Moscow, 30th August 1856.
Lord Granville presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs, according to your Majesty's desire, to submit to your Majesty the impressions which he has received during the short time of his stay in this country.
Lord Granville's conversation with the Emperor of Russia, and what he has heard from various reliable sources, have led him to the following conclusions respecting His Imperial Majesty.
He is handsome, but thinner and graver than when he was in England. When speaking with energy to Lord Granville his manner seemed to be rather an imitation of some one else than his own, and he did not look Lord Granville in the face. His usual manner is singularly gentle and pleasing. He does not give the idea of having much strength either of intellect or of character, but looks intelligent and amiable. Although the education of a Cæsarwitch must be subject to pernicious influences, the present Emperor has had advantages which those in his position have not usually had. The Emperor Nicholas came to the throne without having had the confidences of his predecessor. He initiated his son into everything that was going on, while others who knew the good-nature of the Grand Duke Alexander's character, told him that which they did not tell his father. He was supposed to have different tastes from the late Emperor, but, since the death of the latter, he has liked the late Emperor's favourite residence which he himself had formerly disliked, he has taken to all the military pursuits of his father, and is said to have shown undignified haste in issuing regulations about, and in appearing in, new uniforms. He is liked by those who surround him, but is blamed for not having those habits of punctuality and of quick decision in business which characterised the late Emperor.
There is still much talk of stimulants to be applied by His Imperial Majesty to commerce and to the development of the resources of the country.... There are persons, however, here well qualified to judge, who doubt whether much more will be performed than has formerly been done, after brilliant promises at the beginning of a reign. His Imperial Majesty is not supposed to have that power of will which will enable him to deal with the mass of corruption which pervades every class in this country. The Empress,41 a woman of sense and ability, is believed to have great influence with her husband when he is with her, but he is generally guided by the person who speaks last to him before he acts—and His Imperial Majesty has not the talent of surrounding himself with able men. His Ministers certainly do not appear to be men of that remarkable intellect as have been usually supposed to be employed by the Court of St Petersburg. Count Orloff is stated to have but little influence, and to have lost his former activity. Prince Gortschakoff is clever in society, of easy conversation and some smartness in repartee. He is vain, a great talker, and indiscreet. It is difficult to keep him to the point. He flies about from one thing to another, and he is so loose in his talk, that the repetition of isolated phrases might lead to impressions of his meaning, which would not be correct....
The Serf Question is admitted by all to be of a very difficult character, and will become more so as the wealth of the country increases. Indeed when that state of things occurs, it is more than likely that popular movements will take place, and it is frightful to consider the immediate results of a revolution in a country organised as this is at present. No country in Europe will furnish so fair a chance of success to Socialism. The reins of Government were held so tight during the last reign, that even the relaxation which now exists is not altogether without danger.
The preparations for the Coronation are on an immense scale. The present estimate of the expenses is £1,000,000; the last Coronation cost half that sum; the Coronation of Alexander, £150,000; while that of the Emperor Paul did not exceed £50,000. The military household of the present Emperor consists of one hundred and twenty generals—that of Nicholas, at the beginning of his reign, consisted of twenty.
Your Majesty is spoken of by the Emperor and by the Society here with the greatest respect. Lord and Lady Granville have met with nothing but remarkable civility from all classes.
Lord Granville has had great pleasure in seeing His Royal Highness Prince Frederick William of Prussia in such good health and spirits. His only anxiety was an interval of fourteen days during which His Royal Highness did not hear from England. That anxiety has been relieved by a letter received to-day. Lord Granville ventures to request your Majesty to present his respectful remembrances to the Princess Royal with his congratulations at Her Royal Highness's complete recovery. Lord Granville begs to advise Her Royal Highness, when residing abroad, not to engage a Russian maid. Lady Wodehouse found hers eating the contents of a pot on her dressing-table—it happened to be castor oil pomatum for the hair.
Lord Granville has been requested to convey to your Majesty and to His Royal Highness Prince Albert the Prince of Nassau's expressions of devotion and respect. The atmosphere in which His Highness at present resides does not appear to have had much influence on His Highness's opinions.
