In the beginning God created the heaven and earth and all things which are in them. But on the sixth day from the creation of the world, was made the first-formed Adam. 1.The first age of the world, from Adam to Noeh according to the Hebrews, contains a thousand, six hundred and fifty six years; according to the Seventy Interpreters, two thousand two hundred xliiij years. But according to Jerome not completely two thousand; according to Metodus two thousand. The cause of which diversity is, that these do not compute according to the manner of sacred Scripture the minutiæ of times, or of years, which are over and above the thousands and hundreds of years. From the beginning of the world until Noeh’s flood, are two thousand two hundred fifty six years. 2.The second age from Noeh until Abraham, contains according to the Seventy Interpreters, a thousand and seventy two years: according to the Hebrews, a thousand two hundred and twenty two years. 3.The third age from Abraham until David, contains according to the Hebrews, eight hundred and xl two years; but according to the Seventy Interpreters much less, since they are deficient by two years. 4.The fourth age from David until the carrying away captive into Babylon, contains according to the Hebrews, four hundred and seventy three years; according to the Seventy Interpreters little less, for they are deficient in one year. 5.The fifth age, from the carrying away captive into Babylon, until Christ, contains five hundred and eighty five years. According to others, five hundred and ninety years. 6.The sixth age is from Christ until the end of the world. The years from the beginning of the world until the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, are five thousand ninety nine. The years from the incarnation of the same until his passion, thirty three incomplete. The years from the creation of the world until the destruction of Troy, iiij ml xxx years. From the destruction of Troy until the erection of new Troy, which is now called London, lxiiij years. From the erection of new Troy to the erection of the Roman city, ccclxxxx years. From the building of the city until the coming of Christ, dcc.xv years. From the beginning of the world iiij ml lxxxxiiij years, after the destruction of Troy, namely, in the mc and fifth year before the incarnation of Christ; Brutus, a certain noble person sprung of the Trojan race, with a great multitude of Trojans, through the response of the goddess Diana, entered into the island formerly called Albion and inhabited by giants; and destroyed all the giants, amongst whom was one very mighty, by name Gogmagog; and he called that land after his own name Britain. Afterwards by the Saxons or Angles that conquered it, it was called England. And the same Brutus the first king of the Britons constructed the first city of Britain, which is now called London, in remembrance of the Troy before destroyed, calling it Trinovantum, that is new Troy, which for a long time was called Trinovans. Ely the priest was then reigning in Judea, and the ark of the testimony captured by the Philistines. After the death of Brutus there reigned in Britain lviij kings. Afterwards reigned king Lud, who strongly built the walls of the city of the Trinovantes, which was by him called Caerlud, in English Loudesdon, and surrounded it with innumerable towers; which he loved above all the cities of the realm, and therefore directed that they should build houses and edifices, which should surpass the buildings of other cities. At his death his corpse was most nobly laid up in the aforesaid city near the gate which he himself built, and was called from his name Ludesgate. At length the English called it Londene: afterwards the Normans called it Loundres which in Latin is called Londonia. After the death of Lud reigned Cassibellanus his brother, namely, in the lviijth year before Christ’s incarnation; in whose time came Julius Cesar into Britain with a copious multitude, and being twice overcome and routed and driven off, the third time being recalled into Britain, he, by the aid of Androgeus duke of Kent, made it tributary to the Roman power.
Verses.
“Whosoever thou art: if thou wishest to know the English kings or laws, thou wilt read by perusing these. I will record the greater or nobler kings; when they reigned, and where the people buried them. Four thousand and a score years was Adam made before Brutus.”
Brutus in the xvth year of his age departing from Italy, arriving at the island Leogecia in his ship, consulted there Diana, saying:
The Words of Brutus: Verses.
“O mighty Goddess of the woods, terror of the wild boars, who hast power to pass through ethereal space and the infernal abodes: unfold earthly fate; and say what lands thou wishest us to inhabit; Tell also the dwelling in which I shall venerate thee for ever; in which I shall consecrate temples to thee with virgin dances.”
The Reply of Diana.
“Brutus, under the setting sun, beyond the Gallic realms, there is an island in the ocean all inclosed by sea; there is an island in the ocean, once inhabited by giants, now indeed desert, fit for thy tribes. This seek, for it shall be to thee a perpetual abode; Hence shall arise another Troy to thy sons; Here from thine offspring shall Kings be born, and to them shall all the earth be subject.”
