Tuileries, le 14 Janvier 1856.
Madame et chère Sœur,—Votre Majesté m'ayant permis de lui parler à cœur ouvert toutes les fois que des circonstances graves se présenteraient, je viens aujourd'hui profiter de la faveur qu'elle a bien voulu m'accorder.
Je viens de recevoir aujourd'hui la nouvelle de la réponse de la Russie à l'Ultimatum de Vienne, et avant d'avoir manifesté mon impression à qui que ce soit, pas même à Walewski, je viens la communiquer à votre Majesté pour avoir son avis.
Je résume la question: La Russie accepte tout l'Ultimatum autrichien sauf la rectification de frontière de la Bessarabie, et sauf le paragraphe relatif aux conditions particulières qu'elle déclare ne pas connaître. De plus, profitant du succès de Kars, elle s'engage à rendre cette forteresse et le territoire occupé en échange des points que nous possédons en Crimée et ailleurs.
Dans quelle position allons-nous nous trouver? D'après la convention, l'Autriche est obligée de retirer son ambassadeur, et nous, nous poursuivons la guerre! Mais dans quel but allons-nous demander à nos deux pays de nouveaux sacrifices d'hommes et d'argent? Pour un intérêt purement autrichien et pour une question qui ne consolide en rien l'empire ottoman.
Cependant nous y sommes obligés et nous ne devons pas avoir l'air de manquer à nos engagements. Nous serions donc placés dans une alternative bien triste si l'Autriche elle-même ne semblait pas déjà nous inviter de ne point rompre toute négociation. Or en réfléchissant aujourd'hui à cette situation, je me disais: ne pourrait-on pas répondre à l'Autriche ceci: La prise de Kars a tant soit peu changé nos situations; puisque la Russie consent à évacuer toute l'Asie Mineure nous nous bornons à demander pour la Turquie, au lieu de la rectification de frontière, les places fortes formant tête de pont sur le Danube, tels que Ismail et Kilia. Pour nous, nous demandons en fait de conditions particulières, l'engagement de ne point rétablir les forts des îles d'Aland et une amnistie pour les Tartares. Mon sentiment est qu'à ces conditions-là la paix serait très désirable; car sans cela je ne puis pas m'empêcher de redouter l'opinion publique quand elle me dira: "Vous aviez obtenu le but réel de la guerre, Aland était tombé et ne pouvait plus se relever, Sebastopol avait eu le même sort, la flotte Russe était anéantie, et la Russie promettait non seulement de ne plus la faire reparaître dans la Mer Noire, mais même de ne plus avoir d'arsenaux maritimes sur toutes ses rives; la Russie abandonnait ses conquêtes dans l'Asie Mineure, elle abandonnait son protectorat dans les principautés, son action sur le cours du Danube, son influence sur ces correligionnaires sujets du Sultan, etc., etc. Vous aviez obtenu tout cela non sans d'immenses sacrifices et cependant vous allez les continuer, compromettre les finances de la France, répandre ses trésors et son sang et pourquoi: pour obtenir quelques landes de la Bessarabie!!!"
Voilà, Madame, les réflexions qui me préoccupent; car autant je me sens de force quand je crois être dans le vrai pour inculquer mes idées à mon pays et pour lui faire partager ma persuasion, autant je me sentirais faible si je n'étais pas sûr d'avoir raison ni de faire mon devoir.
Mais ainsi que je l'ai dit en commençant à votre Majesté je n'ai communiqué ma première impression qu'au Duc de Cambridge, et autour de moi au contraire j'ai dit qu'il fallait continuer la guerre. J'espère que votre Majesté accueillera avec bonté cette lettre écrite à la hâte et qu'elle y verra une nouvelle preuve de mon désir de m'entendre toujours avec elle avant de prendre une résolution. En remerciant votre Majesté de l'aimable lettre que S.A.R. le Duc de Cambridge m'a remise de sa part, je la prie de recevoir la nouvelle assurance de mes sentiments de tendre et respectueux attachement avec lesquels je suis de votre Majesté, le bon frère et ami,
Je remercie bien le Prince Arthur de son bon souvenir.
