[Transcriber's Notes]
The debt of England caused by the French and Indian War of 140,000,000
Pounds sterling is equivalent to about 19,000,000,000 Pounds in 2006.
Thomas Paine's pamphlet "Common Sense" is available at
http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext03/comsn10a.txt
[1492-1495] indicate the following text covers this period, until the
next such appearance.
This is a list or unfamiliar (to me) words.
abatis
Defensive obstacle made by laying felled trees on top of each
other
with branches, sometimes sharpened, facing the enemy.
appanage
Land or other source of revenue for the maintenance of a member
of the
family of a ruling house. Whatever belongs rightfully to one's
rank or
station in life. Natural or necessary accompaniment; adjunct.
From the
Latin "panis"--bread or "apanar"--to nourish.
Aristides
Athenian statesman and general who fought at Marathon and
Salamis. A
central figure in the confederation known as the Delian League.
encomia
Formal expression of praise; eulogy; tribute.
entails
To limit the inheritance of property to a specified succession of
heirs.
exigency
Requiring much effort or immediate action; urgent; pressing.
finical
Exacting about details; finicky; fussy; very particular.
indite
Compose or write.
lief
Gladly; willingly.
mooted
Hypothetical case argued by law students as an exercise. An
ancient
English meeting of the freemen of a shire. To discuss or debate.
recreant
Cowardly, craven, unfaithful, disloyal, traitorous, apostate,
renegade.
subaltern
Lower in position or rank. British military rank below
captain.
primogeniture
System of inheritance by the eldest son.
whilom
Former; erstwhile; at one time.
[End Transcriber's Notes]
After a painting by Gilbert Stuart. (The Gibbs Portrait.)
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES
FROM THE EARLIEST DISCOVERY OF AMERICA
TO THE PRESENT TIME
By
E. BENJAMIN ANDREWS
CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA
FORMERLY PRESIDENT OF BROWN UNIVERSITY
With 650 Illustrations and Maps
VOLUME II.
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1912
COPYRIGHT, 1894, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
CONTENTS
PERIOD III
REVOLUTION AND THE OLD CONFEDERATION
1763--1789
CHAPTER 1. RESULTS OF THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR
How Important.
Vergennes's Prophecy.
England in Debt.
Tempted to Tax Colonies.
Colonies Strengthened.
Military Experience Gained.
Leaders Trained.
Fighting Power Revealed.
Best of All, Union.
How Developed.
Nothing but War could have done This.
Scattered Condition of Population then.
Difficulties of Communication.
Other Centrifugal Influences.
France no longer a Menace to the Colonies.
But a Natural Friend and Ally.
Increase of Territory at the Colonies' Disposal.
CHAPTER II. GEORGE III. AND HIS AMERICAN COLONIES
Character of the Young King.
Policy
Advisers.
Indefinite Causes Separating Colonies from England.
England Blind to These.
Ignorant of the Colonies.
Stricter Enforcement of Navigation Laws.
Writs of Assistance.
James Otis.
Stamp Act.
Opposition.
Vigorous and Widespread Retaliation by Non-importation.
England Recedes.
Her Side of the Question.
Lord Mansfield's Argument.
Pitt's.
Constitutional and Historical Considerations not Sufficient.
George III.'s Case Better Legally than Practically.
Natural Rights.
Townshend's Duties.
Massachusetts's Opposition.
Samuel Adams.
Committees of Correspondence.
The Billeting Act.
Boston Massacre.
Statement of Grievances.
The Tea.
Coercion Resolved upon.
First Continental Congress.
Drifting into War.
CHAPTER III. INDEPENDENCE AND THE NEW STATES
Slow Growth of Desire for Independence.
Why.
Early Schemes of Union.
New York Convention of 1690.
Albany Convention of 1754.
Franklin's Plan for a Confederation of Colonies.
Even in 1774 no Hint of Independence.
Hardly in 1775.
Swift Change at Last.
All the Colonies Turn to the New Idea.
Causes.
Dickinson and Harrison.
The King's Barbarity.
The Gaspe Affair.
Capture of Fort William and Mary.
Paine's "Common Sense."
Declaration of Independence Mooted.
Debated.
Drafted.
Passed and Signed.
Jefferson.
How far he Followed Earlier Utterances.
Effect of the Declaration.
Anarchy in the Colonies.
New State Governments.
New Constitutions.
Their Provisions.
Changes from the Old Order.
General Character of the Documents.
CHAPTER IV. OUTBREAK OF WAR; WASHINGTON'S MOVEMENTS
General Gage in Boston.
Lexington.
Concord.
The Retreat.
Siege of Boston.
Bunker Hill.
Warren's Fall.
Losses of the two Sides.
Washington Commander-in-Chief.
His Character.
Difficulties.
Bad Military System.
Gage Evacuates Boston.
Moultrie's Defence of Charleston Harbor.
New York the Centre of Hostilities.
Long Island Given up.
New York City also.
Forts Washington and Lee Captured.
Retreat across New Jersey.
Splendid Stroke at Trenton.
Princeton.
Brandywine and Germantown.
The Winter at Valley Forge.
Hardships.
Steuben's Arrival and Drill.
