Osborne, 9th January 1855.
The Queen received Lord Clarendon's box by special messenger yesterday evening. The acceptance by Russia of our interpretation of the four points1 is a most clever, diplomatic manœuvre, and very embarrassing for us at this moment, before Sebastopol is taken, and before Austria has been compelled to join in the war. It leaves us no alternative but to meet in conference, which, however, in the Queen's opinion, ought to be preceded by a despatch to Austria, putting on record our opinion as to the nature and object of the step taken by Russia, and the advantages she hopes to derive by it from Austria and Germany, and the disadvantages she expects to inflict on the Western Powers. As hostilities ought not to be interrupted unless the Russians give up Sebastopol and evacuate the Crimea (which would give rest and quiet to our poor soldiers), there still remains the hope of our getting the place before preliminaries of peace could be signed; and in that case a Peace on the four points would be everything we could desire, and much preferable to the chance of future convulsions of the whole state of Europe. Russia would then have yielded all our wishes for the future.
A mere moral defeat, such as Count Buol seems disposed to consider as sufficient, would soon prove to have been none at all, and Austria would be the Power which, to its cost, would find out (when too late) that the preponderance of Russia is by no means diminished.
The Queen has given her permission to Lord John to go to Paris; he will find the Emperor as little able to help himself in this stage of the business as ourselves.
The Queen is afraid that the news of the Russian acceptance may induce our commanders in the Crimea to rest on their oars, and thinks it necessary, therefore, that immediate orders should go out, pointing out that the early fall of the town is just now more important than ever.
The Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to communicate this letter to Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle.
She returns to Windsor this afternoon.
Footnote 1: The celebrated "Four Points" were—
1. Cessation of the Russian protectorate over Moldavia, Wallachia, and Servia: the privileges granted by the Sultan to the Principalities to be collectively guaranteed by the Powers.
2. Free navigation of the Danube.
3. Termination of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea.
4. Abandonment by Russia of her claim over any subjects of the Porte; the Five Powers to co-operate in obtaining from the Sultan the confirmation and observance of the religious privileges of the different Christian communities, and to turn to account in their common interest the generous intentions manifested by the Sultan, without infringing his dignity or the independence of his crown.
Towards the end of 1854, negotiations as to the Four Points had been proceeding between the Allies and Austria, and on the 28th of December the Three Powers had agreed in communicating to Russia a memorandum giving a more exact interpretation of the Four Points. This was agreed upon as the basis on which the Plenipotentiaries were to meet at Vienna to settle the Eastern Question, and to conclude the war.
Another event, productive ultimately of results of great importance, took place at the end of January. King Victor Emmanuel of Sardinia joined the Western Alliance, and despatched 15,000 men under General La Marmora to the Crimea. This act was inspired by Cavour, the Sardinian Prime Minister, who took the step that Austria hesitated to take, and thereby established strong claims both upon the Emperor Napoleon and Lord Palmerston.
Windsor Castle, 10th January 1855.
Before Parliament meets for probably a very stormy Session, the Queen wishes to give a public testimony of her continued confidence in Lord Aberdeen's administration, by offering him the vacant Blue Ribbon. The Queen need not add a word on her personal feelings of regard and friendship for Lord Aberdeen, which are known to him now for a long period of years.
London, 10th January 1855.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He has had the honour of receiving your Majesty's most gracious letter, and humbly begs to return your Majesty his grateful acknowledgments for this mark of your Majesty's continued confidence and favour. When your Majesty mentioned the subject to Lord Aberdeen some time ago, he had not thought of any such distinction; and perhaps at his time of life, and with his present prospects, he scarcely ought to do so. There is no doubt that this unequivocal mark of gracious favour might strengthen his hands, and especially in those quarters where it would be most useful; but the power of misconstruction and malevolence is so great that the effect might possibly be more injurious than beneficial.
Perhaps your Majesty would be graciously pleased to permit Lord Aberdeen to reflect a little on the subject, and to submit his thoughts to your Majesty.