Windsor Castle, 15th January 1856.
... The Queen will send her letter to the Emperor this evening for transmission to Paris. She will enclose it open to Lord Clarendon, who will seal and send it after having read it.
The Queen cannot conceal from Lord Clarendon what her own feelings and wishes at this moment are. They cannot be for peace now, for she is convinced that this country would not stand in the eyes of Europe as she ought, and as the Queen is convinced she would after this year's campaign. The honour and glory of her dear Army is as near her heart as almost anything, and she cannot bear the thought that "the failure on the Redan" should be our last fait d'Armes, and it would cost her more than words can express to conclude a peace with this as the end. However, what is best and wisest must be done.
The Queen cannot yet bring herself to believe that the Russians are at all sincere, or that it will now end in peace.
Windsor Castle, le 15 Janvier 1856.
Sire et cher Frère,—La bonne et aimable lettre que je viens de recevoir de la main de votre Majesté m'a causé un très-vif plaisir. J'y vois une preuve bien satisfaisante pour moi que vous avez apprécié tous les avantages de ces épanchements sans réserve, et que votre Majesté en sent comme moi le besoin dans les circonstances graves où nous sommes. Je sens aussi toute la responsabilité que votre confiance m'impose, et c'est dans la crainte qu'une opinion formée et exprimée par moi trop à la hâte pourrait nuire à la décision finale à prendre que je me vois obligée de différer pour le moment la réponse plus détaillée sur les considérations que vous avez si clairement et si consciencieusement développées. Cependant, je ne veux point tarder de vous remercier de votre lettre, et de vous soumettre de mon côté les réflexions qui me sont venues en la lisant. La Réponse Russe ne nous est pas encore arrivée; nous n'en connaissons pas exactement les termes; par conséquent, il serait imprudent de former une opinion définitive sur la manière d'y répondre, surtout comme le Prince Gortschakoff paraît avoir demandé un nouveau délai du Gouvernement Autrichien et de nouvelles instructions de St Pétersbourg, et comme M. de Bourqueney paraît penser que la Russie n'a pas dit son dernier mot. Nous pourrions donc perdre une chance d'avoir de meilleures conditions, en montrant trop d'empressement à accueillir celles offertes dans ce moment. Celles-ci arriveront peut-être dans le courant de la journée, ou demain, quand mon Cabinet sera réuni pour les examiner. Nous sommes au 15; le 18 les relations diplomatiques entre l'Autriche et la Russie doivent être rompues; je crois que notre position vis-à-vis de la Russie sera meilleure en discutant ses propositions après la rupture et après en avoir vu les effets. En attendant, rien ne sera plus utile à la cause de la paix que la résolution que vous avez si sagement prise de dire à tous ceux qui vous approchent qu'il faut continuer la guerre. Soyez bien sûr que dans l'opinion finale que je me formerai, votre position et votre persuasion personnelle seront toujours présentes à mon esprit et auront le plus grand poids.
Windsor Castle, 17th January 1856.
The Queen returns the Duke of Cambridge's and Lord Cowley's letters, which together with the account which Lord Clarendon gives of his interview with M. de Persigny causes the Queen no little anxiety. If negotiations on a vague basis are allowed to be begun, the Russian negotiator is sure to find out that the French are ready to grant anything....
However, whatever happens, one consolation the Queen ever will have, which is—that with the one exception of that failure on the Redan, her noble Army—in spite of every possible disadvantage which any army could labour under, has invariably been victorious, and the Russians have always and everywhere been beaten excepting at Kars, where famine alone enabled them to succeed.
Let us therefore not be (as alas! we have often been) its detractors by our croaking.
Piccadilly, 17th January 1856.