Battle of Monmouth.
CHAPTER V. THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN
On to Canada.
Ethan Allen takes "Old Ti."
Montgomery's Advance.
Benedict Arnold's.
They attack Quebec.
Montgomery Falls.
Morgan in the Lower Town.
The Siege Raised.
Retreat.
Burgoyne's Advance.
The British Plan.
Ticonderoga again in British Hands.
On to Fort Edward.
St. Leger's Expedition.
Battle of Oriskany.
St. Leger Driven Back.
Baume's Expedition.
Battle of Bennington.
Stark.
Burgoyne in a Cul-de-sac.
Gates Succeeds Schuyler.
First Battle of Bemis's Heights or Stillwater.
Burgoyne's Position Critical.
No Tidings from Clinton.
Second Battle.
Arnold the Hero.
The Briton Retreats.
Capitulates.
Little Thanks to Gates.
Importance of Burgoyne's Surrender.
CHAPTER VI. THE SOUTHERN CAMPAIGNS
Massacres of Wyoming and Cherry Valley.
Battle of Rhode Island.
Raids.
Wayne takes Stony Point.
Paul Jones and his Naval Victory.
The War in the South.
Lincoln Surrenders.
All South Carolina Gone.
Clinton's Severity.
Bravely withstood by Southern Leaders and People.
Washington Sends Aid.
Gates and De Kalb.
Battle of Camden.
Exit Gates.
De Kalb's Valor and Death.
Arnold's Treason.
The South Prostrate.
Colonial Victory of King's Mountain.
General Greene to the South.
His History.
His Plan.
Morgan Beats Carleton at Cowpens.
Cornwallis Sweeps Northward.
Greene's Skilful Retreat.
Battle of Guilford Court-House.
Cornwallis to Virginia.
The Carolinas and Georgia Recovered.
Washington to Yorktown.
French Aid.
Cornwallis Surrenders.
Effects.
CHAPTER VII. PEACE
Peace Sentiment in England.
Reasons.
Ill Conduct of the War.
Expense.
Vain Concession.
France Aids America.
Spain too.
Lord North Wavers.
Holland Joins the Colonies.
Cornwallis's Surrender.
Franklin in France.
Influence and Skill.
Joy.
Negotiations for a Treaty of Peace.
The Treaty Signed.
Its Provisions.
Peace a Benediction.
Cessation of Hostilities.
Redcoats Depart.
New York Evacuated.
Washington's Adieu to the Army.
Resigns his Commission.
Revisits Mount Vernon.
CHAPTER VIII. AMERICAN MANHOOD IN THE REVOLUTION
Character of Revolutionary Soldiers.
Causes.
Physical Basis and Previous Training.
Bunker Hill.
Moultrie.
Marylanders at Long Island.
At Monmouth.
Nathan Hale.
Andre.
Paul Jones and his Exploit.
Ethan Allen.
Prescott.
"Old Put."
Richard Montgomery.
General Greene.
Stark.
Dan Morgan.
Other Generals.
Colonel Washington.
De Kalb.
Robert Morris, Financier.
Franklin, Diplomatist.
Washington.
Military Ability.
Mental and Moral Characteristics.
Honesty.
Modesty.
Encomia upon Him.
CHAPTER IX. THE OLD CONFEDERATION
The Revolutionary Congress.
The Articles of Confederation.
Synopsis.
Congress.
Its Powers.
Advantages of the Confederation.
Critical State of Affairs after the War.
State Sovereignty.
Antagonized by Existence of the Articles.
Faults of the Confederation.
No Power over Individuals.
Treaties.
Taxation.
War Debt.
Mutinous Spirit in Army.
Washington's Steadfastness.
Congress Menaced.
Discord of Commercial Laws.
England's Hostile Attitude.
Needed Amendments to the Articles.
Lack of a Central Power.
Northwest Territory.
Ordinance of 1787.
Its Excellence.
The Ohio Company.
Settlement at Marietta.
CHAPTER X. RISE OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION
Anarchy after the Revolution.
Shays' Rebellion.
Washington's Influence.
Continental Sects.
Hamilton's Motion for a Stronger Government.
Massachusetts's Motion.
Forwardness of Virginia.
Of Madison.
Origin of Annapolis Convention, 1786.
Its Action.
Meeting of the Constitutional Convention, 1787.
The Virginia Plan.
New Jersey Plan.
Growth of the Constitution.
Personnel of the Convention.
Its Distinguished Men.
Subsequent Careers of Many.
Rutledge.
Rufus King.
Completion of the Constitution.
Ratification.
Struggle in Massachusetts.
In Virginia.
In New York.
In North Carolina.
In Rhode Island.
"More Perfect Union" at Last.
Part Second
THE UNITED STATES UNDER THE CONSTITUTION
PERIOD I
THE UNITED STATES AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
1789-1814
CHAPTER I. THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Launching the Constitution.
Washington's First Inauguration.
Distribution of our Population in 1790.
In the States.
Cities.
New York City.
Difference between the Old Government and the New.
Status of the State.
Benefits of the New Order.
Popularity of the Constitution.
Thoroughness of First Congress.
Origin of Post-office Department.
Treasury.
