Lord John ought not to succeed if public morality were to be upheld in this country. He had avoided Lord John ever since his retirement, but he would have now to speak out to him, as when he was asked to embark his honour he had a right to count the cost.
Lord Lansdowne had no intention to go to Lord John's meeting, as he had originally taken leave of public life, and had only entered the Coalition Government in order to facilitate its cohesion; among a Government of pure Whigs he was not wanted, for there was no danger of their not cohering. Sir C. Wood declared he had no business to be where Lord Lansdowne refused to go in.
He thought Lord Palmerston would have equal difficulty in forming an administration, but when that had failed some solid combination would become possible.
Lord Lansdowne had declared that he could not place himself at the head for more than three months, but that was a long time in these days.
Lord John Russell returned at six o'clock from his meeting, much put out and disturbed. He said he had nothing good to report. Mr Gladstone, whom he had seen, had declined to act with him, saying that the country did not wish for Coalitions at this moment. Sir J. Graham, whom he had visited, had informed him that the feeling against him was very strong just now, precluding support in Parliament; he gave him credit for good intentions, but said the whole difficulty was owing to what he termed his (Lord John's) rashness. He felt he could not separate from Lord Aberdeen, and had no confidence in the views of Foreign Affairs of Lord Palmerston.
He had then seen Sir George Grey, who told him he had no idea that a Government of Lord John's could stand at this moment; the country wanted Lord Palmerston either as War Minister or as Prime Minister. He must hesitate to engage himself in Lord John's Government, which, separated from the Peelites, would find no favour. Lord Clarendon had reiterated his objections, saying always that this must be gone through, and something new would come up at the end, when all these attempts had failed. He could not understand what this should be. Did Lord Clarendon think of himself as the head of the new combination? I asked what Lord Lansdowne had said. He answered he had a letter from him, which was not very agreeable either. He read it to us. It was to the purport—that as Lord John had been commissioned to form an Administration, and he did not intend to join it, he thought it better not to come to his house in order to avoid misconstruction. Lord John wound up, saying that he had asked Lord Clarendon and Sir G. Grey to reflect further, and to give their final answer to-morrow morning. The loss of the Peelites would be a great blow to him, which might be overcome, however; but if his own particular friends, like Lord Clarendon and Sir G. Grey, deserted him, he felt that he could go on no farther, and he hoped the Queen would feel that he had done all he could.