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and concludes that Lord Lansdowne informed your Majesty that the Cabinet, after hearing from Lord Clarendon a statement of the course of the recent negotiations as explained by the despatches which Lord Clarendon read, came to the decision that no further step should be taken, and no further communication should be made to the Government of France on the matters at issue, until the final decision of the Russian Government on the pure and simple adoption of the Austrian ultimatum4 should be known. Viscount Palmerston begs to congratulate your Majesty upon the telegraphic message received this morning from Sir Hamilton Seymour, announcing that the Russian Government has adopted that Austrian ultimatum. So far so well, and the success which has attended firmness and steadiness of purpose in regard to those conditions may be looked upon as a tolerably sure indication that a perseverance in the same course will bring the Russian Government to consent to those remaining conditions which the Austrian Government has not yet (as it says) made known to the Cabinet of Petersburg.
With regard to the letter of the Emperor of the French to your Majesty, and the statements made to Lord Clarendon by the Count de Persigny as to the difficulties of the Emperor's internal position with respect to finance, and a general desire for peace throughout the Nation, Viscount Palmerston expressed his opinion to the Cabinet yesterday that all those representations were greatly exaggerated. He is convinced that the Emperor of the French is perfectly master of his own position, and that he can as to peace or war take the course which he may determine to adopt.
The cabal of stock-jobbing politicians, by whom he is surrounded, must give way to him if he is firm. They have no standing place in the confidence and respect of their fellow-countrymen, they represent nothing but the Stock Exchange speculations in which they are engaged, and the Emperor's throne would probably be stronger, rather than weaker, if they were swept away, and better men put in their places. And it is a very remarkable circumstance that at the very moment when your Majesty and your Majesty's Government were being told that the Emperor would be unable to go on with the war on account of the difficulty of finding money, the French Government was putting forth in the Moniteur an official statement showing that they have a reserve surplus of twenty-one millions sterling for defraying the expenses of a campaign in the ensuing spring, without the necessity of raising any fresh loan.
Viscount Palmerston fully concurs in the sentiment of regret expressed by your Majesty to Lord Clarendon that the last action of the war in which your Majesty's troops have been engaged, should, if peace be now concluded, have been the repulse at the Redan; but however it may suit national jealousy, which will always be found to exist on the other side of the Channel, to dwell upon that check, yet your Majesty may rely upon it that the Alma and Inkerman have left recollections which will dwell in the memory of the living and not be forgotten in the page of history; and although it would no doubt have been gratifying to your Majesty and to the Nation that another summer should have witnessed the destruction of Cronstadt by your Majesty's gallant Navy, and the expulsion of the Russians from the countries south of the Caucasus by your Majesty's brave Army, yet if peace can now be concluded on conditions honourable and secure, it would, as your Majesty justly observes, not be right to continue the war for the mere purpose of prospective victories. It will, however, be obviously necessary to continue active preparations for war up to the moment when a definite Treaty of Peace is signed, in order that the Russians may not find it for their interest to break off negotiations when the season for operations shall approach, emboldened by any relaxation on the part of the Allies induced by too ready confidence in the good faith of their adversary....
Footnote 4: See ante, p. 152.
Tuileries, 20th January 1856.
My dear Cousin,—Your letters of the 14th and 18th have reached me, and I am happy to find by them that you approve in conjunction with the Government with what has been done by me and my colleagues whilst at Paris.5 I have given all the messages and carried out all the instructions as contained in your letters, and I trust as far as possible I have been enabled to do some good. On the other hand, I cannot deny that the feelings universally expressed here as to the prospects of a speedy peace are so different from those felt in England, that it is extremely difficult to produce any impression in the sense that we could wish it. France wishes for peace more than anything else on earth, and this feeling does not confine itself to Walewski or the Ministers—it extends itself to all classes. The Emperor alone is reasonable and sensible in this respect, but his position is a most painful one, and he feels it very much. The fact is that public opinion is much more felt and more loudly expressed in this country than anybody in England at all imagines. No doubt the Emperor can do much that he wishes, but still he cannot go altogether against a feeling which so loudly expresses itself on all occasions, without thereby injuring his own position most seriously. I have written to Clarendon very fully on this subject, and have explained to him my reasons for wishing to return to England as soon as possible, now that our military mission is concluded. It is essential that I should see the members of the Government, and that I should communicate to them the exact state of feeling here and the views of the Emperor as to the mode of smoothing down all difficulties. This can only be done by a personal interview on the part of somebody thoroughly aware of the present position of affairs. Probably at this moment I am in a better position to do this than anybody else, from the peculiar circumstances in which I have been placed while here, and it is this feeling which makes me desirous to return to England with the least possible delay. It is my intention therefore to start with my colleagues to-morrow, Monday night, for England, to which arrangement the Emperor has given his sanction, and by which time he will be prepared to tell me what he thinks had best be done, from his view of the question. I think it my duty to communicate this to you, and hope that you will give my resolution your sanction. I beg to remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful Cousin,
Footnote 5: At the Council of War. See ante, p. 160.