Revenue and Monetary System.
Judiciary.
Secretary of War.
Leaders in First Congress.
CHAPTER II. FEDERALISM AND ANTI--FEDERALISM
Origin and Development of the Two Terms.
Policy of Federalism.
Federalists Aristocratic.
Two Stripes of Federalists.
Policy of the Anti-federalists.
Close and Liberal Constructionists.
Argument of the Federalists on Article 1., Section 8.
Reply of Anti-federalists.
Historical Facts in Support of the Latter.
CHAPTER III. DOMESTIC QUESTIONS OF WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATIONS
I. TARIFF: Restrictive Policy after the Revolution.
Object of its Advocates to Strengthen the Central Government.
Retaliatory Spirit against England.
Desire for Independence as to Military Supplies.
II. FUNDING THE DEBT: Debt at Close of Revolution.
Congress Liquidates the Domestic Federal Debt.
Assumes State Debts.
Debate on This.
Secured by a "Deal."
Scheme for Payment.
III. THE EXCISE; Excise on Spirits.
Opposition in Pennsylvania.
Result.
IV. THE BANK: Chartered by Congress.
Hostility.
Jefferson's Argument.
Hamilton's.
Good Influence of the Bank.
CHAPTER IV. RELATIONS WITH ENGLAND
Revolution in France.
Washington's Proclamation of Neutrality.
Jefferson's Criticism.
Rives's.
Arguments for Aiding France.
Results of Neutrality.
Federalist Leaning toward Great Britain.
Attitude of Great Britain.
Impressment of our Seamen.
War Imminent.
Jay's Treaty.
Fisher Ames Urges Ratification.
CHAPTER V. RELATIONS WITH THE FRENCH REPUBLIC
Federalists Condemn, Republicans Favor, the French Revolution.
Causes of its Popularity.
Justification of the Administration's Policy.
France Violates the Treaty.
Genet's High-handed Action.
His Insolence and Final Removal.
Effect of Jay's Treaty upon France.
Further Overtures to France.
Result.
Anti-federalists Confounded.
War Feeling in this Country.
Adams's Patriotic Course.
War Averted.
CHAPTER VI. DECLINE OF THE FEDERALIST PARTY
Federalist Excesses.
Alien and Sedition Acts.
Conviction of Matthew Lyon.
Results of the Federalist Policy.
Its Animus.
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions.
These Criticised.
Unpopularity of the Federalist Measures.
This Dooms Federalism.
Federalist Dissensions.
Federalist Opposition to the Administration.
Waning Power of Federalism.
Its Good After-influence.
CHAPTER VII. THE WEST
Kentucky and Tennessee become States.
Unorganized and Organized Territory.
Settlements in the Northwest.
Centres of Population.
Early Land System.
Indian Outbreaks.
Harmar's Expedition.
Treaty with the Creeks.
Expedition of St. Clair.
Forts Built.
St. Clair's Defeat.
His Deposition from Military Command.
Wayne's Victory.
Pioneer Life.
Indiana Territory Formed.
Ohio a State.
System of Marketing Public Lands.
Mississippi Territory Organized.
CHAPTER VIII. SOCIAL CULTURE AT THE TURN OF THE CENTURY
Population.
Rural Life.
Theatres.
Sports.
Lotteries.
Steam Navigation.
The Old-fashioned Muster.
Intemperance.
Introduction of Sunday-schools.
Spanish Coins.
Colonial Money still in Use.
"Fip," "Levy," "Pistareen."
Newspapers and Postal Arrangements.
Party Strife.
Innovations and Inventions.
Beginnings of the American Factory System.
Oliver Evans.
Samuel Slater.
CHAPTER IX. DEMOCRACY AT THE HELM
Jefferson's Election.
XIIth Amendment to the Constitution.
Power of Democracy.
Its Policy.
Jefferson the Typical Democrat.
His Character.
His Civil Service Policy.
Burr's Rise.
Shoots Hamilton in a Duel.
His Treason.
His Arrest.
Purchase of Louisiana.
Immense Increase of Territory.
Trouble with the Barbary Powers.
Their Insolence.
Dale's Expedition.
Further Successes.
CHAPTER X. THE WAR OF 1812
Great Britain Ignores International Law.
Impresses American Seamen.
The Chesapeake Affair.
Navigation Act and Berlin Decree.
England Questions our Neutrality.
Preparations for War.
Ill Success of Land Operations.
Harrison's Victory over Proctor.
Jackson Conquers the Creeks.
Battle of New Orleans.
Naval Victories.
Battle of Lake Erie.
Opposition of the Federalists to the War.
New England Remonstrances.
Attitude of Sects.
Treaty of Ghent.
Its Provisions.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
GEORGE WASHINGTON
BLOODY POND, NEAR LAKE GEORGE, WHICH IS SAID TO STILL CONTAIN THE BONES
OF MANY OF THOSE WHO FELL IN THE FIGHT AT
FORT WILLIAM HENRY
KING GEORGE III.
JAMES OTIS, JR.
