"Imprimatur:
Tho. Grigg, R. P. D. Hamff.
Ep. Lond. a Sac. Dom.
Ex Ædibus, Lond.
Mart. 28. 1665."
Captain John Stevens.—I should be glad to learn some account of Capt. John Stevens, the continuator of Dugdale's Monasticon in 1722. He is generally considered to have edited the English abridgment of the Monasticon, in one vol. 1718, though a passage in Thoresby's Diary mentions that it contained "some reflections upon the Reformation, which the Spanish Priest, who is said to be translator and abridger of the three Latin volumes, would not omit."
A note by the editor of Thoresby's Diary says that—
"Mr. Gough was uncertain by whom this Translation and Abridgment was prepared. He supposed that it was done by Captain Stevens, the author, or rather compiler of a valuable, Supplement to the Monasticon, in which he was assisted by Thoresby."
Le Bon Gendarme.—Close to the boundary stone which separates the parishes of Fulham and Hammersmith, and facing the lane which leads to Brook Green, on the Hammersmith Road, is a way-side public-house, known as "The Black Bull." So late as three months ago, in addition to the sign of the Black Bull, there was painted over the door, but somewhat high up, a worn-out inscription, "Le Bon Gendarme," as if that had originally been the name of the inn. These words have been lately effaced altogether: but as they no doubt relate to some circumstance or adventure which had happened in or near to the place, perhaps some reader of the "Notes and Queries" will have the goodness to satisfy the curiosity of one who has asked at the inn in vain for a solution.
University Club.
The variation in the first stanza of Fairfax's Godfrey of Bulloigne has been long known to bibliographers, and was pointed out in The Critical Review more than thirty years ago. I cannot fix on the particular number, but it contained a long notice of the version of Tasso by Fairfax, and the very stanzas extracted by T. N. The translator could not please himself with the outset of his undertaking, and hence the recorded substitution; but it is not known that he carried his fastidiousness so far as to furnish a third version of the first stanza, as well as of the "Argument" of the introductory canto, differing from both the others. In the instance pointed out by T. N. the substitution was effected by pasting the approved stanza over the disapproved stanza; but the third version was given by reprinting the whole leaf, which contains other variations of typography, besides such as it was thought necessary to make in the first stanza.
I formerly had copies of the book, dated 1600, including all three variations; but the late Mr. Wordsworth having one day looked particularly at that with the reprinted leaf, and expressing a strong wish to possess it, I gave it to him, and I presume that it remained in his library at his death. What I speak of happened full twenty years ago.
The Critical Review of the date I refer to (I am pretty confident that it was of the early part of 1817) contained a good deal of information regarding Fairfax and his productions; but it did not mention one fact of importance to show the early estimation and popularity of his translation of the Gerusalemme Liberata, viz., that although it was published in 1600, it is repeatedly quoted in England's Parnassus, printed in the same year, and containing extracts, as most people are aware, from all the distinguished poets of that day, and somewhat earlier. This circumstance ascertains also that Fairfax's Tasso came out before England's Parnassus, although both bear the date of 1600 on the title-pages.
Fairfax's Tasso.—In my copy of the second edition, 1624, the first stanza of the first book is given precisely as in Mr. Knight's reprint. But in the very beautiful edition published by Bensley, 1817, and edited by Mr. Singer, that stanza which T. N. terms an "elegant variation," introduces the canto. The editor's preface states that the first edition, 1600, had been followed in that re-impression, "admitting some few corrections of errors, and emendations of orthography, from the second, I printed in 1624." Of this second edition it is remarked that "it appears to have been revised by some careful corrector of the press; yet nothing material is changed but the orthography of particular words." No notice is taken of the difference between the first stanza of the second edition, and that of the first edition, identical with the cancel in T. N.'s copy. Possibly, both the copies of these two editions, which happened to come under the editor's notice, had this cancel, and so presented no variation from each other. If, however, all the copies of the second edition contained the stanza as given by Mr. Knight, and Mr. Singer's opinion (drawn from the dedicatory verses to Prince Charles, prefixed to some copies of the second edition) that this edition was seen, and probably corrected, by the author, be well-founded, it would seem to follow that Fairfax finally preferred the stanza in this its first and later state, and as it appears in Mr. Knight's edition. If the "cancel-slip" be an "elegant" variation, may not the original stanza be regarded as more vigorous?