Lord Aberdeen entreats your Majesty to believe that in this, as in everything else, it is his desire to look exclusively to your Majesty's welfare. When he leaves your Majesty's service, your Majesty may be fully aware of his many imperfections as a Minister; but he trusts that your Majesty will always have reason to regard him as perfectly disinterested.
London, 11th January 1855.
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He has maturely reflected on the subject of your Majesty's gracious letter of yesterday, and he is fully sensible of the very important advantage which, in his official position, he might derive from such a public and signal proof of your Majesty's confidence and favour.
Although this might naturally give rise to more or less of political animadversion, Lord Aberdeen would not hesitate in his decision, if the alternative were only between himself and some Peer of high rank whose claim consisted in being a supporter of the Government; but Lord Aberdeen believes that he may venture to make a suggestion to your Majesty, the effect of which would redound to your Majesty's honour, and which might not prove altogether disadvantageous to himself.
Lord Aberdeen understands that in consequence of the regulations of the Order, Lord Cardigan could not properly receive the Grand Cross of the Bath. From his rank and station, Lord Cardigan might fairly pretend to the Garter, but his violent party politics would make it impossible for Lord Aberdeen, under ordinary circumstances, to submit his name to your Majesty for this purpose. At the same time, Lord Cardigan's great gallantry and personal sacrifices seem to afford him a just claim to your Majesty's favourable consideration; and Lord Aberdeen believes that to confer upon him the Blue Ribbon at this moment would be regarded as a very graceful act on the part of your Majesty. It is even possible that Lord Aberdeen's political opponents might give him some credit for tendering such advice.
If therefore your Majesty should be pleased to take the same view of this matter, Lord Aberdeen would communicate with Lord Cardigan on his arrival in London, and would willingly postpone all consideration of your Majesty's gracious intentions towards himself. But Lord Aberdeen will venture humbly to repeat his grateful sense of all your Majesty's kindness, and his acknowledgments for the expression of sentiments which he can never sufficiently value.2
Footnote 2: Subsequently Lord Aberdeen yielded to the Queen's affectionate insistence, and was installed Knight of the Garter at a Chapter held on the 7th of February.
Windsor Castle, 12th January 1855.
The Queen returns the enclosed despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, which she has read with much pleasure, as bringing before Lord Raglan in an official manner—which will require official enquiry and answer—the various points so urgently requiring his attention and remedial effort. It is at the same time so delicately worded that it ought not to offend, although it cannot help, from its matter, being painful to Lord Raglan. The Queen has only one remark to make, viz. the entire omission of her name throughout the document. It speaks simply in the name of the People of England, and of their sympathy, whilst the Queen feels it to be one of her highest prerogatives and dearest duties to care for the welfare and success of her Army. Had the despatch not gone before it was submitted to the Queen, in a few words the Duke of Newcastle would have rectified this omission.
The Duke of Newcastle might with truth have added that, making every allowance for the difficulties before Sebastopol, it is difficult to imagine how the Army could ever be moved in the field, if the impossibility of keeping it alive is felt in a stationary camp only seven miles from its harbour, with the whole British Navy and hundreds of transports at its command.
Windsor Castle, 13th January 1855.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 11th, and has since seen Lord John Russell's letter. It shows that the practice of the Queen's different Cabinet Ministers going to Paris, to have personal explanations with the Emperor, besides being hardly a constitutional practice, must lead to much misunderstanding. How is the Emperor to distinguish between the views of the Queen's Government and the private opinions of the different members of the Cabinet, all more or less varying, particularly in a Coalition Government?
The Queen hopes therefore that this will be the last such visit. The Ambassador is the official organ of communication, and the Foreign Secretary is responsible for his doing his duty, and has the means of controlling him by his instructions and the despatches he receives, all of which are placed on record.3
Footnote 3: The cause of Lord John's visit to Paris had been the illness there of his sister-in-law, Lady Harriet Elliot; but he took the opportunity of conferring both with the Emperor and his Ministers on the conduct of the war.—Walpole's Life of Lord John Russell, chap. xxv.
Before Sebastopol, 20th January 1855.