BURNING THE STAMPS IN NEW YORK
THE BOSTON MASSACRE. (From an engraving by Paul Revere)
PINE TREE FLAG OF MASSACHUSETTS
RATTLESNAKE FLAG OF SOUTH CAROLINA
UNION FLAG. THE FIRST RECOGNIZED CONTINENTAL STANDARD, RAISED FOR THE
FIRST TIME JANUARY 2, 1776
THOMAS PAINE
A PROFILE VIEW OF THE HEIGHTS OF CHARLESTOWN
BUNKER HILL BATTLE. (From a contemporary print)
JOSEPH WARREN
GENERAL HOWE
GENERAL CHARLES LEE. (Although intended for a caricature, this is
considered an excellent likeness)
BARON VON STEUBEN
RICHARD MONTGOMERY
THE DEATH OF MONTGOMERY AT QUEBEC
GENERAL HERKIMER AT THE BATTLE OF ORISKANY
GENERAL JOHN STARK
GENERAL HORATIO GATES
JOHN PAUL JONES'S MEDAL
JOHN PAUL JONES'S MEDAL. (Reverse)
GENERAL SULLIVAN
GENERAL LINCOLN
GENERAL MARION IN CAMP
MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE
BENEDICT ARNOLD
ARNOLD'S ESCAPE
GENERAL NATHANIEL GREENE
THE SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS AT YORKTOWN
GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN
LORD CORNWALLIS
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
FACSIMILE OF SIGNATURES TO TREATY OF PEACE
JOHN PAUL JONES
FIGHT BETWEEN THE BON HOMME RICHARD AND THE SERAPIS
GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE
THE ENCOUNTER BETWEEN TARLETON AND COLONEL WASHINGTON
DeKALB WOUNDED AT CAMDEN
THE FRANKLIN PENNY
DOLLAR OF 1794. (The first United States coin)
A SCENE AT SPRINGFIELD DURING SLAYS' REBELLION, WHEN THE MOB ATTEMPTED
TO PREVENT THE HOLDING OF THE COURTS OF JUSTICE
JOHN WESLEY
CELEBRATING THE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION IN NEW YORK
ALEXANDER HAMILTON (From a painting by John Trumbull in the Trumbull
Gallery at Yale College)
ILLICIT DISTILLERS WARNED OF THE APPROACH OF REVENUE OFFICERS
JOHN JAY. (From a painting by S. F. B. Morse in the Yale College
Collection)
JOHN ADAMS. (From a copy by Jane Stuart, about 1874, of a painting by
her father, Gilbert Stuart, about 1800-in possession of Henry Adams)
GEORGE CLINTON. (From a painting by Ezra Ames)
JOHN MARSHALL
ELERIDGE GERRY
GENERAL ARTHUR ST. CLAIR
JOSEPH BRANT OR THAYENDANEGEA
DUGOUT OF A SOUTHWESTERN PIONEER
ROBERT FULTON
FULTON'S FIRST EXPERIMENT WITH PADDLE-WHEELS
DEPARTURE OF THE CLERMONT ON HER FIRST VOYAGE
JOHN FITCH'S STEAMBOAT AT PHILADELPHIA
MASSACHUSETTS BILL OF THREE SHILLINGS IN 1741
NEW HAMPSHIRE BILL OF FORTY SHILLINGS IN 1742
MASSACHUSETTS TWOPENCE OF 1722
PINE TREE TWOPENCE
PINE TREE THREEPENCE
PINE TREE SIXPENCE
PINE TREE SHILLING
POSTAL PROGRESS, 1776-1876
COTTON PLANT
THE COTTON GIN. (From the original model)
ELI WHITNEY
THOMAS JEFFERSON. (From the painting by Gilbert Stuart--property of T.
Jefferson Coolidge)
AARON BURR. (From a painting by Vanderlyn at the New York Historical
Society)
STEPHEN DECATUR
LIEUTENANT DECATUR ON THE TURKISH VESSEL DURING THE BOMBARDMENT OF
TRIPOLI
JAMES MADISON (From a painting by Gilbert Stuart--property of T.
Jefferson Coolidge)
TECUMSEH
OLIVER H. PERRY
PERRY TRANSFERRING HIS COLORS FROM THE LAWRENCE TO THE NIAGARA
LIST OF MAPS
THE UNITED COLONIES AT THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION
PLAN OF BUNKER HILL
MAP OF MANHATTAN ISLAND IN 1776, SHOWING THE AMERICAN DEFENCES, ETC.
MAP SHOWING THE PROGRESSIVE ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY BY THE UNITED
STATES
PERIOD III.
REVOLUTION AND THE OLD CONFEDERATION
1763-1789
CHAPTER I.
RESULTS OF THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR
[1763]
The results of the French and Indian War were out of all proportion to
the scale of its military operations. Contrasted with the campaigns
which were then shaking all Europe, it sank into insignificance; and the
world, its eyes strained to see the magnitude and the issue of those
European wars, little surmised that they would dictate the course of
history far less than yonder desultory campaigning in America. Yet here
and there a political prophet foresaw some of these momentous indirect
consequences of the war. "England will erelong repent," said Vergennes,
then the French ambassador at Constantinople, "of having removed the
only check that could keep her colonies in awe. They no longer stand in
need of her protection. She will call on them to contribute toward
supporting the burdens they have helped to bring upon her, and they will
answer by striking off all dependence." This is, in outline, the history
of the next twenty years.