Footnote 40: Lord Granville was appointed head of a special mission, with the temporary rank of Ambassador, to attend the Coronation of the Czar Alexander.
Footnote 41: Marie Alexandrovna, formerly the Princess Marie of Hesse, daughter of the Grand Duke Louis II.
St Leonards, 6th September 1856.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to submit for your Majesty's gracious approval that Dr Tait, Dean of Carlisle, should be appointed Bishop of London with a clear explanation to him that the Diocese will probably be divided into two—one of London and one of Westminster.
That the Bishop of Ripon42 should be appointed Bishop of Durham, with a like explanation that the Diocese of Durham may possibly be divided into two—one for Durham and one for Northumberland.
That the Dean of Hereford43 should be appointed Bishop of Ripon; and that Dr Trench44 be appointed Dean of Westminster with the condition that he is not to receive any fees or emoluments arising out of appointments of Knights of the Bath.
Dr Trench is a man of the world and of literature, and would in those respects be well suited to be Dean of Westminster, and if his tendencies are, as some persons suppose, rather towards High Church opinions, his position as Dean would not afford him any particular means of making those opinions prevail; while his appointment would show that the patronage of the Crown was not flowing exclusively in one direction.
Viscount Palmerston will, on another occasion, submit to your Majesty the names of persons for the Deaneries of Hereford and Carlisle.45
Footnote 42: Charles Thomas Longley (1774-1868) became Bishop of Durham 1856, Archbishop of York 1860, and Archbishop of Canterbury 1862.
Footnote 43: Richard Dawes, who became Dean in 1850, and restored the Cathedral. He did not become Bishop of Ripon; Robert Bickersteth, a Canon of Salisbury, being eventually appointed. See post, p. 217, note 60.
Footnote 44: Richard Chenevix Trench (1807-1886), Archbishop of Dublin from 1864-1884.
Footnote 45: Francis Close (1797-1882), Rector of Cheltenham, succeeded Dr Tait as Dean of Carlisle.
St James's Palace, 17th September 1856.
My dear Cousin,—This morning the reply from Baden reached me, and I hasten to inform you at once of the purport of it, embodied in a very excellent letter written by my sister Mary, who declines the proposal made to her on the part of the King of Sardinia, for some very excellent and weighty reasons.46
I must confess that I fully agree with her in the view she has taken, and, I can say with truth, that I think her decision is a very judicious and very correct one, and I am not at all sorry she has come to it. As I know that Clarendon was very anxious to have an early reply, I have in the first instance sent Mary's letter on to him, and have requested him, after perusing it, to send it on to you, and I hope you will not think that I have been wanting in respect to you in so doing. With many thanks to you for your great kindness in having left the decision of this weighty matter entirely in our hands, I beg to remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,
Footnote 46: The King had, in January 1855, lost his consort, Queen Marie Adélaïde, daughter of the Archduke Rénier of Austria. Lord Clarendon wrote to Baron Marochetti:—...
"The Queen's first care was for the happiness of Princess Mary, and it was the wish of Her Majesty and of Her Majesty's Government that the decision should be left to the unbiassed judgment of Her Royal Highness.
"Princess Mary, having maturely weighed the matter in all its different bearings, has come to the conclusion that it is her duty as regards both the King of Sardinia and herself to decline the offer, which you were empowered to make on the part of His Majesty.
"Princess Mary fully appreciates the many excellent and noble qualities of the King. She does not doubt that in him individually she would be happy, and she thinks that the alliance would be popular in England; but Her Royal Highness feels that as the Protestant Queen of Sardinia she must be in a false position, and that a wife can never find herself thus placed without injury to her husband.
"Princess Mary is deeply attached to her religion, which is the first consideration in this world, and in the free and undisturbed exercise of that religion, however much it might be sanctioned by the King, and supported by His Majesty's Government, she feels that she would be the object of constant suspicion, that her motives would be liable to misconstruction, and that the King would be exposed to grave embarrassments, which time would only serve to increase.