Lord Raglan presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to acknowledge with every sentiment of devotion and gratitude your Majesty's most gracious letter of 1st January, and the kind wishes which your Majesty and the Prince are pleased to unite in offering to the Army and your Majesty's most humble servant on the occasion of the New Year.
The deep concern and anxiety felt by your Majesty and the Prince for the privations of the troops, their unceasing labours, their exposure to bad weather, and the extensive sickness which prevails among them, are invaluable proofs of the lively interest which your Majesty and His Royal Highness take in the welfare of an Army which, under no circumstances, will cease to revere the name, and apply all its best energies to the service of your Majesty.
Lord Raglan can with truth assure your Majesty that his whole time and all his thoughts are occupied in endeavouring to provide for the various wants of your Majesty's troops. It has not been in his power to lighten the burthen of their duties. Those exacted from them before Sebastopol are for the preservation of the trenches and batteries; and there are many other calls upon the men, more especially when, as at present, the roads are so bad that wheeled carriages can no longer be used, and that the horse transport is diminished by sickness and death, and that the Commissariat, having no longer any sufficient means of conveyance at its command, cannot bring up the daily supplies without their assistance, thereby adding, however inevitably, to their labour and fatigue.
Lord Raglan begs leave to submit, for your Majesty's information, that the Allied Armies have no intercourse with the country, and can derive no resources from it; and consequently all the requirements for the conveyance of stores and provisions, as well as the stores and provisions themselves, must be imported. Such a necessity forms in itself a difficulty of vast magnitude, which has been greatly felt by him, and has been productive of the most serious consequences to the comfort and welfare of the Army.
The coffee sent from Constantinople has been received and issued to the troops green, the Commissariat having no means whatever of roasting it. Very recently, however, an able officer of the Navy, Captain Heath of the Sanspareil, undertook to have machines made by the engineers on board his ship for roasting coffee; and in this he has succeeded, but they have not yet produced as much as is required for the daily consumption.
The Commissary-General applied to the Treasury for roasted coffee three months ago. None has as yet arrived. A very large amount of warm clothing has been distributed, and your Majesty's soldiers, habited in the cloaks of various countries, might be taken for the troops of any nation as well as those of England.
Huts have arrived in great abundance, and as much progress is made in getting them up as could be hoped for, considering that there has been a very heavy fall of snow, and that a thaw has followed it, and the extremely limited means of conveyance at command.
Much having been said, as Lord Raglan has been given to understand, in private letters, of the inefficiency of the officers of the Staff, he considers it to be due to your Majesty, and a simple act of justice to those individuals, to assure your Majesty that he has every reason to be satisfied with their exertions, their indefatigable zeal, and undeviating, close attention to their duties, and he may be permitted to add that the horse and mule transport for the carriage of provisions and stores are under the charge of the Commissariat, not of the Staff, and that the Department in question engages the men who are hired to take care of it, and has exclusive authority over them.
Lord Raglan transmitted to the Duke of Newcastle, in the month of December, the report of a Medical Board, which he caused to assemble at Constantinople for the purpose of ascertaining the state of health of the Duke of Cambridge. The report evidently showed the necessity of His Royal Highness's return to England for its re-establishment. This, Lord Raglan knows, was the opinion of the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonald,4 whose attention and devotion to His Royal Highness could not be surpassed, and who was himself very anxious to remain with the Army.
The Duke, however, has not gone further than Malta, where, it is said, his health has not improved.
Footnote 4: The Hon. James Bosville Macdonald [1810-1882], son of the third Baron Macdonald, A.D.C., Equerry and Private Secretary to the Duke of Cambridge.
Windsor Castle, 22nd January 1855.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday, giving an account of the proceedings of the last Cabinet....
The Queen is quite prepared to sanction the proposal of constituting the Secretary of State for War, the Commander-in-Chief, the Master-General of the Ordnance, and the Secretary at War, a Board on the affairs of the Army, which promises more unity of action in these Departments, and takes notice of the fact that the powers and functions of the Commander-in-Chief are not to be changed. As these, however, rest entirely on tradition, and are in most cases ambiguous and undefined, the Queen would wish that they should be clearly defined, and this the more so as she transacts certain business directly with him, and ought to be secured against getting into any collision with the Secretary of State, who also takes her pleasure, and gives orders to the Commander-in-Chief. She would further ask to be regularly furnished with the Minutes of the proceedings of the new Board, in order to remain acquainted with what is going on.