The war in Europe and America had been a heavy drain upon the treasury
of England. Her national debt had doubled, amounting at the conclusion
of peace to 140,000,000 Pounds sterling. The Government naturally
desired to lay upon its American subjects a portion of this burden,
which had been incurred partly on their behalf. The result was that new
system of taxation which the king and his ministers sought to impose
upon the colonies, and which was the immediate cause of the Revolution.
The hated taxes cannot, of course, be traced to the French and Indian
War alone as their source. England had for years shown a growing purpose
to get revenue out of her American dependencies; but the debt incurred
by the war gave an animus and a momentum to this policy which carried it
forward in the face of opposition that might otherwise have warned even
George III. to pause ere it was too late.
[1765]
While the war thus indirectly led England to encroach upon the rights of
the colonies, it also did much to prepare the latter to resist such
encroachment. It had this effect mainly in two ways: by promoting union
among the colonies, and by giving to many of their citizens a good
training in the duties of camp, march, and battle-field.
The value to the colonists of their military experience in this war can
hardly be overestimated. If the outbreak of the Revolution had found the
Americans a generation of civilians, if the colonial cause had lacked
the privates who had seen hard service at Lake George and Louisburg, or
the officers, such as Washington, Gates, Montgomery, Stark, and Putnam,
who had learned to fight successfully against British regulars by
fighting with them, it is a question whether the uprising would not have
been stamped out, for a time at least, almost at its inception.
Especially at the beginning of such a war, when the first necessity is
to get a peaceful nation under arms as quickly as possible, a few
soldier-citizens are invaluable. They form the nucleus of the rising
army, and set the standard for military organization and discipline. In
fact, the French and Indian War would have repaid the colonies all it
cost even if its only result had been to give the youthful Washington
that schooling in arms which helped fit him to command the Continental
armies. Without the Washington of Fort Necessity and of Braddock's
defeat, we could in all likelihood never have had the Washington of
Trenton and Yorktown. Besides Washington, to say nothing of Gates, Gage,
and Mercer, also there, Dan Morgan, of Virginia, began to learn war in
the Braddock campaign.
Bloody Pond, near Lake George, which is said to still contain the
bones of many of those who fell in the fight at Fort William Henry.
Again, the war prepared the colonists for the Revolution by revealing to
them their own rare fighting quality, and by showing that the dreaded
British regulars were not invincible. No foe would, at Saratoga or
Monmouth, see the backs of the men who had covered the redcoats' retreat
from the field of Braddock's death, scaled the abatis of Louisburg, or
brained Dieskau's regulars on the parapet of Fort William Henry.
But there was one thing even more necessary to the Revolutionists than
skill at arms, and that was union. Their only hope of successful
resistance against the might of England lay in concerted action, and
perhaps the most important result of the long war through which they had
been passing was the sense of union and of a common cause with which it
had inspired the thirteen colonies. This feeling was of course still
none too intense. But during the long war the colonies had drawn nearer
to one another than ever before. Soldiers from New Hampshire and North
Carolina, from Virginia and Massachusetts, bivouacked together, and
fought shoulder to shoulder. Colonial officers forgot local jealousies
in a common resentment of the contempt and neglect shown them all alike
by the haughty subalterns of the king. Mutual good-will was fostered by
the money and troops which the southern and less exposed colonies sent
to their sister commonwealths on the frontier. In these and numberless
minor ways a community of sentiment was engendered which, imperfect as
it was, yet prepared the way for that hearty co-operation which was to
carry the infant States through the fiery trial just before them.
It is important to remember, as well, not only that the war built up
this conviction of a common interest, but that nothing except the war
could have done it. The great forces of nineteenth-century
civilization--the locomotive, the telegraph, the modern daily
newspaper--which now bind sixty millions of people, spread over half a
continent, into one nation, were then unknown. The means of
communication and transportation between the colonies were very
primitive. Roads were rough, full of steeps and cuts, and in many
places, especially near cities, almost impassable with mire. It took
seven days to go by stage from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh, four days
from Boston to New York. The mail service was correspondingly inadequate
and slow. At times in winter a letter would be five weeks in going from
Philadelphia to Virginia. The newspapers were few, contained little
news, and the circulation of each was necessarily confined to a very
limited area. It has been estimated that the reading-matter in all the
forty-three papers which existed at the close of the Revolution would
not fill ten pages of the New York Herald now. In connection with this
state of things consider the fact that the idea of colonial solidarity
had not then, as now, merely to be sustained. It had to be created
outright. Local pride and jealousy were still strong. Each colony had
thought of itself as a complete and isolated political body, in a way
which it is difficult for us, after a hundred years of national unity,
to conceive. Plainly a lifetime of peace would not have begotten the
same degree of consolidation among the colonies which the war, with its
common danger and common purpose, called into being in a half-dozen
years.
The war did yet another important service by removing a dangerous
neighbor of the colonies. So long as France, ambitious and warlike, kept
foot-hold in the New World, the colonies had to look to the
mother-country for protection. But this danger gone, England ceased to
be necessary to the safety of the embryo political communities, and her
sovereignty was therefore the more readily renounced. English statesmen
foresaw this danger before the Peace of Paris, and but for the
magnanimity of Pitt our western territory might after all have been left
in the hands of France.