Windsor Castle, 28th January 1856.
The Queen sends a letter which she wishes Lord Clarendon to give to General La Marmora.6 We have been extremely pleased with him (indeed he is a universal favourite) and found him so sensible, mild, and right-minded, in all he says—and a valuable adviser to the King. The Queen wishes just to mention to Lord Clarendon that the Duke of Cambridge told her that the Emperor had spoken to him about what the King of Sardinia had said relative to Austria and France, asking the Duke whether such a thing had been said.7 The Duke seems to have answered as we could wish, and the Queen pretended never to have heard the report, merely saying that as the proposed ultimatum was then much talked of, it was very possible the King might unintentionally have mistaken the observations of the Ministers and ourselves as to our being unable to agree, without great caution, to what appeared to be agreed on beforehand between France and Austria, and possibly might have in his blunt way stated something which alarmed the Emperor—but that she could not imagine it could be anything else. There seems, however, really no end to cancans at Paris; for the Duke of Cambridge seems to have shared the same fate. The two atmospheres of France and England, as well as the Society, are so different that people get to talk differently. It seems also that the King got frightened lest he should at Paris be thought too liberal in his religious views (having been complimented for it) which he was very proud of—and thought it necessary to tell the Emperor he was a good Catholic. This is not unnatural in his peculiar position. When Lord Clarendon goes to Paris, he will be able to silence any further allusion to these idle stories which only lead to mischief, and which even Lord Cowley seems to have made more of (as to his own feelings upon them) than was necessary, but that is equally natural. Speaking of his King—General La Marmora said: "Il ne dira jamais ce qu'il ne pense pas, mais il dit quelquefois ce qui serait mieux qu'il ne dit pas." He more than any other regrets the King's not having seen more of the world, and says his journey had done him a great deal of good.
Footnote 6: The Sardinian Commander had been attending the Council of War at Paris.
Footnote 7: The King of Sardinia was reported to have told the Emperor that the latter's loyalty to the Alliance was questioned by Great Britain, and that it was conjectured in London that he was in favour of co-operation with Austria instead.
28th January 1856.
The Queen returns to Lord Palmerston the draft of the speech, which she thinks extremely well worded, and which she therefore trusts will be (with the exception of those passages marked) as little altered as possible. Lord John Russell used to say that as soon as a speech was discussed in the Cabinet, it was so much pruned and altered as to lose all its force. The Queen must own that she is much alarmed at hearing that the papers of the War Council were to be printed and circulated amongst the Cabinet, as she fears that the secrecy, which is so necessary, upon which the Emperor laid so much stress, will be very difficult to be maintained. The Emperor's opinion at least, the Queen hopes, will not be printed or generally circulated?
The Queen must again press for a very early decision on the subject. If this is allowed to drag, it will appear, particularly to the Emperor, as if we were not really in earnest, though we stickled so much for our additional conditions, which might lessen the hopes of peace. Of course the Government must not give any answer on this subject—should Parliament be so indiscreet as to ask what the result of the deliberations of the Council of War has been.
Windsor Castle, 29th January 1856.
My dearest Uncle,—You will kindly forgive my letter being short, but we are going to be present this morning at the wedding of Phipps's daughter8 with that handsome lame young officer whom you remember at Osborne. It is quite an event at Windsor, and takes place in St George's Chapel, which is very seldom the case.
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 25th, by which I am glad to see that dear good Philip has arrived safe and well and brought back de bons souvenirs. We shall always be happy to see him.