Fairfax's Tasso.—In the elegant edition published by Mr. Singer in 1817, the first stanza is printed according to the variation noticed by your correspondent T. N. (Vol. ii., p. 325.), "I sing the warre," &c., and the original stanza is printed at the end of the first book, with a note stating that the pasted slip is found "in most copies" of the first edition. My copy contains no such peculiarity, but it is of course possible that the pasted slip may have been removed. The second edition (folio, London, 1624) has the stanza in the form in which it originally stood in the first, beginning "The sacred armies," &c.
(Vol. ii., p. 310.)
Your correspondent D. asks whether the word ale-draper was ever in "good use." The only place in which I can find it is Bailey's Dictionary, where it occurs thus:
"Ale-draper (a humorous name), a seller of malt liquors; an alehouse-keeper or victualler."
The humour, I suppose, consists in applying to one kind of occupation that which was commonly given to another; in taking draper from the service of cloth, and pressing it by force into that of ale. That it was ever considered as a word of respectable standing, can hardly be imagined. In such writers as Tom Brown it is most likely to occur.
1. With reference to Eugene Aram, D.'s remark about the over-ingeniousness of his defence has been anticipated by Paley, who was present at the trial, and said that Aram would not have been hanged had he less studiously defended himself. That laboured address to the jury must have employed his thoughts for years. I should like very much to know whether anyone has ever attempted to verify the references which he gives to the cases in which he says that bones have been found. The style of the speech has been much praised, but is surely not very surprising when it is considered that Johnson had previously written the Rambler. The composition wants ease.
2. Ever since I began to read about Eugene Aram, and that is some years ago, I have had a settled opinion that his attainments, and perhaps his abilities, had been greatly overrated. He was doubtless a man of considerable mental powers; but we cannot but suspect that had he acquired all the learning which is attributed to him, he would have attracted more notice than it was his fortune to obtain.
3. Mr. Scatchard's attempts, and all other attempts, to clear him from "blood-guilty stain," must be equally futile, for he himself confessed his guilt while he was in prison.
Some time ago, a dozen years or more, there appeared in the Literary Gazette, as a communication from a correspondent, an anecdote concerning Aram, which well deserves to be repeated. During the time that he was in the school of Lynn, it was the custom for the head-master, at the termination of every half-year, to invite the parents of the boys to an entertainment, and all who accepted the invitation were expected to bring with them the money due on account of their sons, which, postquam exempta fames epulis, they paid into the head-master's hands. The master would thus retire to rest with a considerable sum in his possession. On one of these occasions, after he had gone to his chamber and supposed that all the family were in bed, he heard a noise in a passage not far distant, and, going out to see what was the cause of it, found Aram groping about in the dark, who, on being asked what he wanted, said that he had been obliged to leave his room on a necessary occasion, and had missed his way to the place which he sought. The passage was not one into which he was likely to wander by mistake, but the master accepted his excuse, and thought no more of the matter till Aram was arrested for the robbery and murder of Clarke, when he immediately recollected the circumstance, and suspected that he had intended on that night to commit another robbery or murder. I have not the number of the Literary Gazette in which this statement was given to refer to, but I am sure that I have repeated the substance of it correctly, and remember that it was inserted as being worthy of credit. It is another illustration of the fact that the nature of a man is unchangeable.
Bulwer's novel, which elevates Aram from a school-assistant into a private gentleman, may have pleased those, if there were such, who knew nothing of Arum's acts before they began to read it. But all who knew what Aram was, must be disgusted at the threshold. I regarded the book, at the time of its appearance, as one of the most presumptuous falsifications of biography that had ever been attempted. It is not easy to see why Bulwer might not have made an equally interesting story, if he had kept Aram in his proper station.
Stockwell.
Permit me to make a few remarks on the word gradely:—
1. It seems to have no connexion with the Latin noun gradus, Angl. grade, step.
2. Its first syllable, grade, is both a substantive and an adjective; and gradely itself both adjective and adverb, as weakly, sickly, godly, &c.