And the cession of Canada, besides removing an enemy, helped to
transform that enemy into an active friend. Had France retained her
possessions in America, she would still have had an interest in
maintaining the colonial system, and it is doubtful if even her hatred
of England would have induced her to aid the rebellious colonies. But,
her dream of a great Western empire forever dispelled, she had much to
gain and nothing to lose by drawing sword for the American cause. The
British defeated the French at Quebec only to meet them again at
Yorktown.
One more result remains to be noted, without which what has preceded
would lose half its significance. By the Peace of Paris England
succeeded to all of France's possessions in America east of the
Mississippi; but the most valuable part of this great territory she won
only to hold in trust a few years for her colonial children. The
redcoats under Amherst and Wolfe, who thought they were fighting for
King George, were in reality winning an empire for the Young Republic.
It is not easy to feel the full significance of this. The colonies
might, indeed, have won independence even if France had retained her
grasp on the valley of the Mississippi; but so long as the new-born
nation was shut up to a narrow strip along the Atlantic coast, it would
have been a lion caged. The "conquest of Canada," says Green, "by ...
flinging open to their energies in the days to come the boundless plains
of the West, laid the foundation of the United States."
CHAPTER II.
GEORGE III. AND HIS AMERICAN COLONIES
[1760]
The year after the capture of Quebec a young king ascended the throne of
England, whose action was to affect profoundly the fortunes of the
American colonies. Of narrow mental range and plebeian tastes, but
moral, sincere, and stout-hearted, George III. assumed the crown with
one dominant purpose--to rule personally; and the first decade of his
reign was a constant struggle to free himself from the dictation of
cabinet ministers. In 1770, during the premiership of North, who was
little more than his page, the king gained the day; and for the next
dozen years he had his own way perfectly. All points of policy, foreign
and domestic, even the management of debates in Parliament, he was
crafty enough to get into his hands. To this meddling of his with state
affairs, his impracticable and fickle plans, and the stupidity of the
admirers whom his policy forced upon him, may be traced in very large
measure the breach between England and the colonies.
The Revolution, however, cannot be wholly accounted for by any series of
events which can be set down and labelled. The ultimate causes lie
deeper. Three thousand miles of ocean rolled between England and the
colonies. A considerable measure of colonial self-government was
inevitable from the first, and this, by fostering the spirit of
independence, created a demand for more and more freedom. The social
ties which had bound the early Pilgrims to their native land grew
steadily weaker with each new generation of people who knew no home but
America. The colonists had begun to feel the stirrings of an independent
national life. The boundless possibilities of the future on this new
continent, with its immense territory and untold natural wealth, were
beginning to dawn upon them. Their infancy was over. The leading-strings
which bound them to the mother-country must be either lengthened or cast
off altogether.
King George III.
But England did not see this. Most Englishmen at the beginning of George
III.'s reign regarded the colonies as trading corporations rather than
as political bodies. It was taken for granted that a colony was inferior
to the mother-country, and was to be managed in the interests of the
commercial classes at home. Conflict was therefore inevitable sooner or
later. We have to trace briefly the chief events by which it was
precipitated.
James Otis, Jr.
[1764]
In 1760-61 England tried to enforce the navigation laws more strictly.
Writs of assistance issued, empowering officers to enter any house at
any time, to search for smuggled goods. This measure aroused a storm of
indignation. The popular feeling was voiced, and at the same time
intensified, by the action of James Otis, Jr., a young Boston lawyer,
who threw up his position as advocate-general rather than defend the
hated writs, which he denounced as "instruments of slavery." "Then and
there," said John Adams, "the trumpet of the Revolution was sounded."
In May, 1764, a report reached Boston that a stamp act for the colonies
had been proposed in Parliament, to raise revenue by forcing the use in
America of stamped forms for all sorts of public papers, such as deeds,
warrants, and the like. A feeling of mingled rage and alarm seized the
colonists. It seemed that a deliberate blow was about to be struck at
their liberties. From the day of their founding the colonies had never
been taxed directly except by their own legislatures. Massachusetts, New
York, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Virginia at once sent
humble but earnest protests to Parliament against the proposed
innovation.
The act was nevertheless passed in March of the next year, with almost
no opposition. By its provisions, business documents were illegal and
void unless written on the stamped paper. The cheapest stamp cost a
shilling, the price ranging upward from that according to the importance
of the document. The prepared paper had to be paid for in specie, a
hardship indeed in a community where lawsuits were very common, and
whose entire solid coin would not have sufficed to pay the revenue for a
single year. Even bitterest Tories' declared this requirement
indefensible. Another flagrant feature of the act was the provision that
violators of it should be tried without a jury, before a judge whose
only pay came from his own condemnations.
Burning the Stamps in New York.