"I am not surprised at this decision, which, from my knowledge of Princess Mary's profound religious feeling, I rather led you to anticipate; but I am bound to say that with reference to her religion, and with reference to that alone, Her Royal Highness has, in my opinion, decided with wisdom and foresight.
"I am convinced, however, that in renouncing upon conscientious grounds the brilliant position which has been offered to her, of which she fully appreciated the advantages, Princess Mary can only have added to the respect which the King already feels for the noble and elevated character of Her Royal Highness."
Balmoral, 19th September 1856.
My dearest Uncle,—I cannot have your kind and confidential letter of the 15th answered, and therefore write to-day to thank you for it. You may rely on our divulging nothing. We are, however, both very anxious that dear Pedro should be preferred.47 He is out and out the most distinguished young Prince there is, and besides that, good, excellent, and steady according to one's heart's desire, and as one could wish for an only and beloved daughter. For Portugal, too, an amiable, well-educated Queen would be an immense blessing, for there never has been one. I am sure you would be more likely to secure Charlotte's happiness if you gave her to Pedro than to one of those innumerable Archdukes, or to Prince George of Saxony. Pedro should, however, be written to, if you were favourably inclined towards him.
I must end now, hoping soon to hear from you again. Pedro is just nineteen; he can therefore well wait till he has completed his twentieth year. Ever your devoted Niece,
Footnote 47: Both the Queen and King Leopold were desirous of arranging a marriage between King Pedro and the Princess Charlotte, which, however, did not take place. See post pp. 211, 234, note 19, and 332, note 35.
[Draft.]48
Septembre 1856.
Je regrette autant que V.M.I. les divergences existantes entre les vues de nos deux Gouvernements au sujet du Traité de Paris.49 [Il est impossible pour nous cependant de céder aux Russes les demandes qu'ils mettent en avant, seulement parcequ'elles sont soutenues par la France. Le fait est que] Ma manière d'envisager la situation actuelle est celle-ci: les Russes ne cessent de suivre la même politique dès le commencement de la complication Orientale jusqu'à présent. Ils cèdent où la force majeure les y contraint, mais tâchent de se réserver par des chicanes ou subterfuges les moyens de reprendre à un temps plus opportun leurs attaques sur l'indépendance et l'intégrité de cette pauvre Turquie. [Nous au contraire sommes déterminés.] La France et l'Angleterre au contraire ont manifesté leur détermination de la sauver et de l'assurer contre ces attaques. C'était là la cause de la guerre; c'était là le but de la paix; mon Gouvernement n'oserait le sacrifier vis-à-vis de mon peuple par complaisance envers l'Empereur de Russie. Un coup d'oeil sur la Carte, par exemple, démontre qu'en détruisant Ismail, Kilia, etc., etc. [(acte auquel nous ne venons qu'à présent d'apprendre que la France avait donné son assentiment à notre insu)] la Russie a privé l'aile droite de la nouvelle ligne de frontière de toute défense; tandis qu'en substituant le nouveau Bolgrad à celui connu au Congrès elle pousserait un point stratégique au centre, couperait la partie cédée de la Bessarabie du reste de l'Empire Ottoman, et se mettrait à même de devenir de nouveau maîtresse de la rive gauche du Danube, quand elle le voudra. Comme dans ce cas [nous] nos deux pays sont tenus par Traité à reprendre les armes, il me paraît de notre devoir à prévenir de tels dangers. Ces dangers seront écartés à l'instant que la France s'unira à nous pour tenir un langage ferme à la Russie, qui tâche de nous désunir et il ne faut pas qu'elle y réussisse.
Je vous exprime là toute ma pensée, sachant que l'Empereur attend une franchise entière de son amie, convaincue aussi, que si son opinion diffère de la mienne, c'est dû au moins d'importance qu'il attache peut-être aux points en dispute avec la Russie, et à un sentiment de générosité envers un ennemi vaincu, auquel il me serait doux de m'abandonner avec lui, si je pouvais le faire de manière à concilier les intérêts de la Turquie et de l'Europe.