3. It is not confined to Lancashire or to England, but appears in Scotland as graith (ready), graith (furniture); whence graithly (readily), to graith, grathe, or graid (prepare), &c. See Jamieson's Sc. Dict. and Supplement.
4. It is in fact the Anglo-Saxon gerad, which is both substantive and adjective. As a substantive it means condition, arrangement, plan, reason, &c. As an adjective, it means prudent, well-prepared, expert, exact, &c. The ge (Gothic ga) is merely the intensive prefix; the root being rad or rath. The form in ly (adjective or adverb), without the prefix g, appears in the Anglo-Saxon raedlic, prudent, expert; raedlice, expertly. This interesting root, which appears as re, ra, red, rad, rath, &c.; sometimes by transposition, as er, ar, erd, &c. (perhaps also as reg, rag, erg, arc, &c.), seems to represent the nobler qualities of man: thought, reason, counsel, speech, deliberate action; and perhaps, also, government.
Thus in the Semitic family of languages we have the radicals rââ (saw, foresaw, counselled); râdhâ (helped, ruled); râthâd (arranged); râto (directed, instructed); and others, with their numerous derivatives.
The Indo-European family gives us, in Sanscrit, râ or râe (ponder, experience); rât (speak); râdh (accomplish); râj (excel); râgh (attain, reach); and others, with derivatives. In Greek, rheô (speak), transp. erô or werô (whence verbum, wort, word); rherô or rhedô (do), transp. erdô, also ergô (whence werke, work); archô (rule), and others, with derivatives. In Latin, reor (think), whence ratus and ratio (reason); res (thing, action); rego (rule), with derivatives (rex, regula, rectus, &c.). In Celtic (Welsh), rhe (active); rheswm (reason); rhaith (judgment, right); rhi (prince); rhag (van, before). In Sclavonic, rada, rade (counsel); redian (to direct), &c.
In the Teutonic dialects (Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, German, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Icelandic, Scotch, and English) the forms of this root are very numerous. Thus we have, in Anglo-Saxon, rad, raed (counsel); raedlich, grad, as above, whence geradien (to prepare), and other words. In German, rede (discourse); rath (counsel); reden (to speak); regel (a rule); recht (right); gerecht (just); gerade (exactly), &c.; bereiten (prepare), &c. In English, ready, read, rule, right, riddle, reason, rather, to which we must add gradely. In Scotch, red, rede, rade, rath, &c., with the words mentioned above; of which graith (furniture) is the German geräth. Your readers will derive much information on this class of words by reference to Jamieson, under red, rede, rath, graith, &c.
Shrewsbury, Oct. 19.
Gradely.—It seems rather a rash step to differ from the mass of critical authority with which your last number has brought this shy, old-fashioned provincial word into a blaze of literary notoriety. Yet I cannot help conceiving the original form of this adverb to be grathedly (Old English: geraðlic, root Old English: rað, with the preteritive prefix Old English: ge) or gerathely. In our Yorkshire dialect, to grathe (pronounced gradhe) means, to make ready, to put in a state of order or fitness. A man inconveniently accoutred or furnished with implements for the performance of some operation on which he was employed, observed to me the other day, "I's ill grathed for't job"—rather a terse Saxon contrast to my latinized paraphrase.
Grathedly would then mean, "In a state of good order, fitness, readiness, or perfection."
To the cognate German gerade adv., I find the senses, "directly, just, exactly, perfectly, rightly."
The prevailing impression given by your numerous testimonials as to the character of the word gradely, is one of decency, order, rightness, perfectness.
I fancy the whole family (who might be called the children of rath), viz. Old English: rað, rathe (gerathe, grathedly, gradely), rather (only a Saxon form of readier), have as a common primeval progenitor the Sanscrit Sanskrit: radh (radh), which is interpreted "a process towards perfection;" in other words, "a becoming ready."
Wydale, Oct. 21.
P.S.—Greadly is probably a transposition for geradly. The Yorkshire pronunciation of gradely is almost as if written grared-ly.
I think it probable that the words greed, greedily, are from the same radicle. By the way, is radix perhaps derived from Sanskrit: rad (rad), a tooth (from the fang-like form of roots), whence rodere and possibly radius?