Brutus, comforted with such a reply, and having prepared a fleet,
steered with his people into the Island Albion which is now called
England, and began to reign therein, in the xxxvth year of his age;
who in the xxiiijth of his reign is buried at London. In the year
one thousand two hundred and forty five, after the death of Brutus,
king Lucius flourishes. In the year of grace cxxiiij was the
coronation of Lucius the first Christian king, who after reigning
lxvij years, was buried at London. From the death of Brutus until the
reign of Arthur, there reigned in England separately C kings, of whom
sixteen were Christians. In the year dxvj, was the coronation of king
Arthur, who reigned xxvj years; concerning whose death or burial,
histories do not relate anything certain. In the year diiijxxvj
from the Angles, Albion is called Anglia, divided into eight kingdoms;
that is, Kent, Suthsex, Westsex, Mercia, Estsex, Estanglia, Derram,
and Bervic. In the year dc and one, began to reign king Sebert the
renovator of the church of Westminster, which he then dedicated to the
blessed Peter, in which the king himself in the xvth year of his
reign is entombed. In the year dcxxxv, the coronation of king Oswald,
who after reigning nine years is crowned with martyrdom. In the year
dcxxxvj the coronation of king Oswyny, who in the ixth year of his
reign being martyred, lies at Tynmouth. In the year dcclxxvj the
coronation of king Ethelbrist, who in the viijth year of his reign
being made a martyr, was buried at Hereford. In the year dcccxxj the
coronation and martyrdom of king Kenelm, who was buried at
Wynchecombe. In the year dccclv the coronation of king Edward at
Bures, who after xv years obtaining the laurels of martyrdom, rests in
the same place. In the year dccclxxj the coronation of king Alfred,
the first monarch of England; who in the xxixth year of his
government was buried at Wynton. In the year dcccc and one, the
coronation of Edward the first, son of Alfred, at Kyngeston; he
governed xxiiijor years, and is buried at London. In the year
dccccxxiiij, the coronation of king Athelstan at Kyngeston; he after
xvj years was buried at Malmesbury. In the year dccccxl, the
coronation of king Edward the second, son of Athelstan, at Kyngeston;
he in the sixth year of his reign is buried at Glastonbury. In the
year dccccxlvj, the coronation of king Edred at Kyngeston, who in the
ixth year of his reign was buried at Wynton. In the year dcccclv,
the coronation of king Edwyn at Kyngeston; he reigned four years; and
was buried at Wynton. In the year dcccclix, the coronation of king
Edgar, who reigned xvj years; he lies at Glastonbury. In the year
dcccclxxv, the coronation of Edward the second, son of Edgar, at
Westminster, who in the iiijth year of his reign adorned with
martyrdom, is buried at Septon. In the year dcccclxxix, the coronation
of king Ethelred at Kyngeston, and in the xxxviijth year of his
reign he is buried at London. In the year one thousand xvj, the
coronation of Edward the third iron-side, at Kyngeston, and his burial
at Glastonbury. In the year one thousand xvij, the coronation of king
Knute at Westminster, and in the xixth year of his reign, his
burial at Wynton. In the year one thousand xxxv, the coronation of
king Harold the first; he in the fifth year of his reign was buried at
London. In the year one thousand xl, the coronation of king
Hardeknute, and in the second year of his reign, his burial at Wynton.
From the nativity of Jesus Christ until the reign of Edward the
second, king and confessor, there passed separately in England a
hundred kings, and lxty and five kings; of whom Oswyn, Oswald,
Ethelbert, Kenelm, Edward, Edward, were martyred; and Constans,
Cedwall, Sebert, Wynfrid, Ethelred, Edbert, Offa, and Kynred were
buried in monks’ orders. In the year of grace one thousand xlij, the
coronation of saint Edward king and confessor, at Wynton; who in the
xxvth year of his reign is honorably inshrined in the church of
Westminster, which he himself had made to be erected. In the year one
thousand lxvj, the coronation of duke Harald at Westminster, and his
burial at Waltham. In the year one thousand lxvij, the coronation of
William the first, duke of Normandy, at Westminster; who in the
xlvijth year of his reign caused England to be described in a
volume called Domusday; and in the iiijth year after, is buried at
Caen. In the year one thousand lxxx, the coronation of William Rufus
at Westminster, and in the xiijth year of his reign, he is buried
at Wynton. In the year one thousand C the coronation of king Henry the
first, brother of William Rufus, at Westminster, who after reigning
xxxv years, was buried at Redyng. In the year Mcxxxv, the coronation
of king Stephen at Westminster, he in the xixth year of his reign
was buried at Feversham. In the year one thousand cliiij, the
coronation of the emperor Henry the second at Westminster, and in the
xxxvth year of his reign, his burial at Fontevrault. In the year
one thousand clxiiij, was the translation of saint Edward king and
confessor, at Westminster, on the third of the Ides of October, by the
blessed Thomas archbishop of Canterbury. In the year one thousand
clxxxix, the coronation of king Richard at Westminster, who when he
had reigned xjen years, was buried at Fontevrault. In the year one
thousand clxxxxix, the coronation of king John at Westminster; and in
the xviijth year of his government he is buried at Wygorn. In the
year one thousand ccxvj, the coronation of Henry, son of king John at
Gloucester; who in the fourth year following was again crowned at
Westminster; in the lvijth of his reign is interred at the same
place. In the year one thousand cclxxiiij, the xiiij. kl. of
September, the coronation of Edward the first after the Conquest, at
Westminster, who in the xxxvth year of his reign is buried at the
same place. In the year one thousand cccvij, the x kl. of March, the
coronation of Edward the second at Westminster; who in the xxth
year of his reign is buried at Gloucester. In the year one thousand
cccxxvj, is crowned Edward the third, the flower of the Christian
knighthood, at Westminster, in the xiiijth year of his age. Edward the third subjugated to his dominion the city of
Caleys.In the
year one thousand cccxlvj, on the third day of September, the same
lord king Edward began to besiege the town of Caleys with the castle,
and continued his siege until the third day of August, the succeeding
year, on which day he subjugated the said town with the castle to his
dominion. In the year one thousand cccxl, the viij kl. of July, the
illustrious king of England Edward the third conquered the French at
le Sclus in a naval engagement. In the year one thousand cccxlvj the
vijth kl. of October, the French are vanquished by the English at
Cressy, and the king of Bohemia is punished. David king of Scotland is taken.