[1765]
The effect upon the colonies was like that of a bomb in a
powder-magazine. The people rose up en masse. In every province the
stamp-distributor was compelled to resign. In Portsmouth, N. H., the
newspaper came out in mourning, and an effigy of the Goddess of Liberty
was carried to the grave. The Connecticut legislature ordered a day of
fasting and prayer kept, and an inventory of powder and ball taken. In
New York a bonfire was made of the stamps in the public square. The
bells in Charleston, S. C., were tolled, and the flags on the ships in
the harbor hung at half-mast. The colonists entered into agreements to
buy no goods from England until the act was repealed. Even mourning
clothes, since they must be imported, were not to be worn, and lamb's
flesh was abjured that more wool might be raised for home manufacture.
England's colonial trade fell off so alarmingly in consequence that
Manchester manufacturers petitioned Parliament to repeal the act,
asserting that nine-tenths of their workmen were idle. Besides these
popular demonstrations, delegates from nine colonies met in New York, in
October, 1765, often called the Stamp Act Congress, and adopted a
declaration of rights, asserting that England had no right to tax them
without their consent. During the days of the Stamp Act excitement, the
term "colonist" gave way to "American," and "English" to "British," a
term of the deeper opprobrium because Bute, the king's chief adviser,
was a Briton.
Startled by this unexpected resistance, Parliament, in January of the
next year, began to debate repeal. We must in fairness to England look
at both sides of the problem of colonial taxation. As general
administrator of colonial affairs, the English Government naturally
desired a fixed and certain revenue in America, both for frontier
defence against Indians and French and for the payment of colonial
governors. While each stood ready to defend its own territory, the
colonies were no doubt meanly slow about contributing to any common
fund. They were frequently at loggerheads, too, with their governors
over the question of salaries. On the other hand, the colonists made the
strong plea that self-taxation was their only safeguard against tyranny
of king, Parliament, or governor.
In the great debate which now ensued in Parliament over England's right
to tax America, Mansfield, the greatest constitutional lawyer of his
day, maintained--first, that America was represented in Parliament as
much as Manchester and several other large cities in England which
elected no members to the House of Commons, and yet were taxed; and,
second, that an internal tax, such as that on stamps, was identical in
principle with customs duties, which the colonies had never resisted. In
reply, Pitt, the great champion of the colonies, asserted--first, that
the case of the colonies was not at all like that of Manchester; the
latter happened not to be represented at that time because the election
laws needed reforming, while the colonies, being three thousand miles
away, could in the nature of the case never be adequately represented in
an English Parliament; and, second, that as a matter of fact a sharp
distinction had always, since the Great Charter, been made between
internal taxation and customs duties.
Had the colonies rested their case upon constitutional argument alone it
would have been relatively weak. While it was then a question, and will
be forever, whether the American settlements were king's colonies,
Parliament's colonies, or neither, but peculiar communities which had
resulted from growth, the English lawyers had a good deal of logic on
their side. Unconstitutional measures had indeed been resorted to--the
writs of assistance, taking Americans beyond sea for trial, internal
taxation; yet the real grievance lay far less in these things than in
the fact that the English constitution itself was working in a manner
contrary to colonial interests. Social considerations, too, accounted
for more bitterness than has usually been thought. Our fathers hated the
presence here of a privileged class.
George III.'s policy was therefore wiser legally than politically. This
was, in fact, his ministry's capital mistake--like Lord Salisbury's in
respect to Ireland in 1888--that it had too great regard for the mere
legal aspect of the question, ignoring the practical. The colonists were
too numerous, powerful, and far away, longer to be governed from home,
at least by the old plan. To attempt perpetuation of the old regime
might be lawful, but was certainly impracticable and stupid. Hence
Americans like Jefferson showed themselves consummate politicians in
going beyond Pitt's contention from the constitution and from precedent,
and appealing to the "natural rights" of the colonists. "Our rights,"
said Otis, in substance, "do not rest on a charter, but are inherent in
us as men." "The people" said John Adams in 1765, "have rights
antecedent to all earthly government."
[1767]
The Stamp Act was repealed in February. Its principle, however, was
immediately re-asserted by the "Declaratory Act," in which Parliament
claimed power over the colonies "in all cases whatsoever." The repeal
caused great rejoicing in America; but neither king nor Parliament had
changed policy respecting colonial affairs. There soon followed, in
rapid succession, that series of blundering acts of oppression which
completed the work begun by the Stamp Act, and drove the colonists into
rebellion.
In 1767 duties were laid upon glass, paper, painters' colors, and tea.
Massachusetts, again taking the lead, sent a circular-letter to all the
colonies, proposing a united supplication to the throne. For refusal to
rescind this letter the Massachusetts assembly was dissolved at the
command of the angry king. This refusal was the first denial of the
king's prerogative; only the authority of Parliament had been resisted
before. The soul of the colonial cause in Massachusetts at this time was
Samuel Adams, of Boston, "the last of the Puritans," a man of powerful
and logical mind, intrepid heart, and incorruptible patriotism.
America's debt to him for his work in these early years cannot be
estimated. At this juncture he organized committees of safety and
correspondence throughout Massachusetts, which led to the formation of
such committees in the other colonies. They did an invaluable work in
binding the scattered sections together, and providing for emergencies.
[1768]
The Billeting Act, which required the colonists to lodge and feed the
British troops quartered among them, added fuel to the flames. In 1768
the New York legislature refused to comply, and Parliament suspended its
legislative functions.