Although the suggestion made by C. (Vol. ii., p. 330.), viz. that the Collar of Esses had a "mechanical" origin, resulting from the mode of forming "the chain," and that "the name means no more than that the links were in the shape of the letter S.," could only be advocated by one unacquainted with the real formation of the collar, yet, as I am now pledged before the readers of "Notes and Queries" as the historiographer of livery collars, it may be expected that I should make some reply. This may be accompanied with the remark, that, about the reign of Henry VIII., a collar occurs, which might be adduced in support of the theory suggested by the Rev. Mr. Ellacombe, and adopted by C. It looks like a collar formed of esses; but it is not clear whether it was meant to do so, or was merely a rich collar of twisted gold links. That was the age of ponderous gold collars, but which were arbitrary features of ornamental costume, not collars of livery. Such a collar, however, resembles a series of esses placed obliquely and interlaced, as thus: SSSS; not laid flat on their sides, as figured by C. Again, it is true an (endless) chain of linked esses was formed merely by attaching the letters three letter Ss horizontally like hooks together. This occurs on the cup at Oriel College, Oxford, engraved in Shaw's Ancient Furniture in Shelton's Oxonia Illustrata, and in the Gentleman's Magazine for August last; but the connexion of this with the English device is at least very doubtful. The cup is not improbably of foreign workmanship, and Menneus assigns such a collar to the knights of Cyprus; even there the S was not without its attributed import:
"Per literam autem S. quæ Silentii apud Romanos nota fuit, secretum societatis et amicitiæ simulachrum, individuamque pro patriæ defensione Societatem denotari."—Fr. Mennenii Deliciæ Equest. Ordinum, 1613. 12mo. p. 153.
However, the answer to the suggestion of Mr. Ellacombe and C. consists in this important distinction, that the Lancastrian livery collar was not a chain of linked esses, but a collar of leather or other stiff material, upon which the letters were distinctly figured at certain intervals; and when it came to be made of metal only, the letters were still kept distinct and upright. On John of Ghent's collar, in the window of old St. Paul's (which I have already mentioned in p. 330.), there are only five,
S S S S S,
at considerable intervals. On the collar of the poet Gower the letters occur thus,—
SSSSS SSSSS.
On that of Queen Joan of Navarre, at Canterbury, thus,—
S | S | S | S | S | S |
There is then, I think, little doubt that this device was the symbolum or nota of some word of which S was the initial letter; whether Societas, or Silentium, or Souvenance, or Soveraigne, or Seneschallus, or whatever else ingenuity or fancy may suggest, this is the question,—a question which it is scarcely possible to settle authoritatively without the testimony of some unequivocal contemporary statement. But I flatter myself that I have now clearly shown that the esses were neither the links of a chain nor yet (as suggested in a former paper) identical with the gormetti fremales, or horse-bridles, which are said to have formed the livery collar of the King of Scots.
"Christus purpureum gemmati textus in auro
Signabat Labarum, Clypeorum insignia Christus
Scripserat; ardebat summis crux addita cristis."
By the same sort of reasoning—viz. conjecture—that Mr. John Gough Nichols adheres to the opinion that the Collar of SS. takes its name from the word Seneschallus, it might be contended that the initial letters of the lines above quoted mystically stand for "Collar, S. S." Enough, however, has already been written on this unmeaning point to show that some of us are "great gowks," or, in other words, stupid guffs, to waste so much pen, ink, and paper on the subject.
There are other topics, however, connected with the Collar of SS. which are of real interest to a numerous section of the titled aristocracy in the United Kingdom; and it is with these, as bearing upon the heraldic and gentilitial rights of the subject, that I am desirous to grapple. Mr. Nichols, and those who pin faith upon his dicta, hold that the Collar of SS. was a livery ensign bestowed by our kings upon certain of their retainers, in much the same sense and fashion as Cedric the Saxon is said to have given a collar to Wamba, the son of Witless. For myself, and all those entitled to carry armorial bearings in the kingdom, I repudiate the notion that the knightly golden Collar of SS. was ever so conferred or received. Further, I maintain that there was a distinction between what Mr. Nichols calls "the Livery Collar of SS.," and the said knightly golden Collar of SS., as marked and broad as is the difference between the Collar of the Garter and the collar of that four-footed dignitary which bore the inscription,
"I am the Prince's Dog at Kew,
Pray whose Dog are you?"