The capture of John, king of France.In the same year, the
xvjth kl. of November, the Scots are overcome by the English at
Durham, and David king of Scotland is taken. In the year Ml. ccclvj
the xiijth kl. of October, was the capture of John king of France
at Peyters, by the excellent prince Edward the first-born of the
gracious king Edward the third. In the year one thousand ccc lxxvj,
the vjth of the Ides of June, died the same prince Edward, on which
day fell the festival of the Trinity. In the year one thousand
ccclxxvij, the xjth kl. of July, died king Edward the third, the
flower of the Christian knighthood; and on the third of the nones of
the same month, he was buried at Westminster, in the ljst year of
his reign. Richard, son of Edward.
Henry iiijth.
In the year one thousand ccclxxvij, the xvijth kl. of
August, at Westminster, was the coronation of Richard the second, son
of Edward prince of Wales, in the xjth year of his age. In the year
one thousand ccclxxxxix, the third of the Ides of October, at
Westminster, was the coronation of the illustrious king Henry the
fourth. Henry the fifth died in France.In the year one thousand ccccxiij, the ninth day of April, at
Westminster, was the coronation of the illustrious king Henry the
fifth; who, at Boys Seynt Vyncent near Paris in France, ended his life
on the last day of August, in the xth year of his reign,
commencing. And afterwards his bones were interred at Westminster. In
the year of our Lord one thousand cccc xxij, Henry the sixth king of
England, then a child of not the age of one year, was crowned on the
day of saint Leonard bishop and confessor, at Westminster, in the
viijth year of his reign, commencing. And afterwards, the same king
was crowned king of France at Paris, in the church of the blessed Mary
there, on the xvjth day of December, in the commencement of the
xth year of his reign.
In the 36th page of the preceding Chronicle it is stated that “In this yere (1295) the kyng [Edward the first] was defraunded of his lond in Gascoigne in this manner, sothly: the kyng hadde yoven the forseyd lond of Gascoyne to the kynges suster of Fraunce, for that she schulde be yoyned to hym in fre mariage: and be some of his counseill enfeffed here in the sayd lond of Gascoigne, whiche lond of Gascoigne sche yaf to Charles here brother, and to other; and the matrymoigne betwen here and kyng Edward sche sette at noughte, and wolde noughte stonden therto.”—That circumstance is the subject of the following Fragment of a curious Poem preserved in the archives of the Corporation of the City of London, in the MS. entitled Liber Custumarium, fol. 84; from which it has been extracted by the obliging permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq. the Town Clerk. The leaf which contained the concluding stanzas has been lost; but judging from the number of those which remain, it originally consisted of about nine more verses. It is written in the hand of the period in which the events to which it alludes took place, and as the documents in the volume from which it is copied end in the succeeding reign, there is every reason to presume that it was entered in the Records of the City of London within a short period after it was composed. Every line of each verse contains the same letter in the middle of the line, and every line ends with the same letter: these two letters are placed in the middle and at the end of each verse, separated from the words to which they belong, but connected with them by lines in the manner in which the first verse of the Poem is here printed, and which has been considered sufficient to show the singular manner in which it was originally written.
poem
|
Satis novit seculum Qualiter fit speculum Quia p’ p’fidiam Jam p’dit Vasconiam Rex fidem adhibuit Egit quod non debuit Seriem composuit Que Regi transposuit Per verba credencie Q’d magnates Francie Qdq; Regi Anglie Natam Regis Gallie Ad hec dux Burgundie Ait q’d in flumine Perierunt pridie Additis hastucie Ut ergo concordia Et omnis discordia Celsitudo regia Q’d sibi vasconia Proponit brevissime De terra vasconie Ius v’r’m certissime Si q’d petit p’pere Si seisinam habeat Tunc mandare placeat Gens anglor’ faciat Pars utraq; deleat Ait vir considera Nova sunt non vetera Pulcram inter cetera Prout dicit littera Hoc audito Langetum Ad regem consilium Et Lacy p’ sompnium Quin eiusdem devium Puellam rex diligens Penitus consensiens Fieri precipiens Pro dolor nam nesciens Demum in Vasconia Litteras ab Anglia Ac sub manu Gallia Anglis inutilia Gallici Vasconiam Et in manum Anglicam Neq; regis filiam Regi dare quoniam Exp’tem Vasconie Magni pares Francie Regem n’r’m Anglie Nam causam malicie Audiens p’fidiam Quam habet p’ F’nciam Jurat p’ ecc’iam Quousq; Vasconiam Rex vocat Pontifices Et Anglorum Comites Quinq; Portus fomites Volant ut irundines Clerus et milicia Vovent cum leticia Parantur ad omnia Francie sunt noxia Rex Anglor’ nobilis Ferox est et stabilis Fortis et non debilis Senciet id flebilis |
De lingua Gallorum Patens traditorum Pessimam ip’orum Princeps Anglicorum Dictus Gallicorum Nam fraus miserorum Quorumdam verborum Cetus nunciorum Nuncii dixerunt Simul tractaverunt Dare voluerunt Heu q’d hic venerunt Quidam nunciorum Multi Northmannorum Per nautas Anglorum Causis Bayonorum Pacis jam addatur Prorsus repallatur Francie precatur Totalis reddatur Vos tunc reseisire Nec quid deperire Potestis hoc scire Placet exaudire Per sex septimanas Q’d transire lanas Et sic causas vanas Res collando sanas Rex que petierunt Hec que tibi ferunt Tibi promiserunt Quam Galli miserunt Statim prosilivit Dedit sicut scivit Certe non dormivit Seisine nutrivit Vinculis amorum Dictis consultorum Litteras servorum Erat futurorum J. Lacy p’rexit Secumq; devexit Vascones contexit Heu’ q’d tot aspexit Sibi subjugarunt Dare recusarunt In spousam pararunt Ip’m subsannarunt Foris judicarunt Et exheredarunt Parum hunc amarunt Sibi demonstrarunt Rex exheredatus Satis est iratus Non erit letatus Fuerit lucratus Ad parliamentum Flores sapientum Barones p’ centum In mari p’ ventum Gentis Anglicane Q’d seroq; mane Que genti p’phane Nam sup’bit vane Vocatus Edwardus Tanq’m leopardus Velox et non tardus[135] Pomposus Picardus. |