[1770]
In the fall of the same year, seizing as a pretext two ship-riots which
had occurred in the summer, the king stationed four regiments in Boston.
Public sentiment was shocked and indignant at this establishment of a
military guard over a peaceable community. The presence of the soldiers
was a constant source of irritation. Frequent altercations occurred
between the soldiers and the lower class of citizens. The trouble
culminated in the Boston Massacre of March 5, 1770. A squad of soldiers,
set upon by a mob of men and boys, fired into the crowd, killing three
persons and wounding eight others. That the soldiers had considerable
justification is proved by the fact that a jury acquitted all but two,
who were convicted of manslaughter, and branded. But exaggerated reports
of the occurrence spread like wildfire throughout the colonies, and
wrought powerfully for hatred against England.
[1772]
During the next two or three years there was comparative quiet.
Massachusetts, it is true, under the tutelage of Samuel Adams, grew more
radical in its demands. In 1772 the committee of Boston issued a
statement of grievances, adding, as new complaints, the sending of
persons to England for trial, restraints upon colonial manufacturers,
and a rumored plan to establish bishops over America. This statement was
approved by all the colonies, and was sent to Franklin in London. The
country as a whole, however, was weary of the strife, and would gladly
have returned to the old cordial relations with the mother-land.
The Boston Massacre.
From an Engraving by Paul Revere.
[1773]
But George III. could not rest without asserting his supremacy over
America. He made an arrangement with the East India Company by which tea
could be bought in America, spite of the hated tax, cheaper than in
England. Then, at the king's instigation, large shipments of tea were
made to America. The colonists saw through the cunning attempt, and the
tide of resistance rose higher than ever. At New York and Philadelphia
the tea-ships were forced to put to sea again without unlading. At
Charleston the tea was stored in damp cellars and soon spoiled. At
Boston there was a deadlock; the people would not let the tea be landed;
the governor would not let the ships sail without unlading. On the
evening of December 16, 1773, the tax falling due on the next day, a
party of fifty citizens, disguised as Indians, boarded the ships, and
threw three hundred and forty-two chests of tea into the harbor.
[1774]
The Boston tea-party aroused all the blind obstinacy of George III.
"Blows must decide," he exclaimed; "the guilty rebels are to be forced
to submission," The king's anger led to the Boston Port Bill, which was
passed the next year, and closed Boston harbor to all commerce. Changes
were also made in the government of Massachusetts, rendering it almost
entirely independent of the people. Town meetings were forbidden except
for elections. Poor Massachusetts, her liberties curtailed, her commerce
ruined, appealed to her sister colonies for support, and they responded
right heartily. In three weeks from the news of the Port Bill all the
colonies had made the cause of Massachusetts their own. Expressions of
sympathy and liberal gifts of money and provisions poured into Boston
from all over the country. The first Continental Congress assembled at
Philadelphia in September. All the colonies but Georgia were
represented. An earnest statement of grievances was drawn up, with a
prayer to the king for redress. The action of Massachusetts was
approved, and an agreement entered into to suspend all commerce with
England.
Things now hastened rapidly toward open war. British troops were
stationed in Boston, and began fortification. Military preparations were
making everywhere among the colonists. The train was laid. Only a spark
was needed to bring the dreaded explosion.
CHAPTER III.
INDEPENDENCE AND THE NEW STATES
[1775]
The thought of independence in the minds of the colonists was of
surprisingly slow growth. The feeling of dependence on the
mother-country and of loyalty to the king was deep-rooted and died hard.
Even union, which was a pre-requisite to a successful struggle for
independence, came slowly. The old New England Confederation, in 1643-
84, between Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, for
defence against Indians, Dutch, and French, ended without ever having
manifested the slightest vigor. In the latter half of the seventeenth
century Virginia had alliances with some sister colonies for protection
against Indians; but there was no call for a general congress until the
French and Indian attack on Schenectady, in 1690, during King William's
War. Representatives from New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and
Plymouth met that year at New York; letters came from Virginia,
Maryland, and Rhode Island. But no permanent union was proposed here,
nor at any of the similar meetings, seven at least, which occurred
between 1690 and 1750.
The Albany Convention, which met in 1754 to prepare for the French and
Indian War, adopted a plan for union presented by Franklin, providing
for a president-general appointed and supported by the Crown, and for a
grand council of delegates elected triennially by the colonies according
to population, and empowered, within limits, to lay taxes and make laws
for the common interest of English America. Franklin believed that the
adoption of this scheme would have postponed the Revolution a century.
But, as it gave so much power to the king, it was rejected by the people
in every colony.
Even after English oppression and the diligent agency of committees of
correspondence had brought union, and delegates from the colonies had
met again and again in Congress, the thought of breaking away from the
mother-land was strange to the minds of nearly all. The instructions to
the delegates to the first Congress, in September, 1774, gave no
suggestion of independence. On the contrary, colony after colony
urged
its representatives to seek the restoration of "harmony and union" with
England. This Congress branded as "calumny" the charge that it wished
"independency." Washington wrote, from the Congress, that independence
was then not "desired by any thinking man in America."
Pine Tree Flag of Massachusetts.