Footnote 48: This is the original draft, which appears to have been modified later by the omission of the sentences in brackets.
Footnote 49: The Treaty had involved the restitution of the fortress and district of Kars to Turkey. The Russians, however, delayed the stipulated evacuation in an unwarrantable manner. Ismail also was included within the portion of Bessarabia to be ceded to Turkey, but, instead of surrendering it intact, the Russians destroyed its fortifications; they also laid claim to Serpent's Island at the mouth of the Danube, which was within the ceded portion, and of Bolgrad, the future ownership of which was, owing to the inaccuracies of maps, in dispute. The English Government sent a fleet to the Black Sea to enforce the obligations of the Treaty, while the French Government seemed to make unnecessary concessions to Russia.
Taymouth, 21st September 1856.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly ventures to express his opinion that the Empress might think the tone of your Majesty's letter rather too severe. It is by no means severe, but perfectly just and true as regards the conduct of Russia and France, and on that very account it might wound the amour-propre of the Emperor.
Lord Clarendon ventures to suggest the omission of the second sentence beginning by "il est impossible," and of the parenthesis at the bottom of the second page.50 In the concluding sentence it might perhaps be better to say "la France et l'Angleterre" instead of "nous," which would possibly be taken as an announcement of separate action. Your Majesty might perhaps think it right to add after the last words "tels dangers"—"ces dangers seront écartés à l'instant que la France s'unira à nous pour tenir un langage ferme à la Russie qui tâche de nous désunir et il ne faut pas qu'elle y réussisse."51
Footnote 50: I.e. the passage from "acte auquel" to "notre insu."
Footnote 51: The Prince wrote in reply to this letter: "The draft of letter to the Empress of the French has been altered in every particular as you suggest, and I will send you a corrected copy of it by to-morrow." See post, p. 213, note 54.
Balmoral, 22nd September 1856.
My dear George,—I waited to thank you for your letter of the 17th till I had received Mary's from Lord Clarendon, which I did yesterday morning, and which I now return to you. It is admirably written, and does dear Mary the greatest credit; she puts it on the right ground, viz. that of the Protestant feeling which should always actuate our family, and to this we now must keep. It effectually closes, however, the door to all Catholic proposals—whether from Kings or Princes, which makes matters easier.
I must say, however, that I think it very wrong of certain ladies to have spoken of Mary's feelings and wishes on the subject, which has no doubt encouraged the idea when they had no reason for doing so.
I am very glad that the decision has been so entirely dear Mary's own, and that she is convinced of my anxious wish for her happiness and welfare—which I have as much at heart as if she were my own sister.
It is very necessary, however, that not a word should be breathed of this whole affair, and I trust that you will caution your mother and sisters and their relations to be very silent on the subject, as it would be otherwise very offensive to the King.
With Albert's love, ever your very affectionate Cousin,
Balmoral, 26th September 1856.
My dear Lady Hardinge,—Where can I find words to express to you our deep heartfelt sorrow at the sad and totally unexpected news conveyed to us by telegraph yesterday.52
My first thought was for you, dear Lady Hardinge, whose whole existence was so completely bound up in his, that this blow must be awful indeed. We feel truly and sincerely what we, and the country, have lost in your dear, high-minded, noble husband, whose only thought was his duty. A more loyal, devoted, fearless public servant the Crown never possessed. His loss to me is one of those which in our times is quite irreparable. Added to all this we have ever had such a true affection and personal friendship for dear Lord Hardinge, and know how warmly these feelings were requited. All who had the pleasure of knowing him must ever remember his benevolent smile and kind eye.
But I speak of ourselves and of what we have lost, when I ought only to express our sympathy with you, in your present overwhelming loss, but I could not restrain my pen, and the expression of our feelings may perhaps be soothing to your bleeding heart.
Most truly also do we sympathise with your children.
Pray do not think of answering this yourself, but let us hear through your son or daughter how you are. Ever, dear Lady Hardinge, with the sincerest regard and truest sympathy, yours affectionately,
Footnote 52: Lord Hardinge, who had only temporarily rallied from the stroke he had received at Aldershot, died on the 24th.