In his last communication Mr. Nichols lays it down that "livery collars were perfectly distinct from collars of knighthood;" adding, they did not exist until a subsequent age. Of course the collars of such royal orders of knighthood as have been established since the days of our Lancastrian kings had necessarily no existence at the period to which he refers. But Gough (not Mr. Gough Nichols) mentions that the Collar of SS. was upon the monument of Matilda Fitzwalter, of Dunmow, who lived in the reign of King John; and Ashmole instances a monument in the collegiate church at Warwick, with the portraiture of Margaret, wife of Sir William Peito, said to have been sculptured there in the reign of Edward III. What credit then are we to attach to Mr. N.'s averment, that the "Collar of Esses was not a badge of knighthood, nor a badge of personal merit, but was a collar of livery, and the idea typified by livery was feudal dependence, or what we now call party?" What sort of feudal dependence was typified by the ensign of equestrian nobility upon the necks of the two ladies named, or upon the neck of Queen Joan of Navarre? Mr. Nichols states that in the first Lancastrian reigns the Collar of SS. had no pendant, though, afterwards, it had a pendant called "the king's beast." On the effigy of Queen Joan the collar certainly has no pendant, except the jewelled ring of a trefoil form. But on the ceiling and canopy of the tomb of Henry IV., his arms, and those of his queen (Joan of Navarre), are surrounded with Collars of SS., the king's terminating in an eagle volant (rather an odd sort of a beast), whilst the pendant of the queen's has been defaced.
Mr. Nichols, in a postscript, puts this query to the antiquaries of Scotland: "Can any of them help me to the authority from which Nich. Upton derived his livery collar of the King of Scotland de gormettis fremalibus equorum?" If Mr. N. puts this query from no other data than the citation given in my former paper upon this subject (vide Vol. ii., p. 194.), he need not limit it to the antiquaries of Scotland. Upton's words are as follows:—
"Rex etiam scocie dare solebat pro signo vel titulo suo, unum collarium de gormettis fremalibus equorum de auro vel argento."
This passage neither indicates that a King of Scotland is referred to, nor does it establish that the collar was given as a livery sign or title. It merely conveys something to this purport, that the king was accustomed to give to his companions, as a sign or title, a collar of gold or silver shaped like the bit of a horse's bridle.
Mr. Nichols takes exception to Favine as an heraldic authority. Could that erudite author arise from his grave, I wonder how he would designate Mr. Nichols's lucubrations on livery collars, &c. But hear Matthew Paris: that learned writer says Equites Aurati were known in his day "by a gold ring on their thumbs, by a chain of gold about their necks, and gilt spurs." Let us look to Scotland: Nesbit says, vol. ii. p. 87.:
"Our knights were no less anciently known by belts than by their gilt spurs, swords, &c. In the last place is the collar, an ensign of knightly dignity among the Germans, Gauls, Britains, Danes, Goths, &c. In latter times it was the peculiar fashion of knights amongst us to wear golden collars composed of SS."
Brydson, too, in his Summary View of Heraldry in reference to the Usages of Chivalry, and the General Economy of the Feudal System, (a work of uncommon ingenuity, deserving to be called the Philosophy of Heraldry), observes, p. 186, ch. v., that knights were distinguished by an investiture which implied superior merit and address in arms—by the attendance of one or more esquires—by the title Sir—by wearing a crest—a helmet of peculiar form—apparel peculiarly splendid—polished armour of a particular construction—gilded spurs—and a Golden Collar.
He states, ch. iv., p. 132.:
"In the fifth dissertation of Du Cange it is shown that the splendid habits which the royal household anciently received at the great festivals, were called 'Liveries,' being delivered or presented from the king."
But he nowhere countenances for a moment any of the errors entertained by Mr. John Gough Nichols, which these remarks are intended to explode.
Mr. Nichols has not yet answered B.'s query. Nor can he answer it until he previously admits that he is wrong upon the four points enumerated in my opening article (Vol. ii., p. 194.).