P. 37. Anno 24 Edward I, 1296. “Also in this yere Sr. Thomas Turbevyle for treson was drawen and hanged.”
Of the conduct which caused Sir Thomas Turbeville’s execution, the following fragment of a curious contemporary poem in the Cottonian MS. Caligula A. xviij, presents perhaps the most accurate information which is extant. It immediately precedes, and is written in the same hand as, the only contemporary copy of the Roll of Carlaverock which is known to exist, and hence it is highly probable that it was composed by the same person. Under any circumstances, however, it cannot fail to be deemed to possess sufficient interest to render it a valuable illustration to the passage in the text.
P. 57. “This same yere [anno 14th Edw. III. 1340] the kyng faught with the Frensshmen at Scluse, where there were sclayn of Frensshmen xxx ml; and the kyng toke and scomfyted at the sayd bataill of Scluse cccx schippes.” Of this passage, the following letter from king Edward the Third to Edward the Black Prince, giving an account of his victory over the French fleet at Sclyse, on Saturday the 24th of June 1340,—which, with the permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., the Town Clerk, has also been extracted from the City Archives, letter F. fol. 39,—is an interesting illustration. This document, which has escaped the attention of Historians, presents an authentic detail of that memorable event; and it is evident from it that Robert de Avesbury, the contemporary writer upon whom the greatest reliance has hitherto been placed, has fallen into some errors in his narrative of the transaction. He informs us that on the day after the battle a rumour of it reached London, but that it was discredited until the ensuing Wednesday, namely the 28th of June, when the Prince of Wales received a letter from the king informing him of his success, of which letter that writer asserts that the annexed was a copy:
“Edwardus Dei Gracia Rex Angliæ et Franciæ et Dominus Hiberniæ, &c. Effusam circa nos hiis diebus propiciacionis divinæ clemenciam, ad vestri contemplacionem et læticiam, vobis ducimus intimandam. Scitis autem, immo vos et alios[136] fideles nostri quadam participacione sensitis, quantis fuimus et sumus guerrarum lacessiti turbinibus, et velut in mari magno procellosis fluctibus agitati. Sed licet sint mirabiles elaciones maris, mirabilior tamen in altis Dominus, qui procellam convertens in auram, jam inter tot adversa clementissime nos respexit. Nam cum pridem ordinassemus passagium nostrum necessarium versus partes Flandriæ, Dominus Philippus de Valesio, persecutor noster infestissimus, hoc prævidens, classem maximam navium armatarum quam in expugnacionem nostram nostrorumque fidelium misit, ut vel sic nos caperet, vel nostrum transitum impediret. qui transitus si, quod absit, fuisset impeditus, ardua negocia, quæ prosequimur, fuissent penitus in ruina: quinimmo nos et nostri fuissemus verisimiliter confusionis[137] magnæ subjecti. Sed Deus misericordiarum, videns nos in tantis periculis constitutos, graciosius et cicius, quam humana racio judicare poterat, misit nobis magnum navale subsidium, et insperatum numerum armatorum, ac semper ventum prosperum juxta votum, et sic, sub spe cœlestis auxilii, et justiciæ nostræ fiducia, dictum portum navigio venientes, invenimus dictam classem et hostes nostros ibidem paratissimos ad prælium in multitudine copiosa; quibus, in festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistæ proximo præterito, ipse spes nostra Christus deus per conflictum fortem et validum nos prævalere concessit, facta strage non modica dictorum hostium, capta eciam quodammodo tota dicta classe, cum læsione gentis nostræ modica respective, sicque tucior de cetero patebit transitus nostris fidelibus supra mare, et alia bona plurima sunt ex hoc nobis et nostris fidelibus verisimiliter proventura, de quo spes pulcherima jam arridet. Nos autem, tantam cœlestem graciam devotissime contemplantes, ipsi Salvatori nostro laudes et gracias humiliter exsolvimus, deprecantes, ut, qui jam et semper in oportunitatibus copiosis graciis[138] nos prævenit continuatis, nos auxiliis prosequatur, et nobis regere temporaliter sic concedat in terris, ut in eo lætemur æternaliter in excelsis. Dileccionem vestram attente rogamus et per Dei misericordiam obsecramus, quatinus soli Deo vivo, qui tantum signum nobiscum fecit in bonum, in devotæ laudis præconium assurgentes, nos, jam in remotis agentes, et nedum jura nostra recuperare, sed sanctam ecclesiam catholicam attollere, et in justicia populum regere cupientes, sibi devotis oracionum instanciis recomendare curetis, facientes pro nobis missas, et alia piæ placacionis officia misericorditer exerceri, et ad hoc clerum et populum vestræ diocesis salutaribus monitis inducatis, ut Deus ipse, miseratus nobis, progressum felicem et exitum annuat graciosum, detque servo suo cor docile, ut recte judicare possimus et regere et sic facere quod præcipit, ut mereamur assequi quod promittit. Teste Edwardo duce Cornubiæ et Comite Cestriæ filio nostro carissimo Custode Angliæ apud Waltham Sanctæ Crucis xxviiivo. die Junii, anno Regni nostri Angliæ xiiiito. Regni vero Franciæ primo.”