Unless, however, the Militia be made over to the direction of the Secretary of State for War, our Army system will still remain very incomplete. The last experience has shown that the Militia will have to be looked upon as the chief source for recruiting the Army, and this will never be done harmoniously and well, unless they both be brought under the same control.
With reference to the Investiture of the Garter, the Queen need not assure Lord Aberdeen that there are few, if any, on whom she will confer the Blue Ribbon with greater pleasure than on so kind and valued a friend as he is to us both.
Chesham Place, 24th January 1855.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has had the honour of receiving your Majesty's gracious invitation to Windsor Castle. He would have waited upon your Majesty this day had he not been constrained by a sense of duty to write to Lord Aberdeen last night a letter of which he submits a copy.
Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty will be graciously pleased to comply at once with his request. But he feels it would be right to attend your Majesty's farther commands before he has the honour of waiting upon your Majesty.
Chesham Place, 23rd January 1855.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—Mr Roebuck has given notice of a Motion to enquire into the conduct of the war. I do not see how this Motion is to be resisted. But as it involves a censure of the War Departments with which some of my colleagues are connected, my only course is to tender my resignation.
I therefore have to request you will lay my humble resignation of the office, which I have the honour to hold, before the Queen, with the expression of my gratitude for Her Majesty's kindness for many years. I remain, my dear Lord Aberdeen, yours very truly,
Windsor Castle, 24th January 1855.
The Queen has this moment received Lord John Russell's letter and enclosure, and must express to him her surprise and concern at hearing so abruptly of his intention to desert her Government on the Motion of Mr Roebuck.
Windsor Castle, 25th January 1855.
Yesterday evening Lord Aberdeen came down here. He had heard that Lord John had written to the Queen, and she showed him the correspondence. He then reported that Lord John's letter to him had come without the slightest notice and warning, and whatever the cause for it might be, the object could only be to upset the Government. Upon receiving it, he had sent for the Duke of Newcastle and shown it to him. The Duke at once proposed, that as a sacrifice seemed to be required to appease the public for the want of success in the Crimea, he was quite ready to be that sacrifice, and entreated that Lord Aberdeen would put his office into the hands of Lord Palmerston, who possessed the confidence of the nation; Lord Aberdeen should propose this at once to the Cabinet, he himself would support the Government out of office like in office. Lord Aberdeen then went to Lord Palmerston to communicate to him what had happened, and ascertain his feelings. Lord Palmerston was disgusted at Lord John's behaviour,5 and did not consider himself the least bound to be guided by him; he admitted that somehow or other the Public had a notion that he would manage the War Department better than anybody else; as for himself, he did not expect to do it half so well as the Duke of Newcastle, but was prepared to try it, not to let the Government be dissolved, which at this moment would be a real calamity for the country.
Footnote 5: Lord Palmerston wrote him a most scathing letter on the subject.
The Cabinet met at two o'clock, and Lord Aberdeen laid the case before it. The Duke then made his proposal, and was followed by Lord Palmerston, who stated pretty much the same as he had done in the morning, upon which Sir George Grey said it did both the Duke and Lord Palmerston the highest honour, but he saw no possibility of resisting Mr Roebuck's Motion without Lord John; Sir Charles Wood was of the same opinion. Lord Clarendon proposed that, as the Duke had given up his Department to Lord Palmerston, Lord John might be induced to remain; but this was at once rejected by Lord Aberdeen on the ground that they might be justified in sacrificing the Duke to the wishes of the Country, but they could not to Lord John, with any degree of honour. The upshot was, that the Whig Members of the Cabinet, not being inclined to carry on the Government (including Lord Lansdowne), they came to the unanimous determination to tender their resignations.