Symbols of the Evangelists (Vol. i., pp. 375. 471.; vol. ii., pp. 13. 45. 205.).—Should the inquirer not have access to the authorities which, as is stated in p. 471., are referred to by Dr. Wordsworth, or not have leisure to avail himself of his copious references, he may be glad to find that in the Thesaurus Theologico Philologicus (vol. ii. pp. 57.-62.), there is a dissertation containing an analysis of more than fifty authors, who have illustrated the visions of Ezekiel and St. John, and an explanation of the Sententiarum Divortia of Irenæus, Jerome, and Augustine, respecting the application of the symbols, or of the quæstio vexata—quodnam animal cui Evangelistæ comparandum sit. Thomasius, the author of this dissertation, suggests that to recall to mind the symbol applied to Luke, we should remember the expression denoting elephantes, boves lucas. Abundant information is also supplied on this subject by that hierophantic naturalist, Aldrovandus, de Quadrup. Bisulcis, p. 180. et seq. Nor should Daubuz be neglected, the learned commentator on the Revelations.
Becket's Mother (Vol. ii., pp. 106. 270.).—In support of the view of Mr. Foss with regard to Becket's mother, against that propounded by J. C. R. (Vol. ii., p. 270.), I would mention that Acon is the ordinary mediæval name for the city of Acre, and appears in the earlier deeds relating to the hospital in Cheapside, while the modern form occurs in those of later date; e.g. Pat. 18 Edw. II., "S. Thomæ Martyris de Aconia;" Pat. 14 Edw. III., "S. Thomæ Martyris Cantuarensis de Acon;" but Rot. Parl. 23 Hen. VI., "Saint Thomas the Martir of Acres," "the Martyr of Canterbury of Acres." (Deeds in Dugdale, Monast. vi. 646, 647.)
This would seem to identify the distinctive name of the hospital with the city in the Holy Land but the following passage from the Chronicle of Matthew of Westminster (p. 257.) seems quite conclusive on this point, as it connects that city with Becket in a manner beyond all dispute:—
"Anno gratiæ 1190. Obsessa est Acon circumquaque Christianorum legionibus, et arctatur nimis. Capella Sancti Thomæ martyris ibidem ædificatur."
If, as J. C. R. supposes, there was no connexion between the saint and Acre in Syria, the foundation of a chapel to his honour in or near that city would seem quite unaccountable. However this may be, the truth of the beautiful legend of his mother can, I fear, be never proved or disproved.
While on this subject, let me, at the risk of being tedious to your readers, quote the amusing tale told by Latimer, with regard to this hospital, in his "Sixth Sermon preached before Edward VI." (Parker Soc ed., p. 201.):—
"I had rather that ye should come [to hear the Word of God] as the tale is by the gentlewoman of London: one of her neighbours met her in the street and said, 'Mistress, whither go ye?' 'Marry,' said she; 'I am going to St. Thomas of Acres, to the sermon; I could not sleep all this last night, and I am going now thither; I never failed of a good nap there.' And so I had rather ye should go a-napping to the sermons than not to go at all."
On the name "S. Nicholas Acon," I can throw no light. Stow is quite silent as to its signification.
Herstmonceux.
Becket's Mother.—I am, in truth, but a new subscriber, and when I wrote the remarks on Mr. Foss's note (Vol. ii., p. 270.), had not seen your first volume containing the communications of Mr. Matthews (p. 415.) and Dr. Rimbault (p. 490.). The rejection of the story that Becket's mother was a Saracen rests on the fact that no trace of it is found until a much later time, when the history of "St. Thomas of Canterbury" had been embellished with all manner of wonders. Mr. Matthews may find some information in the English Review, vol. vi. pp. 40-42. Dr. Rimbault is mistaken in saying that the life of St. Thomas by Herbert of Boshain "is published in the Quadrilogus, Paris, 1495." It was one of the works from which the Quadrilogus was compiled; but the only entire edition of it is that by Dr. Giles, in his S. Thomas Cantauriensis.
Passage in Lucan (Vol. ii., p. 89.).—The following are parallel passages to that in Lucan's Pharsalia, b. vii. 814., referred to by Mr. Sansom.
Ovid. Metam. 1. 256.:—
"Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur affore tempus,
Quo mare, quo tellus, correptaque regia cœli
Ardeat; et mundi moles operos laboret."