It is however manifest from that document having been tested by the Prince of Wales, that it was rather a proclamation issued in consequence of the dispatch from the king to the prince, than the dispatch itself, of which the letter now for the first time printed may be deemed the only copy which is extant. Nor must it be forgotten that the date affixed to the article given by Avesbury tends to excite a suspicion of its authenticity; for it is tested by the prince at Waltham Holy Cross upon the precise day, the 28th of June, on which the king’s letter was written, and which could not therefore possibly have arrived on the day in question at Waltham. It is somewhat singular that as the battle was concluded on the 25th of June, the king should not have written until the 28th; but this may perhaps be accounted for by those arrangements which his success would necessarily have required, and which may be supposed to have engaged the monarch’s whole attention for some days. The letter in Avesbury’s Annals gives no particulars of the battle, though that writer relates that the enemy were beaten; that more than thirty thousand of them were slain; that many leapt into the sea from fear and were drowned; and that their fleet consisted of two hundred large ships, on board of one of which four hundred dead bodies were found. The Royal dispatch, however, affords much more minute information, and corrects the statements both in Avesbury and in the preceding Chronicle. It asserts that the French fleet amounted to one hundred and eighty sail; that they were nobly defended the whole of a day and a night; that they were all captured in the engagement excepting twenty-four which took to flight, and part of them were subsequently taken at sea; that the number of the men at arms and other armed persons amounted to thirty-five thousand, of whom five thousand escaped; that the English ships captured by the French at Middleburgh were then retaken; and that among the prizes were three or four as large as ’the Christopher,’ which we may infer was then the largest ship of the English navy.
It is unquestionable from what has been said, that this document supplies some important facts in the history of the times, whilst its entry among the Records of the City of London tends to establish that the Mayor of the city was accustomed at that early period to receive an official account of every public transaction, and of which another example will be found in a subsequent page.
The events which led to the battle of the Swyne, or as it is more generally termed of the Scluse, are too familiar to require repetition.
“Nota de Bello Aquatico:—
l’ra d’ni e’ dirett’
filio suo duci cornub’
de bello sup’ mare
p’cusso die nativit’
s’c’i joh’is bapt’
“Tresch’ fitz no’ pensoms bien q’ vo’ estes desirons assavoir bones novelles de no’ et coment il no’ est avenuz puys n’re aler Denglet’re si vo’ fesom savoir q’ le Joedi’[139] ap’s ceo q’ no’ dep’times du Port Dorewełł,[140] no’ siglames tut le iou ret la nuyt suaunte, et le vendredi[141] en tour hour de noune no’ venismes s’ la costere de fflaundres devant Blankebergh ou no’ avioms la vewe de la fflote de nos enemys qi estoyent tut amassez ensemble en port del Swyne et p’ ceo q’ la Tyde nestoit mis adonges p’ assembler a eux no’ yherbergeasmes tut cel noet le samady le iour de seint Johan[142] bien ap’s houre de noune a la Tyde nous en noun de Dieu et en espoire de n’re droite querele entrames en dit port s’ nos ditz enemys qi avoyent assemble lours niefs en moult fort array et lesqu’x fesoient ml’t noble defens tut cel iour et la noet ap’s, mes dieu p’ sa puissaunce et miracle no’ ottroia la victorie de mesmes noƷ enemys de qai no’ m’cioms si devoutement come no’ poems. Et si vo’ fesoms savoir q’ le nombre des niefs galeyes et g’nt barges de nos enemys amounta a ixxx et ditz, lessqueles estoient toutz pris sauve xxiiij. en tut lesqueles senfuirent et les uns sont puye pris s’ mier et le nombre des gentz darmes et autres gentz armez amounta a xxxv Miłł de quele nombre p’ esme cink’ Ml sont eschapees, et la remenaunt ensi come no’ est donc a entendre p’ ascuns gentz q’ sont pris en vie, si gissent les corps mortz et tut pleyn de lieux sr la costere de fflaundres. Dautre p’t totes nos niefs, cest assavoir Cristofre et les autres qi estoient p’dues a Middelburgh, sont ore regaignez, et il yount gaignez en ceste navie trois ou quatre auxi graundes come la Cristofre: les fflemengs estoient de bone volente davoir venuz a no’ ala bataille du commencement tanqe ala fin issint dieu n’re seignr ad assez de grace monstre de qei’ no’ et toutz nos amys sumes tut ditz tenutz de lui rendre grace et m’ciz. N’re entent est a demorer en pees en le ewe taunt qe no’ eoms pris c’teyn point ove no’ alliez et autres nos amys de fflandres de ceo q’ soit affaire. Trescher fitz dieu soit gardeyn de vo’. Don’ souz n’re secree seal en n’re nief Cogg[143] Thom’, le Mescredy en la veille seint Piere et seint Paoul.[144]
14o R. Edw. 3ii.”