Laeken, 10th October 1856.
My dearest Victoria,—Since your kind letter of the 2nd I have not had any communications from you. I can well understand that it grieves you to leave the Highlands. It is not a great proof of the happiness of human kind, that all love to be elsewhere than at the place where their real residence is, notwithstanding all songs of home sweet home, etc. I plead quite guilty to this, though I used to be much attached to my old home at Coburg and to Claremont. That the weather should have been unfavourable is a great pity; here we have had a most beautiful and mild weather till the 8th, when a severe thunderstorm put an end to it.
Poor Lord Hardinge! I believe after all, though all these people pretend not to mind it, that the Press killed him. I once told Lady Maryborough and the late Duchess of Wellington that it was fortunate the Duke cared so little for the Press. "Care little," they said; "why, nothing annoys and irritates him more." I find it natural; doing one's best, working with all one's nerves, and to be abused for it, is not pleasant.
To explain the real state of dear Charlotte's affair I enclose the only copy of my letter which exists, and pray you kindly to send it me back. My object is and was that Charlotte should decide as she likes it, and uninfluenced by what I might prefer. I should prefer Pedro, that I confess, but the Archduke53 has made a favourable impression on Charlotte; I saw that long before any question of engagement had taken place. The Archduke is out at sea, and nothing can well be heard before the 25th of this month. If the thing takes place the Emperor ought to put him at the head of Venice; he is well calculated for it.
I am going on the 15th to Ardenne for a week. I have been since that revolution of 1848 kept away from it almost entirely, compared to former days. And now, with my best love to Albert, I must end, remaining ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly devoted and only Uncle,
Footnote 53: The Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph of Austria, afterwards Emperor of Mexico.
Balmoral, 13th October 1856.
My dearest Uncle,—I am truly thankful for your kind letter and the very confidential enclosure which I return, and which has interested us both very much, and is truly kind and paternal. I still hope by your letter that Charlotte has not finally made up her mind—as we both feel so strongly convinced of the immense superiority of Pedro over any other young Prince even dans les relations journalistes, besides which the position is so infinitely preferable. The Austrian society is médisante and profligate and worthless—and the Italian possessions very shaky. Pedro is full of resource—fond of music, fond of drawing, of languages, of natural history, and literature, in all of which Charlotte would suit him, and would be a real benefit to the country. If Charlotte asked me, I should not hesitate a moment, as I would give any of my own daughters to him were he not a Catholic; and if Charlotte consulted her friend Vicky I know what her answer would be as she is so very fond of Pedro.
14th.—I could not finish last night, and so continue to-day. I shall be most anxious to hear from you about Charlotte, when a final decision has been taken.
Since the 6th we have the most beautiful weather—with the country in the most brilliant beauty—but not the bracing weather which did one so much good; yesterday and to-day it is quite warm and relaxing. Albert has continued to have wonderful sport; not only has he killed seven more stags since I wrote, but the finest, largest stags in the whole neighbourhood—or indeed killed in almost any forest!...
Ever your devoted Niece,
Windsor Castle, 9th November 1856.
The Queen has received Lord Panmure's two boxes of the 4th. She is glad to hear that the Military and the Defence Committees of the Cabinet are to be reassembled. The absence of all plans for our defences is a great evil, and hardly credible. There should exist a well-considered general scheme for each place supported by a detailed argument; this when approved by the Government, should be sanctioned and signed by the Sovereign, and not deviated from except upon resubmission and full explanation of the causes which render such deviation necessary; no special work should be undertaken which does not realise part of this general scheme. The Queen trusts that Lord Panmure will succeed in effecting this.
It is very much to be regretted that so few of the soldiers of the German Legion should have accepted the liberal terms of the Government. Those should, however, be made to sail soon.
The returns of the different Departments for the last quarter show a lamentable deficiency in small arms. Fifty-two thousand three hundred and twenty-two for the whole of the United Kingdom is a sadly small reserve to have in store; we should never be short of 500,000. The Queen was struck also with the little work done at Enfield. It appears that during the whole quarter this new and extensive establishment has completed only three muskets!