Cic. De Nat. Deor. 11. 46.:—
"Ex quo eventurum nostri putant id, de quo Panætium addubitare dicebant, ut ad extremum omnis mundus ignesceret; cum, humore consumto, neque terra ali posset neque remearet ær; cujus ortus, aqua omni exhausta, esse non posset," etc.
Cic. De Divinatione, 1. 49.:—
"Nam et natura futura præsentiunt, ut aquarum fluxiones et deflagrationem futuram aliquando cœli atque terrarum," etc.
Cic. Acad. Quæst. iv. 37.:—
"Erit ei persuasum etiam, solem, lunam, stellas omnes, terram, mare, deos esse ... fore tamen aliquando ut omnis hic mundus ardore deflagret," etc.
Cic. Somn. Scipionis, vii.:—
"Propter eluviones exustionesque terrarum quas accidere tempore certo necesse est, non modo æternam, sed ne diuturnam quidem gloriam assequi possumus."
Seneca, Consol. ad Marciam, sub fine:—
Id. Natural Quæst. iii. 28.:—
"Qua ratione inquis? Eadem qua conflagratio futura est ... Aqua et ignes terrenis dominantur. Ex his ortus et ex his interitus est," etc.
There are also the Sybilline verses (quoted by Lactantias de Ira Dei, cap. xxiii.):—
"Καί ποτε τὴν ὀργὴν θεὸν οὐκ ἔτι πραΰνοντα,
Ἀλλ' ἐξεμβρίθοντα, καὶ εξολύοντά τε γένναν
Ἀνθρώπον, ἅπασαν ὑπ' ἐμπρησμοῦ πέρθοντα."
Plato has a similar passage in his Timæus; and many others are quoted by Matthew Pole in his Synopsis Criticorum Script. Sacræ Interpretum; on 2 Pet. iii. 6. 10.; to which I beg to refer Mr. Sansom; and also to Burnet's Sacred Theory of the Earth, book iii. ch. 3.
King William's College, Isle of Man.
Combs buried with the Dead (Vol. ii., pp. 230. 269.).—On reference to Sir Thomas Browne's Hydriotaphia, I find two passages which may supply the information your correspondent seeks as to the reason for combs being buried with human remains. In section i., pp. 26, 27. (I quote from the Edinburgh reprint of 1822, published by Blackwood) the author says:
"In a field of Old Walsingham, not many months past (1658), were digged up between forty and fifty urns, deposited in a dry and sandy soil, not a yard deep, not far from one another, not all strickly of one figure, but most answering these described; some containing two pounds of bones, distinguishable in skulls, ribs, jaws, thigh-bones, and teeth, with fresh impressions of their combustion, besides extraneous substances, like pieces of small boxes, or combs, handsomely wrought, handles of small brass instruments, brazen nippers, and in one some kind of opale."
And again he says (pp. 36, 37.):
"From exility of bones, thinness of skulls, smallness of teeth, ribs, and thigh-bones, not improbable that many thereof were persons of minor age, or women. Confirmable also from things contained in them. In most were found substances resembling combs, plates like boxes, fastened with iron pins, and handsomely overwrought like the necks or bridges of musical instruments, long brass plates overwrought like the handles of neat implements, brazen nippers to pull away hair, and in one a kind of opale, yet maintaining a bluish colour.
"Now that they accustomed to burn or bury with them things wherein they excelled, delighted, or which were dear unto them, either as farewells unto all pleasure, or vain apprehension that they might use them in the other world, is testified by all antiquity."
The instances which he appends relate only to the Pagan period, and he does not appear to have known that a similar practice prevailed in the sepulture of Christians—if, indeed, such a custom was general, and not confined to the particular case mentioned by your correspondent.
The Norfolk Dialect (Vol. ii., p. 217.).—
Mauther.—A word peculiar to East Anglia, applied to a girl just grown up, or approaching to womanhood.
"Ipse eodem agro [Norfolciensi] ortus, a Dan. moer," virgo, puella, "deflectit."—Spelman.
Spelman assures us, in endeavouring to rescue the word from the contempt into which it had fallen, that it was applied by our very early ancestors, even to the noble virgins who were selected to sing the praises of heroes; they were called scald-moers, q.d. singing mauthers!
"En quantum in spretâ jam voce antiquæ gloria."
"Ray spells the word mothther.