P. 63. “And in this yere, that is to seye the yere of oure lord a ml ccclvjto, the xix day of Septembre, kyng John of Fraunce was taken at the bataill of Peyters be the doughty prynce Edward, the firste sone of kyng Edward.” &c.
It would be difficult to name a more interesting document connected with English History than that by which, through the courtesy of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., Town Clerk of the City of London, the passage in the text will be illustrated; namely, a copy of the letter from Edward the Black Prince to the Mayor, Aldermen and Comonalty of London, acquainting them with the achievement of the battle of Poictiers. This important record, which has never before been printed, occurs among the archives of the city, in a contemporary MS. entitled Letter G. fol. 53b. and was, there can be little doubt, entered into that volume soon after the receipt of the original.
The greater part of the Prince’s letter is occupied by the detail of the proceedings of the army for some days previous to the battle, and in describing the efforts of the Cardinal Peregort to produce a peace or truce between the kings of France and England; whilst the conflict itself is mentioned in a few words. Independently of the particulars of the English forces and their rencontres with the enemy which this letter so minutely relates, its most important statement is that of the precise day when the battle took place, for historians have differed materially upon the point. The Prince, however, expressly says that it occurred on the eve of the feast of St. Matthew, i.e. the 20th of September. His letter was dated at Bordeaux on the 22nd of the following month, and was sent to the Mayor of London by the Prince’s chamberlain Sir Neel Loring; and the manner in which he refers the Mayor and Citizens to that distinguished knight for further information, cannot fail to be noticed, from its great similarity to the conclusion of a modern military dispatch. Another feature of this and other documents of the same nature in early periods, is the great simplicity and modesty with which they are written. An expression of gratitude to God alone interrupts the unadorned narrative; and the defeat of an army infinitely superior in numbers, and the capture of one of the most powerful sovereigns of the times together with his eldest son, are thus laconically related: “The battle took place on the eve of St. Matthew; and, praise be to God, the enemy were discomfited, and the king and his son were taken, and great numbers of other people taken and slain.” To present as many contemporary documents as could be collected relative to this memorable event, two other letters are introduced, as well as the affidavit of an individual who claimed to have been the person to whom king John of France surrendered himself.
One of the letters alluded to, which is printed in the Archæologia, vol. i. p. 213, is also from the Black Prince, to Reginald Bryan bishop of Worcester, dated at Bordeaux on the 20th of November, briefly informing him of his success, which he attributes in a great measure to the efficacy of that prelate’s prayers.
The other letter is from Robert Prite to some English nobleman, dated on the 8th of December 1356, whose clerk, or probably priest, he styles himself, and is taken from the original on vellum in the Cottonian MS. Caligula D. III. f. 33. After mentioning the battle of Poictiers, the particulars of which he says he will learn from a knight whom the duke of Lancaster had sent into England to the king, the writer acquaints him with some other news of the time, as well as with what had occurred in some of his towns; and entreats him to come over as soon as possible. This letter, which is now for the first time printed, though not so important as the others, is nevertheless of interest, as connected with the battle of Poictiers, and with other public and private transactions of the period.
The third document on the subject is the solemn declaration of Bernard du Troy, a Gascon gentleman, made on his death-bed the 1st of July 1361, that he was the person who took the king of France prisoner at the battle of Poictiers; which point it is evident from this instrument, as well as from historians, had been much disputed. This very curious article, which also occurs in the Cottonian MS. just mentioned, is highly interesting; for it not only shows who were the claimants to the honour of having captured the king, but the ardour with which that claim was supported. It is however doubtful whether the love of fame or pecuniary interest prompted this declaration at so awful a moment; but his motive, like those of most other human actions, was probably of a mixed nature; for whatever might be the renown which was attached to the exploit, the ransom to which the true claimant would be entitled must have been an object of great consideration to him or to his heirs. Du Troy carefully provides, that those who would support his pretensions with their swords should partake of the benefits which might arise from their valour; and this circumstance presents a curious picture of the manners of the age. Sir Denys de Morbeque of whom he speaks, is thus noticed by Froissart. “There was much pressing at this time through eagerness of taking the king: and those that were nearest to him, and knew him, cried out ‘Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man.’ In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the king of England: his name was Denis de Morbeque, who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished in his younger days from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight, that he was at the time near to the king of France when he was so much pulled about. He by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd and said to the king in good French, ‘Sire, sire, surrender yourself.’ The king, who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked ‘To whom shall I surrender myself; to whom? Where is my cousin the Prince of Wales? if I could see him I would speak to him.’ ‘Sire,’ replied Sir Denys, ‘he is not here; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him.’ ‘Who are you?’ said the king. ‘Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois, but I serve the king of England because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there.’ The king then gave him his right-hand glove, and said ‘I surrender myself to you.’ There was much crowding and pushing about, for every one was eager to cry out ‘I have taken him.’”