With regard to some of the barracks, the tenders have not even yet been accepted, although the year is nearly drawing to a close. The Queen hopes soon to receive the returns for the Fortification Department, which is fully two months in arrear....
With respect to the list for the Bath, the Queen is somewhat startled by the large number. Before sanctioning it, she thinks it right to ask for an explanation of the services of the officers, and the reasons for which they are selected for the honour. She returns the list for that purpose to Lord Panmure, who will perhaps cause the statement to be attached to each name. This, of course, does not apply to the foreigners. Amongst the Sardinians, however, the Queen observes the absence of the names of the Military Commissioners attached first to Lord Raglan and afterwards to General Simpson. The first was a Count Revel, who has frequently applied for the honour, and the Queen thinks ought to have it.
Foreign Office, 10th November 1856.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty, and humbly begs to transmit a letter from the Empress which was left here this afternoon by M. de Persigny, who also left a despatch from Count Walewski, of which Lord Clarendon begs to transmit a copy.54 It is a most unsatisfactory result of all the tripotage that has been going on, as it is an invitation pur et simple to reassemble the conference with Prussia, and to abide by the decision of the majority.
Lord Clarendon is to see M. de Persigny to-morrow morning.
Footnote 54: Count Walewski had written to Count Persigny: "The communications which I have received give us cause to fear that Her Majesty's Government may persist in declining the proposal to reassemble the Conference.... We only know of five Powers which have had an opportunity to express an opinion on the point at issue.... It appears that Sardinia has not yet formed her decision. We cannot therefore foresee in what sense the majority will pronounce, and it is evident to us that the reunion will realise the object desired, that of bringing on a decision which cannot be questioned by any one, seeing that it will have been obtained by the concurrence of the Representatives of all the Powers."
Compiègne, le 7 Novembre 1856.
Madame et très chère Sœur,—Je viens après plus de deux mois m'excuser près de votre Majesté d'une faute bien involontaire; par quelques mots que Persigny m'a dit j'ai cru comprendre que votre Majesté s'étonnait que je ne lui eusse pas écrit en réponse à sa lettre. La seule crainte d'ennuyer votre Majesté m'a empêché de le faire, je croyais d'ailleurs que vous n'aviez pas besoin d'assurances sur la bonne foi et surtout sur la bonne volonté de l'Empereur.
J'espère que grâce à Dieu tous les petits différens qui ont surgi dans ces derniers temps s'aplaniront, car c'est l'intérêt des deux pays, et le vœu le plus cher que nous puissions former.55
L'Empereur a été bien peiné d'apprendre les fausses suppositions auxquelles out donné lieu un désaccord momentaire; il n'aurait jamais supposé que le désir de maintenir un engagement pris peut-être même trop à la hâte, mais dont un honnête homme ne peut se départir ait pu faire croire que l'alliance avec votre Majesté ne lui était pas tout aussi chère et tout aussi précieuse qu'auparavant; il est heureux de penser que la réunion de la conférence sera un moyen de tout arranger, puisque l'opinion de la Sardaigne n'était pas encore connue; elle créera par sa voix une majorité, et le Gouvernement français ne faisant rien pour influencer l'opinion du Piémont, le cabinet de votre Majesté peut sans concession accepter cette combinaison. Je ne saurais assez dire combien pour ma part je suis tourmentée, car je voudrais partout et en tout voir nos deux pays marcher d'accord et surtout quand ils ont le même but. Nous sommes à Compiègne depuis trois semaines, l'Empereur chasse souvent, ce qui l'amuse beaucoup et lui fait beaucoup de bien...
