I think the observation is tolerably correct.

Anon.

SCOTCHMEN IN POLAND.

(Vol. vii., p. 475.)

In the debates about a union with Scotland in 1606, the "multiplicities of the Scots in Polonia" formed one of the arguments of the opposing party, who thought that England was likely to be overrun in a similar fashion. According to Wilson (Hist. of James I., p. 34.), the naturalisation of the Scots—

"Was opposed by divers strong and modest arguments. Among which they brought in the comparison of Abraham and Lot, whose families joining, they grew to difference, and to those words, 'Vade tu ad dextram, et ego ad sinistram.' It was answered, That speech brought the captivity of the one; they having disjoined their strength. The party opposing said, If we admit them into our liberties, we shall be overrun with them; as cattle, naturally, pent up by a slight hedge, will over it into a better soil; and a tree taken from a barren place will thrive to excessive and exuberant branches in a better,—witness the multiplicities of the Scots in Polonia.

"To which it was answered, That if they had not means, place, custom, and employment (not like beasts, but men), they would starve in a plentiful soil, though they came into it. And what springtide and confluence of that nation have housed and familied themselves among us, these four years of the king's reign? And they will never live so meanly here as they do in Polonia; for they had rather discover their poverty abroad than at home."

This last "answerer" was Lord Bacon. In his speech "Of general Naturalisation" (Works, vol. v. p. 52.), he asserts that the "multiplication of Scots in Polonia" must of necessity be imputed

"To some special accident of time and place that draws them thither; for you see plainly before your eyes, that in Germany, which is much nearer, and in France, where they are invited with privileges, and with this very privilege of naturalisation, yet no such number can be found; so as it cannot either be nearness of place, or privilege of person, that is the cause."

What these "special accidents" were, it would be interesting to ascertain. Large bodies of men were levied in Scotland during the latter half of the sixteenth century, for the service of Sweden, and employed in the Polish wars. Can these have turned merchants, or induced others to follow them? In 1573, Charles de Mornay brought 5000 Scots to Sweden. In 1576, whilst they were serving in Livonia, a quarrel broke out between them and a body of Germans also in the Swedish pay, and 1500 Scots were cut down. (Geiger, ch. xii.)

I believe Mr. Cunningham will find some notices of Scottish merchants in Poland in Lithgow's Travels, which I have not at present by me.

Richard John King.

MR. JUSTICE NEWTON.

(Vol. vii., p. 528.)

Sir Richard Newton was Chief Justice of the Common Pleas from 1438 to 1444, and died Dec. 13th, 1444, and was buried in a chapel of Bristol Cathedral. (Collins's Baronage, vol. iii. p. 145.) He assumed the name of Newton, instead of Caradoc, from Newton in Powysland. (Collinson's Somersetshire, East Harptrie); and, as Camden, p. 60., says, the Newtons "freely own themselves to be of Welsh extraction, and not long ago to have been called Caradocks." These Caradocs were descended from the ancient kings of Wales. Sir Richard Newton was twice married: 1. to a daughter of Newton, of Crossland; and 2. to Emmett, daughter of John Harvey, of London, according to a MS. in the British Museum; but, according to Somersetshire and Gloucestershire Visitations, to Emma, daughter of Sir Thomas Perrott, of Islington. He had issue by both marriages, and from the second descended Sir John Newton, who was created a baronet 12 Car. II., and died in 1661. The baronetcy was limited in remainder, at its creation, to John Newton, of Hather, in Lincolnshire, and he became the second baronet. There are several pedigrees tracing the descent from Sir Richard to the first baronet; but I have not yet seen the descent to the second baronet, though there can be no doubt that he was also descended from Sir Richard, otherwise the baronetcy could not have been limited to him; and probably he was the next male heir of the first baronet, as that is the usual mode of limiting titles. In the Heralds' College there is a pedigree of Sir Isaac Newton, signed by himself, in which he traces his descent to the brother of the ancestor of the second baronet. It should seem, therefore, that Sir Isaac was himself descended from the Chief Justice. It would confer a great obligation on the writer if any of your readers could afford any assistance to clear up the pedigree of the second baronet.