The peace negotiations occupy every one; if Russia is sincere, they will end most probably in peace; but if she is not, the war will be carried on with renewed vigour. The recollection of last year makes one very distrustful.
England's policy throughout has been the same, singularly unselfish, and solely actuated by the desire of seeing Europe saved from the arrogant and dangerous pretensions of that barbarous power Russia—and of having such safeguards established for the future, which may ensure us against a repetition of similar untoward events.
I repeat now, what we have said from the beginning, and what I have repeated a hundred times, if Prussia and Austria had held strong and decided language to Russia in '53, we should never have had this war!
Now I must conclude. With Albert's best love, ever your devoted Niece,
Footnote 8: Maria Henrietta Sophia, daughter of Sir Charles Beaumont Phipps, K.C.B., Keeper of the Privy Purse, married Captain Frederick Sayer, 23rd Royal Welsh Fusiliers.
Windsor Castle, [January] 1856.
Dear Miss Nightingale,—You are, I know, well aware of the high sense I entertain of the Christian devotion which you have displayed during this great and bloody war, and I need hardly repeat to you how warm my admiration is for your services, which are fully equal to those of my dear and brave soldiers, whose sufferings you have had the privilege of alleviating in so merciful a manner. I am, however, anxious of marking my feelings in a manner which I trust will be agreeable to you, and therefore send you with this letter a brooch, the form and emblems of which commemorate your great and blessed work, and which, I hope, you will wear as a mark of the high approbation of your Sovereign!9
It will be a very great satisfaction to me, when you return at last to these shores, to make the acquaintance of one who has set so bright an example to our sex. And with every prayer for the preservation of your valuable health, believe me, always, yours sincerely,
Footnote 9: The presentation took place on the 29th of January. The jewel resembled a badge rather than a brooch, bearing a St George's Cross in red enamel, and the Royal cypher surmounted by a crown in diamonds. The inscription "Blessed are the Merciful" encircled the badge which also bore the word "Crimea."
Windsor Castle, 7th February 1856.
With respect to Lord Clarendon's observation that he hopes that the Queen "will approve of his upholding the Sardinians in the Conference and in all other respects," she can only assure him that she is most sincerely anxious that he should do so, as the Queen has the greatest respect for that noble little country, which, since it has possessed an honest, straightforward as well as courageous King, has been a bright example to all Continental States.
The Queen rejoices to hear that Count Cavour is coming to Paris. The Queen hopes that the determination not to admit Prussia will be adhered to.10 She hears that Baron Beust11 means to go to Paris to represent the German Confederation; this should be prevented by all means.
Footnote 10: Prussia was not admitted to the sitting of the Conference until a later stage.
Footnote 11: Prime Minister of Saxony.
Buckingham Palace, 13th February 1856.
My dearest Uncle,—I had the happiness of receiving your kind letter of the 8th on Saturday, and thank you much for it. I gave your kind message to Colonel Phipps, who was much gratified by it. We came here in wretched weather yesterday, leaving Mamma still at Frogmore.
The Conferences will begin very shortly; Lord Clarendon starts for Paris on Friday. No one but him could undertake these difficult negotiations. No one can tell what the result will be—and I will say nothing, for I have too strong personal feelings to speak upon the subject.
With respect to your answer respecting your neutrality, and the possibility of your being obliged to break it, I must repeat that I see no possibility or eventuality that could oblige you to do so. Belgium of its own accord bound itself to remain neutral, and its very existence is based upon that neutrality, which the other Powers have guaranteed and are bound to maintain if Belgium keeps her engagements. I cannot at all see HOW you could even entertain the question, for, as I just said, the basis of the existence of Belgium is her neutrality.
The weather is so mild that we should almost hope Stockmar would start soon. If he can't come himself, he should send his son for a few days, who could bring us any confidential communication from his father, and could be the bearer of any from us. Something of this kind is most necessary, for it is overwhelming to write to one another upon so many details which require immediate answer....
With Albert's love, and ours to your young people, believe me, always, your devoted Niece,
14th February 1856.