L'Empereur me charge de le mettre aux pieds de votre Majesté. Je la prie en même temps de ne point nous oublier auprès du Prince Albert, et vous, Madame, croyez au tendre attachement que [je] vous ai voué et avec lequel je suis, Madame et très chère Sœur, de votre Majesté la toute dévouée Sœur,
Footnote 55: Besides the complications arising out of the procrastination of Russia, in carrying out the Treaty of Paris, an international difficulty had lately arisen in Switzerland. A rising, professedly in defence of the hereditary interests of the King of Prussia, took place in the Canton of Neuchâtel, but was suppressed, and some of the insurgents taken prisoners by the Republican Government. The King of Prussia virtually expressed his approval of the movement by claiming the liberation of the prisoners, and his action was, to some extent, countenanced by the French Emperor. The matter was finally adjusted in 1857.
Foreign Office, 11th November 1856.
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to transmit the letters which arrived yesterday together with a copy of Count Walewski's despatch.
Lord Clarendon begs to return his thanks to your Majesty for allowing him to see the Empress's letter.... The letter does not seem to require an answer at present.
Lord Clarendon had a conversation of two hours this morning with M. de Persigny, who fought all his battles o'er again, but did not say much beyond what Lord Cowley had reported. He is quite sure that the Emperor is as staunch as ever to the Alliance, and that he believes all his own personal interests as well as those of France are bound up with England. He said, too, that the Empress was not the least taken in by the flatteries of Russia, which she estimates at their juste valeur.
M. de Persigny seems to have performed an act of painful duty and rather of true devotion, by giving the Empress some advice about her own conduct and the fate she was preparing for herself if she was not more properly mindful of her position and the obligations it entails. Lord Clarendon has seldom heard anything more eloquent or more touching than the language of M. de Persigny in describing what he said to the Empress, who appears to have taken it in the best part, and to have begun acting upon the advice the next day. M. de Persigny has no doubt that Count Walewski will soon be removed from his present office, and will be promoted to St. Petersburg, but Lord Clarendon will wait to believe this until it is a fait accompli, as it is more likely than not that when M. de Persigny is no longer on the spot to urge the Emperor, Count Walewski will resume his influence.
Count Walewski's despatch made a very unfavourable impression upon the Cabinet, who were of opinion that upon such an invitation and such slender assurances respecting the course that Sardinia might take, we ought not to give up our solid and often repeated objections to reassembling the Congress—at all events it was considered that we ought to have a positive answer from Turin before we gave a final answer....
Piccadilly, 13th November 1856.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that Sir Alexander Cockburn56 accepts the office of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, but expresses a strong wish not altogether to be shut out from Parliamentary functions. His health, which has frequently interfered with his attendance in the House of Commons, makes him feel uncertain as to the future, and he is not desirous of being immediately placed in the House of Lords, but he would be glad to be allowed to look forward to such a favour from your Majesty at some future time if he should find his health stand sufficiently good to give him a fair prospect of being useful in the House of Lords. He says that with the Baronetcy of an uncle he will succeed to an estate of £5,000 a year, independent of what he has realised by his own professional exertions; and that consequently there would be a provision for a Peerage. Viscount Palmerston begs to submit for your Majesty's gracious approval that such a prospect might be held out to Sir Alexander Cockburn. The Chancellor and Lord Lansdowne and Lord Granville concur with Viscount Palmerston in thinking that much public advantage would arise from the presence of both Sir Alexander Cockburn, and of the Master of the Rolls,57 in the House of Lords, and there are numerous precedents for the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and for the Master of the Rolls being Peers of Parliament.58 Their judicial duties would no doubt prevent them from sitting in the morning on appeal cases, but their presence in the evening in debates in which the opinions and learning of men holding high positions in the legal profession would be required, could not fail to be of great public advantage. Of course any expectation to be held out to Sir Alexander Cockburn would for the present be a confidential and private communication to himself....
Footnote 56: Sir Alexander Cockburn's parliamentary success dated from his speech in the Don Pacifico debate; see ante, vol. ii, p. 252, note 23. He was made Solicitor-General shortly after, and then Attorney-General, being reappointed to the latter office in the end of 1852. He had defended both McNaghten and Pate for attacks on the Queen's person. The uncle whom he soon afterwards succeeded as baronet was now Dean of York.
Footnote 57: Sir John Romilly, created a peer in 1866.
Footnote 58: E.g., Lord Eldon in the former office; Lord Langdale in the latter.