As to the representatives of Sir Richard, I doubt whether his heir is discoverable, although there are many descendants now living who trace their descent through females.

C. S. G.

THE MARRIAGE RING.

(Vol. vii., p. 332.)

I cannot agree with the answer given, under the above reference, to the question of J. P.: "How did the use of the ring, in the marriage ceremony, originate?" The answer given is taken from Wheatly's Rational Illustration, &c., and is in substance this:—The ring anciently was a seal, and the delivery of this seal was a sign of confidence; and as a ceremony in marriage, its signification is, that the wife is admitted to the husband's counsels. From this argument, and the supposed proofs of it, I beg to dissent; and I conceive that Wheatly has not thrown any light upon the origin of this beautiful ceremony. To bear out his view, it would be necessary to prove that a signet ring had originally been used for the wedding ring—a matter of no slight difficulty, not to say impossibility.

What I take to be the real meaning of the ring as a part of the marriage ceremony, I will now give. It has a far higher meaning in the ceremony, and a more important duty to perform than merely to signify the admission of the wife into the counsels of the husband. Its office is to teach her the duty she owes to her husband, rather than the privilege of admission into his counsels. The ring is a preacher, to teach her lessons of holy wisdom referring to her state of life.

A ring, whenever used by the church, signifies, to use the words of liturgical writers, "integritatem fidei," the perfection of fidelity, and is "fidei sacramentum," the badge of fidelity. Its form, having no beginning and no end, is the emblem of eternity, constancy, integrity, fidelity, &c.; so that the wedding ring symbolises the eternal or entire fidelity the wife pledges to her husband, and she wears the ring as the badge of this fidelity. Its office, then, is to teach and perpetually remind her of the fidelity she owes to her husband, and swore to him at the marriage ceremony.

The wedding ring is to the wife precisely what the episcopal ring is to the bishop, and vice versâ. The language used during the ceremony to the one is very similar to that used to the other, as the object of the ceremony and use of the ring is the same. A bishop's ring, as we read, signifies "integritatem fidei," i. e. that he should love as himself the church of God committed to him as his bride. When he receives the ring at his consecration, the words used are, "Accipe annulum, fidei scilicet signaculum, quatenus sponsam Dei, sanctum videlicet ecclesiam, intemerata fide ornatus illibate custodias:" (Receive the ring, the badge of fidelity, to the end that, adorned with inviolable fidelity you may guard without reproach the spouse of God, that is, His Holy Church).

Hence the office of the episcopal ring throws light upon the office of the wedding ring; and there can be no doubt whatever that its real meaning is, in the latter as in the former case, to signify the eternal fidelity and constancy that should subsist between the married couple.

That this is the correct view of the meaning of the wedding ring is farther confirmed by the prayer used in blessing the ring: "Benedic, Domine, annulum hunc ... ut quæ eum gestaverit, fidelitatem integram suo sponso tenens, in pace et voluntate tua permaneat, acque in mutua charitate semper vivat."—Rituale, &c.

Cyrep.

CANADA, ETC.

(Vol. vii., pp. 380. 504.)

My former Note on the origin of this name suggests a question, which, if you think it worthy of a place in "N. & Q.," may interest many besides myself, viz. At what period and by whom was that part of North America called Canada?

To the French it appears always to have been known as "La Nouvelle France." La Hontan, who quitted the country 1690, I think, calls it Canada. Lajitan certainly does, as well as many other old authors.

In a map of North America, date 1769, the tract bordering on the St. Lawrence, lately called Upper and Lower Canada, is designated "The Province of Quebec;" whilst the region to the northward, lying between it and Hudson's Bay, has the word Canada in much larger letters, as if a general name of the whole. That the name is slightly altered from an Indian word is probable, but not so that it was used by the Indians themselves, who, in the first place, were not in the habit of imposing general names on large districts, although they had significant ones for almost every locality; the former were usually denominated the land of the Iroquois, of the Hurons, &c., i. e. of the people dwelling, on, and in possession of it. Even allowing that the Indians may have had a general name for the country, it is very unlikely that one so unmeaning as "Kanata" would have been imposed upon it by a people whose nomenclature in every other case is so full of meaning.