"P. I am a mother that do want a service.
"Qu. O thou'rt a Norfolk woman (cry thee mercy),
Where maids are mothers, and mothers are maids."—R. Brome's Engl. Moor, iii. 1.
It is written also modder.
"What! will Phillis then consume her youth as an ankresse,
Scorning daintie Venus? Will Phillis be a modder,
And not care to be call'd by the deare-sweete name of a mother?"—A. Fraunce's Ivy Church, A. 4. b.
"Away! you talk like a foolish mauther"—
says Restive to Dame Pliant in Ben Jonson. Alchemist, IV. 7. So Richard says to Kate, in Bloomfield's Suffolk ballad:—
"When once a giggling mawther you,
And I a red-faced chubby boy."—Rural Tales, 1802, p. 5.
Perhaps it is derived from the German Fraktur: magd with the termination een or -den added, as in the Lincolnshire dialect, hee-der, and shee-der, denote the male and female sex.
Gotsch.—A jug or pitcher with one ear or handle. Forby thinks it may be derived from the Italian gozzo, a throat.
Holl.—From the Saxon holh. German Fraktur: hohle, a ditch.
Anan! = How! what say you? Perhaps an invitation to come near, in order to be better heard, from the Saxon nean, near. Vid. Brockett's,—Jennings, and Wilbraham's Chesh. Glossaries.
To be Muddled.—That is, confused, perplexed, tired. Doubtless from the idea of thickness, want of clearness; so, muddy is used for a state of inebriety.
Together.—In Low Scotch, thegether, seemingly, but not really, an adverb, converted to a noun, and used in familiarly addressing a number of persons collectively. Forby considers to and the article the identical; as to-day, to-night, in Low Scotch, the day, the night, are in fact, this day, this night; so that the expression together may mean "the gathering," the company assembled.
The authorities I have used are Forby's Vocabulary of East Anglia; Moor, Suffolk Words and Phrases; and Lemon, English Etymology; in which, if Icenus will refer, he will find the subject more fully discussed.
Conflagration of the Earth (Vol. ii., p. 89.).—The eventful period when this globe, or "the fabric of the world,"[1] will be "wrap'd in flames" and "in ruin hurl'd," is described in language, or at least, in sense similar to the quotations of our correspondent in p. 89., by the poets, philosophers, fathers, and divines here referred to:—
Lucan, lib. i. 70. et seqq. 75.:—
"Omnia mistis Sidera sideribus concurrent."
Seneca ad Marciam, cap. ult.:—
"Cum tempus advenerit, quo se mundus renovaturus extinguat, viribus ista se suis cedent, et sidera sideribus incurrent, et omni flagrante materia uno igne quicquid nunc ex disposito lucet, ardebit."
Quæst. Nat. iii. 27., which contains a commentary on St. Peter's expression, "Like a thief in the night:"—
"Nihil, inquit, difficile est Naturæ, ubi ad finem sui properat. Ad originem rerum parcè utitur viribus, dispensatque se incrementis fallentibus; subitò ad ruinam et toto impetu venit ... Momento fit cinis, diu silua."
Compare Sir T Browne's Rel. Med. s. 45.
Seneca, Hercul. Œt. 1102.
Ovid. Metamorph. lib. i. s. viii.
Diplilus as quoted by Dr. H. More, Vision. Apoc. vi. 9.
Cicero, Acad. lib. ii. 37. "Somn. Scipionis."
—— de Nat. Deorum. lib. ii. 46.
Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. vii. cap. 16.
These are the opinions of writers before Christ; whether they were derived from Scripture, it is not now my purpose to discuss. See also Lipsii Physiologia. On the agreement of the systems of the Stoics, of the Magi, and of the Edda, see Bishop Percy's Notes to Mallet's Northern Antiquities, vol. ii.
The general conflagration and purgatorial fire were among the tenets of the Sibylline books, and maintained by many Fathers of the Greek and Latin churches down to the sixth century. See Blondel on the Sibyls, and Arkudius adversus Barlaam. Among modern writers on this subject, it will be sufficient to name Magius de Mundi Exustione, Dr. H. More, and Dr T. Burnet. Ray, in the third of his Physico-Theological Discourses, discusses all the questions connected with the dissolution of the world.