Most of the witnesses to Du Troy’s declaration were celebrated peers and knights both of England and France.
Tresch’e et tres bien ameez endroit des novelles es p’ties ou nous sumes voillitz savoir qe puis l’eure qe nous certifiasmes a n’re tresredoute Sr et piere le Roi qe no’ estoions en p’pos de chivaucher env’s les enemis es p’ties de Fraunce no’ p’smes n’re chemyn p’ le pais de Peregort et de Lymosyn et tout droit v’s Burges en Were ou no’ entendismes davoir troues le fitz le Roi le counte de Peytiers et la sov’aigne cause de n’re aler v’s celles p’ties estoit qe nous entendismes davoir eu noveles de n’re dit Sr et piere le Roi come de son passage et puis q’ no’ ne trovasmes le dit counte ne nul autre g’unt poair illeosqes nous no’ treismes dev’s leyre et maundasmes noz gentz au chivaucher a conoistre si no’ p’uons nulle p’t avoir trovez passage lesqueles gentz encontrerent les enemis et avoient faire assemble si qe les uns des ditz enemys estoient mortz et pris les queuz p’soners disoient qe le Roi de France avoient envoiee Grismoton q’estoit encelle compaignie p’ lui faire asavoir c’teines novelles de no’ et de n’re poair et si avoit le dit Roi p’ mesmes le cause envoie en autre p’tie le Sr de Creon Monsr Busigaut le Mareschal de Clermount et aut’s et disoient les ditz p’soners qe le dit Roi avoit p’s certe in p’pos de combatre ovesq’ nous a quele heure nous estoioms sr le chymyn env’s Tours et encostoavit dev’s Orliens et lendemein la ou nous estoions loggiez aviens novelles qe les ditz Sire de Creon et Busigaut estoient en un chastel bien p’s de n’re loggiz et p’ismes p’pos de y aller et venismes loggier entour eux et acordasmes d’assailler le dit lieu lequel estoit gayne p’ force ou estoient tout plein de lo’r gentz p’s et mortz auxint les uns des n’res y furent mortz mes les ditz Sires de Creon et Busigaut se treerent en une fort Tour qil y avoit la quele se tenoit cynk jours avant qelle feust gaignee et la se rendirent ils et illeosqes estoions c’tifiez qe touz les pontz sr leyre estoient debruses et qe nulle p’t purriens avoir passage sr qei nous p’ismes n’re chemyn tout droit a Tours et la demourasmes devant la ville quatre iours deins quelle estoient le Counte Dangeo et le Mareschal de Clermount od g’nt poair des gentz. Et a n’re dep’tir d’illeoqs no’ p’ismes le chemyn p’ passer ascuns daung’ des eawes et en entente davoir encountree ovesqe n’re tres ch’ cosyn le ducs de Lancastre de qi no’ aviens certeins novelles qil se voillent afforcier de trere dev’s nous a quelle heure le Cardenal de Peregort vynt a nous a Monbezon a troiz lieues de Tours ou il no’ p’la tout plein des choses touchauntes trewes et pees sr quele p’lance no’ lui fesoiens respounse qe la pees ne avient poair a ffaire ne qe nous ent voloiens meller saunz le comaundement et le volunte de n’re tresch’ Sr et piere le Roi ne de trewe nestoiens al heure avisez qe se eust estee le meillo’ p’ noq de y avoir acordee car illeosqes estoiens non plus plenement c’tifiez qe le Roi se tailla p’ toutes voies de combatre ove nous si q’ nous no’ treismes dilleoqes v’s chastel Heraud sur le passage del eawe de la Vivane ou no’ desmourasmes quatre iors ettendauntz de savoir plus la c’tein de lui le quel Roi vint od son poair a chaveny a cynk lues de nous p’ passer mesme lewe v’s Poyters et sr ceo p’ismes p’pos de hastier dev’s lui sr le chemyn qil devereit passer p’ estre combatuz ove lui mes ses batailles estoient passeez devant qe no’ estoions venuz au lieu ou nous entendismes de lui avoir encountree hors pris p’tie des gentz de lour entour sept centz homes darmes qe se combatirent od les n’tres ou estoient p’s le countes de Soussoire et de Junhy le Sr de Chastillion et tout plein dautres pris et mortz p’ties de lour et des n’res et puis les p’suievrent noz gentz tanq’ a Chaveny bien a treis lieus loyns p’quoi il nous convienoit logger cel jour a plus pres de celle place qe nous poiens p’ recoiller noz gentz et lendemeyn p’ismes n’re chemyn tout droit dev’s le Roi et mandasmes noz descov’res qe troverent lui od son poair p’st bataille es champs a une lue de Peiters et alasmes a plus p’s de lui qe nos poiams p’ndre n’re places et nous mesmes a pie et en arraie de bataille et p’st de combatre ove lui ou vynt le dit Cardinal requerraunt molt entierment p’ une pettit suff’nce