The Queen has seen in the reports of the House of Commons that a return has been moved for of all the decorations of the Bath given since the war. The Queen hopes the Government will not allow the House of Commons so much further to trespass upon the prerogatives of the Crown as now virtually to take also the control over the distribution of honours and rewards into their hands.
Laeken, 15th February 1856.
My dearest Victoria,—I have to thank you for your dear kind letter of the 12th. Madame de Sévigné says, with great truth, that a letter to be a good letter ought to be as if one heard the person speak; your dear letters are always so, and you would therefore be praised by Madame de Sévigné, and that very deservedly. Lord Clarendon is, Heaven be praised, well calculated to bring matters to a happy conclusion. I will try to make some impression on the mind of the Emperor Alexander, his best policy will be the most honest. By all I can learn they wish most sincerely the conclusion of this war. If on the side of the Allies only the things which really protect the territories of the present Turkish Empire are asked, the Russians ought not to manœuvre, but grant it, and the Allies also ought to be moderate. You are very properly never to be contradicted, but there are a few things to be remarked. This neutrality was in the real interest of this country, but our good Congress here did not wish it, and even opposed it; it was imposé upon them. A neutrality to be respected must be protected. France at all time in cases of general war can put an end to it, by declaring to us Vous devez être avec nous ou contre nous. If we answer Nous sommes neutres, they will certainly try to occupy us; then the case of self-defence arises and the claim to be protected by the other powers....
My beloved Victoria, your devoted Uncle,
Buckingham Palace, le 15 Février 1856.
Sire et cher Frère,—Mes Commissaires pour le Conseil de Guerre sont à peine revenus de Paris et notre plan de campagne est à peine arrêté, que mes Plénipotentiaires pour la Conférence de paix se mettent en route pour assister sous les yeux de V.M. à l'œuvre de la pacification. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous recommander Lord Clarendon, mais je ne veux pas le laisser partir sans le rendre porteur de quelques mots de ma part.
Quoique bien convaincue qu'il ne pourra dans les discussions prochaines s'élever de questions sur lesquelles il y aurait divergence d'opinions entre nos deux Gouvernements, j'attache toutefois le plus haut prix à ce que l'accord le plus parfait soit établi avant que les conférences ne soient ouvertes; et c'est dans ce but que j'ai chargé Lord Clarendon de se rendre à Paris quelques jours avant, afin qu'il pût rendre un compte exact des opinions de mon Gouvernement, et jouir de l'avantage de connaître à fond la pensée de V.M.
J'éprouverai un sentiment d'intime satisfaction dans ce moment critique, et je le regarderai comme une preuve toute particulière de votre amitié, si vous voulez permettre à Lord Clarendon de vous exposer personnellement mes vues et d'entendre les Vôtres de Votre proper bouche.
Les opérations de nos armées et de nos flottes combinées, sous un commandement divisé, ont été sujettes à d'énormes difficultés; mais ces difficultés ont été heureusement vaincues. Dans la Diplomatie comme à la guerre, les Russes auront sur Nous le grand avantage de l'unité de plan et d'action, et je les crois plus forts sur ce terrain que sur le champ de bataille; mais à coup sûr, nous y resterons également victorieux, si nous réussissons à empêcher l'ennemi de diviser nos forces et de nous battre en détail.
Sans vouloir jeter un doute sur la sincérité de la Russie en acceptant nos propositions, il est impossible d'avoir à ce sujet une conviction pleine et entière. J'ai tout lieu de croire cependant que nul effort et nul stratagème ne seront negligés pour rompre, s'il était possible, ou au moins pour affaiblir notre alliance. Mais je repose à cet égard dans la fermeté de V.M. la même confiance qui saura détruire toutes ces espérances, que j'ai dans la mienne et dans celle de mes Ministres. Cependant, on ne saurait attacher trop d'importance à ce que cette commune fermeté soit reconnue et appréciée dès le commencement des négociations, car de là dépendra, j'en ai la conviction, la solution, si nous devons obtenir une paix dont les termes pourront être considérés comme satisfaisants pour l'honneur de la France et de l'Angleterre, et comme donnant une juste compensation pour les énormes sacrifices que les deux pays ont faits. Une autre considération encore me porte à attacher le plus haut prix à cet accord parfait, c'est que si, par son absence, nous étions entraînés dans une paix qui ne satisferait point la juste attente de nos peuples, cela donnerait lieu à des plaintes et à des récriminations qui ne pourraient manquer de fausser les relations amicales des deux pays au lieu de les cimenter davantage comme mon cœur le désire ardemment.