The Queen protested against this, as exposing her and the Country to the greatest peril, as it was impossible to change the Government at this moment without deranging the whole external policy in diplomacy and war, and there was nobody to whom the reins could be confided. Lord Derby and his party would never have done, but now he had allied himself with Lord Ellenborough, who was determined to have the conduct of the war....
Lord Aberdeen thought yet, that on him6 devolved the responsibility of replacing what he wantonly destroyed. The Queen insisted, however, that Lord Aberdeen should make one appeal to the Cabinet to stand by her, which he promised to do to the best of his ability, but without hope of success. The Cabinet will meet at twelve o'clock to-day, but at five the Ministers will have to announce their determination to the Houses of Parliament, as Mr Roebuck's Motion stands for that hour.
Footnote 6: I.e., Lord John Russell.
Chesham Place, 25th January 1855.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has received with deep regret the imputations of deserting the Government.
Lord John Russell, after being at the head of the Ministry for more than five years, and being then the leader of a great party, consented to serve under Lord Aberdeen, and served for more than a year and a half without office.
After sacrificing his position and his reputation for two years, he has come to the conclusion that it would not be for the benefit of the country to resist Mr Roebuck's Motion. But it is clear that the enquiry he contemplates could not be carried on without so weakening the authority of the Government that it could not usefully go on.
In these circumstances Lord John Russell has pursued the course which he believes to be for the public benefit.
With the most sincere respect for Lord Aberdeen, he felt he could not abandon his sincere convictions in order to maintain the Administration in office.
It is the cause of much pain to him that, after sacrificing his position in order to secure your Majesty's service from interruption, he should not have obtained your Majesty's approbation.
Windsor Castle, 25th January 1855.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of to-day in explanation of his resignation. She has done full justice to the high-minded and disinterested manner in which Lord John sacrificed two years ago his position as former Prime Minister and as Leader of a great party, in consenting to serve under Lord Aberdeen, and hopes she has sufficiently expressed this to him at the time. He will since have found a further proof of her desire to do anything which could be agreeable to him in his position, by cheerfully agreeing to all the various changes of offices which he has at different times wished for. If Lord John will consider, however, the moment which he has now chosen to leave her Government, and the abrupt way in which his unexpected intention of agreeing in a vote implying censure of the Government was announced to her, he cannot be surprised that she could not express her approbation.
Windsor Castle, 25th January 1855.
Lord Aberdeen arrived at six o'clock to report the result of the meeting of the Cabinet, which was so far satisfactory that they agreed upon retaining office at present for the purpose of meeting Mr Roebuck's Motion. They expect (most of them, at least) to be beat and to have to resign, but they think it more honourable to be driven out than to run away. They will meet Parliament therefore without making any changes in the offices. Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle fancy even that they will have a chance of defeating Mr Roebuck's Motion. Sir George Grey has declared, however, that, perfectly willing as he is not to desert his post at this moment, he will consider himself at liberty to resign even after success, as he thinks the Government has no chance of standing with Lord John in Opposition. The other Whigs would in that case very likely do the same, and the Government come to an end in this way; but it is not impossible that Sir George Grey may be prevailed upon by the Queen to stay. Much must depend upon the nature of the Debate.
Lord Aberdeen seems to have put the Queen's desire that the Cabinet should reconsider their former decision in the strongest words, which seems to have brought about the present result. He saw Lord John this morning who, though personally civil towards himself, was very much excited and very angry at a letter which he had received from the Queen. He said he would certainly vote with Mr Roebuck. The Houses are to be adjourned to-day, and the whole discussion comes on to-morrow. Lord Aberdeen brought a copy of a letter Lord Palmerston had written to Lord John. The Peelites in the Cabinet, viz. the Dukes of Newcastle and Argyll, Sir J. Graham, Mr Gladstone, and Mr S. Herbert, seem to be very bitter against Lord John, and determined to oppose him should he form a Government, whilst they would be willing to support a Derby Government.
Chesham Place, 26th January 1855.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is very grateful for your Majesty's communication of yesterday.
He confesses his resignation was very abrupt, but it is the consequence of many previous discussions in which his advice had been rejected or overruled.