issint qe home purroit faire parler dasemble c’teins gentz des p’ties en atente d’acord et de bone pees quelle chose il emp’st qil amereit a bon fey sur quoi nous p’ismes avis et lui otreiasmes sa requeste sur quoi furent ordeyner c’teins gentz dune p’t e d’autre a tretir sur celle matirs lequel trete ne p’st nul exploit Et adonqes volleit le dit Cardinal avoir purchace une trewe en destourbaunce de la bataille a son gree a quel treve ne voilloit assentir Et demaunderent les Fraunceys c’teins chivalers d’une p’t et d’autre p’ prendre owelle place issint qe la bataille ne se purroit en nulle man’e failler et en tieu man’e estoit cel jour delaiee et demourerent les batailles d’une p’t et d’autre tote noet chescun en lour place et tanqe le demein entour un prime et p’ ascuns forces qe estoient p’ entre les ditz batailles nul ne voloit a autre taunte davauntage demp’ndre a venir l’un sur l’autre Et p’ defaute des vitailles si bien p’ aut’s enchessons acorde estoit qe nous deveriens prendre n’re chemyn encosteant p’ devant eux en tieu man’e q’ s’ils voilont la bataille ou trere dev’s nous en lieu q’ nestoit mye tres graundment a n’re desavauntage qe nous le preindreins et ensint estoit fait sr quoi le bataille se prist la surveile de seint Matheu et loiez ent soit dieux les enemys estoient desconfitz et pris le Roi et son fitz et tot plein des aut’s g’ntz pris et mortz si come n’re Tresch’ ame bach’r Monsr Neel Loereng n’re chaumberlein portr de cestes qu ent ad assetz pleine conisance vous sav’a plus pleinement dire a monstre come nous ne vous purroins escrire A qi voilletz pleine foi et credence doner Et n’re seignr vuis voille garder Donnez souz n’re secre seal a Burdeux le xxij jour d’Octobr’.
LETTER FROM THE BLACK PRINCE TO THE BISHOP OF WORCESTER, DATED 20TH OCTOBER 1356, RELATING TO THE BATTLE OF POITIERS, WHEREIN THE FRENCH KING WAS MADE PRISONER, &C. EX REGISTRO REGINALDI BRIEN WIGORN. EPISCOPI. FOL. 113. COMMUNICATED TO THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES BY DR. LYTTELTON, DEAN OF EXETER.
[Archæologia, Vol. I. No. XLIV. p. 213.]
L’RA D’NI PRINCIPIS WALL’ DE CAPCIONE R. FRANCIÆ PAR LE PRINCE DE GALES.
Reve’nt piere en Dieu, et tresch’ ami. Nous vous mercions entierement de ce que nous avons entendu q’ vous estes si bien et si naturelment porte dev’s nous, en p’ant Dieux p’r nous et p’r n’re exploit; et sumes tout certiens q’ p’r cause de vous devoutes p’eres et dautres, Dieu nous a en toutes nos besoignes be’ vueliz aide; de quoi nous sumes a touz jo’s tenuz de lui grazier, en p’ant que v’re part ancy vieullietz faire en continuant dev’s nous come devant ces heures avetz fait, de quoi nous nous tenons g’n’ment tenuz a vous. Et, rev’ent piere, endroit de n’re estat, dont nous penceons bien q’ vous desirez la v’re merci doier bones nouvelles, vuellietz entendre q’ a la faisance de cestes estions sains et heures et tout en bon point, loiez en soit Dieux q’ nous donit y ces mesmes de vous toutes soitz oir et saver, et de ce nous vueilletz certifier p’r vos l’res et p’ les entrevenantz a plus souvent q’ vous p’res bonement en droit de nouvelles ceandroitz. Vueilletz savoir q’ la veille de la translation Saint Thomas de Canterbire, nouz commenceasmes a chivauch’ ove n’re povar v’s les parties de France et souvraignement p’ cause q’ nous entendismes la venue de n’re treshonn’e seign’r et piere le Roy la endroit, et si neismes dev’s les parties de Burges en Berye, Orlions, et Tours, et avions nouvelles q’ le Roy de France ove g’nt povar bien pres de celles marches venoit p’ combattre ove no’s, et approcheasmes tant q’ la battaille se prist entre nous en tiele maniere q’ les ennemis estoient disconfitez, grace en soit Dieux, et le dit Roi et son fils et plusiers autres g’ntz pris et mortz, les noms de queaux nous vous envions p’ n’re tresch’ bachiler Mons’ Roger de Cottesford portoir de cestes. Rev’ent piere en Dieux, et n’re tresch’ ami, le Saint Esprit vous ait toute jours en sa guarde. Donne souz n’re seal a Birdeaux, le xxe jour d’ Octob’r.
[Tradita fuit ista l’ra Domino Reginaldo de Briene, Ep’o Wygorn, apud Alvech’, pr’mo die Decemb’, an’ Dom’ Mo. ccc. quinquagesimo sexto, cum cedula nomina continente capt’ et mortuorum in bello praedicto, cujus cedulae tenor insequitur p’ o’ia —— parte folii istius suprascriptus]