D'ailleurs, je ne doute pas un moment qu'une paix telle que la France et l'Angleterre ont le droit de la demander sera bien certainement obtenue par une détermination inébranlable de ne point rabaisser les demandes modérées que nous avons faites.
Vous excuserez, Sire, la longueur de cette lettre, mais il m'est si doux de pouvoir épancher mes sentiments sur toutes ces questions si importantes et si difficiles, avec une personne que je considère non seulement comme un Allié fidèle, mais comme un ami sur lequel je puis compter en toute occasion, et qui, j'en suis sûre, est animé envers nous des mêmes sentiments.
Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses hommages les plus affectueux, et moi je me dis pour toujours, Sire et cher Frère, de V.M.I., la très affectionnée Sœur et Amie,
Buckingham Palace, 16th February 1856.
The subject to which Lord Palmerston refers in his letter of last night, and upon which the Cabinet is going to deliberate to-day, has also caused the Queen much anxiety.
A Civil Commission is sent out by the Government to enquire into the conduct of the officers in command in the Crimea; this is done without any consultation with the Commander-in-Chief. They report to the Government, inculpating several general officers and others in high command; this report is not communicated to the military authorities, nor to the persons affected by it, but is laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament.12 These officers then for the first time find themselves accused under the authority of Government, and that accusation communicated to the Legislature without ever having been heard in answer or allowed an opportunity to defend themselves. It is stated in both Houses by the Government that the officers may send papers in reply if they choose! But who is to be the Judge on the trial? The Press, of course, and the Times at the head, have already judged and condemned, and the House of Commons is now moving in default of another Judge to constitute its tribunal by a Committee of Enquiry.
It is quite evident if matters are left so, and military officers of the Queen's Army are to be judged as to the manner in which they have discharged their military duties before an enemy by a Committee of the House of Commons, the command of the Army is at once transferred from the Crown to that Assembly.
This result is quite inevitable if the Government appear as accusers, as they do by the report of their Commission, and then submit the accusation for Parliament to deal with, without taking any steps of their own!
The course suggested by Sir James Graham and alluded to by Lord Palmerston, of following the precedent of the enquiry into the Convention of Cintra,13 appears therefore to the Queen to be the only prudent one.
The Queen thinks it most unfair to the officers to publish their statements beforehand, as these will not go before judges feeling the weight of their responsibility, but before the newspapers who are their sworn enemies and determined to effect their ruin, for which they possess unlimited means.
The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to read this letter to the Cabinet.
Footnote 12: Sir John MacNeill and Colonel Tulloch had been sent out to the Crimea early in 1855 to investigate the breakdown of various military departments. They had issued a preliminary report in the summer of 1855, and a final one in January 1856, which was presented to Parliament. The officers specially censured were Lord Lucan (who had been given the command of a Regiment), Lord Cardigan, Inspector of Cavalry, Sir Richard Airey, Quartermaster-General, and Colonel Gordon, Deputy Quartermaster-General. Lord Panmure wrote on the 17th of February that the Government recommended the appointment of a Commission of Enquiry, consisting of General Sir Howard Douglas and six other high military officers. The Commission sat at Chelsea, and made its report in July, exonerating the officers censured.
Footnote 13: The Convention of Cintra was concluded on the 30th of August 1808. It was founded on the basis of an armistice agreed upon between Sir Arthur Wellesley and General Kellerman, on the day after the battle of Vimiera, and some of its provisions were considered too favourable to the French. A Board of Enquiry, under the presidency of Sir David Dundas, in the first instance exculpated the British officers; but the Government having instructed the members of the Board to give their opinions individually, four were found to approve and three to disapprove the armistice and convention.