Lord John Russell acknowledges the repeated instances of your Majesty's goodness in permitting him to leave the Foreign Office, and subsequently to serve without office as Leader of the House of Commons. These changes, however, were not made without due consideration. To be Leader of the House of Commons and Foreign Secretary is beyond any man's strength. To continue for a long time Leader without an office becomes absurd. Lord Aberdeen at first meant his own continuance in office to be short, which justified the arrangement.
144 Piccadilly, 26th January 1855.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that Lord John Russell having made his statement, concluding with an announcement that he did not mean to vote on Mr Roebuck's Motion, and Viscount Palmerston having made a few remarks on that statement, Mr Roebuck rose to make his Motion; but the paralytic affection under which he has for some time laboured soon overpowered him, and before he had proceeded far in his speech he became so unwell that he was obliged to finish abruptly, make his Motion, and sit down.
Mr Sidney Herbert, who was to reply to Mr Roebuck, rose therefore under great disadvantage, as he had to reply to a speech which had not been made; but he acquitted himself with great ability, and made an excellent statement in explanation and defence of the conduct of the Government. He was followed by Mr Henry Drummond,8 Colonel North for the Motion, Mr Monckton Milnes against it; Lord Granby who, in supporting the Motion, praised and defended the Emperor of Russia; Mr Layard, who in a speech of much animation, gave very strong reasons to show the great impropriety of the Motion, and ended by saying he should vote for it; Sir George Grey, who made a spirited and excellent speech; Mr Walpole, who supported the Motion and endeavoured, but fruitlessly, to establish a similarity between the enquiry proposed by Mr Roebuck and the enquiry in a Committee of the whole House into the conduct of the Walcheren Expedition when the operation was over and the Army had returned to England. Mr Vernon Smith declared that his confidence in the Government had been confined to three Members—Lord Lansdowne, Lord John Russell, and Lord Palmerston—and that it was greatly diminished by the retirement of Lord John Russell. Colonel Sibthorp,9 Sir John Fitzgerald, and Mr Knightley10 followed, and Mr Disraeli having said that his side of the House required that the Debate should be adjourned, an adjournment to Monday was agreed to; but Viscount Palmerston, in consenting to the adjournment, expressed a strong hope that the Debate would not be protracted beyond that night.
Viscount Palmerston regrets to say that the general aspect of the House was not very encouraging.
Footnote 7: His first letter to the Queen as Leader of the House of Commons.
Footnote 8: M.P. for West Surrey.
Footnote 9: Sibthorp, whose name is almost forgotten, earned some fame as an opponent of the Exhibition of 1851, and remained faithful to Protection, after Lord Derby and his party had dropped it. His beard, his eye-glass, and his clothes were a constant subject for the pencil of Leech.
Footnote 10: Mr (afterwards Sir) Reginald Knightley, M.P. for South Northamptonshire, 1852-1892. In the latter year he was created Lord Knightley of Fawsley.
London, 27th January 1855.
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. It is probable that your Majesty may have heard from Lord Palmerston some account of the debate in the House of Commons last night; but perhaps your Majesty may not object to learn the impressions which Lord Aberdeen has received on the present state of affairs both in and out of the House.
There can be no doubt that Lord John Russell has injured his position by the course which he has pursued. His own friends having remained in the Cabinet, is his practical condemnation. He made a very elaborate and dexterous statement; but which, although very plausible, did not produce a good effect. It had been decided that he should be followed by Mr Gladstone, who was in full possession of the subject; but at the Cabinet yesterday held before the meeting of the House, it was decided that Lord Palmerston should follow Lord John, in order to prevent the appearance of a division in the Cabinet between the Whig and Peelite Members. As Lord Palmerston was to act as Leader of the House, the substitution of Mr Gladstone would have appeared strange. But the decision was unfortunate, for by all accounts the speech of Lord Palmerston was singularly unsuccessful.
In the debate which followed, the impression in the House was strongly against the War Department; and the indications which occasionally appeared of the possibility of Lord Palmerston filling that office were received with great cordiality. Sir George Grey made an excellent speech, and his censure must have been deeply felt by Lord John.
Lord Aberdeen has waited until the Cabinet had met to-day before he had the honour of writing to your Majesty, in order that he might learn the impressions and opinions of the Members, especially of those who are in the House of Commons. All agree that if the division had taken place last night, Mr Roebuck's Motion would have been carried by a large majority. This still seems to be the prevailing opinion, but there is considerable difference. The Motion is so objectionable and so unconstitutional that delay is likely to be favourable to those who oppose it. A little reflection must produce considerable effect. Lord Aberdeen sees that Mr Gladstone is preparing for a great effort, and he will do whatever can be effected by reason and eloquence.
It is said that Lord Derby shows some reluctance to accept the responsibility of overthrowing the Government; but the part taken last night by Mr Walpole, and the notice of a Motion in the House of Lords by Lord Lyndhurst, would appear to denote a different policy. The result of the Division on Monday will depend on the course adopted by his friends, as a party. It is said that Mr Disraeli has signified a difference of opinion from Mr Walpole.
144 Piccadilly, 30th January 1855.
(2 a.m.)
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that Mr Roebuck's Motion has been carried by 305 to 148, being a majority of 157 against the Government, a great number of the Liberal party voting in the majority.
The debate was begun by Mr Stafford,11 who gave a very interesting but painful account of the mismanagement which he had witnessed in the Hospitals at Scutari and Sebastopol, while he gave due praise to the conduct of His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge toward the men under his command, and related the cheering effect produced by your Majesty's kind letter, when read by him to the invalids in Hospital. He was followed by Mr Bernal Osborne,12 who found fault with all the military arrangements at home, and with the system under which Commissions in the Army are bought and sold, but who declared that he should vote against the Motion.
Mr Henley then supported the Motion, directing his attack chiefly against the management of the Transport Service.
Admiral Berkeley,13 in reply, defended the conduct of the Admiralty. Major Beresford supported the Motion, but defended Lord Raglan against the attacks of the newspapers. Mr. Rice, Member for Dover, opposed the Motion. Mr Miles14 found fault with the Commissariat, and supported the Motion, saying that the proposed enquiry would apply a remedy to the evils acknowledged to exist in the Army in the Crimea; and Sir Francis Baring, after ably pointing out the inconveniences of the proposed Committee, said he should vote against it, as tending to prevent those evils from being remedied. Mr Rich criticised the composition of the Ministry, and the conduct of the war, and supported the Motion as a means of satisfying public opinion. Sir Edward Lytton Bulwer supported the Motion in a speech of considerable ability, and was replied to by Mr Gladstone in a masterly speech, which exhausted the subject, and would have convinced hearers who had not made up their minds beforehand.
He was followed by Mr Disraeli, who in the course of his speech made use of some expressions in regard to Lord John Russell, which drew from Lord John some short explanations as to the course which he had pursued. Viscount Palmerston then made some observations on the Motion, and, after a few words from Mr Muntz,15 Mr Thomas Duncombe16 asked Mr Roebuck whether, if he carried his Motion, he really meant to name and appoint the Committee and prosecute the enquiry, saying that he hoped and trusted that such was Mr Roebuck's intention. Mr Roebuck declared that he fully meant to do so, and after a short speech from Mr Roebuck, who lost the thread of his argument in one part of what he said, the House proceeded to a division.
The Conservative Party abstained, by order from their Chiefs, from giving the cheer of triumph which usually issues from a majority after a vote upon an important occasion....
Footnote 11: Augustus Stafford (formerly Stafford O'Brien), Secretary of the Admiralty in the Derby Ministry of 1852.
Footnote 12: Secretary of the Admiralty, who, contrary to modern practice, criticised on this occasion the action of his own colleagues.
Footnote 13: Maurice Frederick Fitzhardinge Berkeley, 1788-1867, M.P. for Gloucester 1831-1857.
Footnote 14: M.P. for Bristol.
Footnote 15: M.P. for Birmingham.
Footnote 16: M.P. for Finsbury.