Moreover, although the Mic-macs of Gaspé may have called themselves Canadians according to Lescarbot, yet we are told by Volney, that—

"The Canadian savages call themselves 'Metoktheniakes' (born of the sun), without allowing themselves to be persuaded of the contrary by the Black Robes," &c.—Vol. ii. p. 438.

The following, to the same purpose, is from the Quarterly Review, vol. iv. p. 463.:

"'Tapoy,' which we understand from good authority to be the generic appellation by which the North American tribes distinguish themselves from the whites," &c.

Now I should imagine both Lescarbot and Champlain, knowing nothing of the language, and probably having very bad interpreters, must have made a great mistake in supposing the Gaspésiens called themselves Canadians, for I have questioned several intelligent Mic-Macs on the subject, and they have invariably told me that they call themselves "Ulnookh" or "Elnouiek," "Ninen elnouiek!—We are Men." But Mic-mac? "O, Mic-mac all same as Ulnookh." The latter word strictly means Indian-man, and cannot be applied to a white. Mic-mac is the name of their tribe, and, they insist upon it, always has been. Again, Kanata is said to be an Iroquois word, and, consequently, not likely to have been in use amongst a tribe of the Lenape family, which the Mic-macs are. It does not appear that we have any authority for supposing the country was ever called Canada by the Indians themselves.

It is curious enough that as Canada was said to derive from an exclamation, "Acá nada!" so the capital has been made to take its name from another; "Quel bec!" cried one of Champlain's Norman followers, on beholding Cape Diamond. As in the former case, however, so in this, we have evidence of more probable sources of the name, which I will enumerate as briefly as possible. The first, and a very probable one, is the fact, that the strait between Quebec and St. Levi side of the river, was called in the Algonquin language "Quebeio," i. e. a narrowing,—a most descriptive appellation, for in ascending the river its breadth suddenly diminishes here from about two miles to fourteen or fifteen hundred yards from shore to shore.

The little river St. Charles, which flows into the St. Lawrence on the northern side of the promontory, is called in the Indian language (Algonquin?) Kabir or Koubac, significant of its tortuous course, and it is from this, according to La Potherie, that the city derives its name of Quebec.

Mr. Hawkins, in his Picture of Quebec, &c., 1834, denies the Indian origin of the word, since, as he says, there is no analogous sound to it in any of their languages; and he assumes a Norman origin for it on the strength of "Bec" being always used by the Normans to designate a promontory in the first place; and secondly, because the word Quebec is actually found upon a seal of the Earl of Suffolk, of historical celebrity temp. Hen. V. and VI., which Mr. Hawkins supposes to have been the name of some town, castle, or barony in Normandy.

Such are the pros and cons, upon which I do not presume to offer any opinion; only I would observe, that if there are no analogous sounds in the Indian languages, whence come Kennebec and other similar names?

A. C. M.

Exeter.

Surely in the "inscription on a seal (1420), in which the Earl of Suffolk is styled 'Domine [?] de Hamburg et de Quebec,'" the last word must be a misprint for Lubec, the sister city of Hamburg. Mr. Hawkins's etymology seems to rest on no more substantial foundation than an error of the press in the work, whichever that may be, from which he quotes.

Jaydee.

SELLING A WIFE.

(Vol. vii., p. 429.)

The popular idea that a man may legally dispose of his wife, by exposing her for sale in a public market, may not improbably have arisen from the correlation of the terms buying and selling. Your correspondent V. T. Sternberg need not be reminded how almost universal was the custom among ancient nations of purchasing wives; and he will admit that it appears natural that the commodity which has been obtained "per æs et libram"—to use the phrase of the old Roman law touching matrimony—is transferable to another for a similar consideration, whenever it may have become useless or disagreeable to its original purchaser. However this may be, the custom is ancient, and moreover appears to have obtained, to some extent, among the higher orders of society. Of this an instance may be found in Grimaldi's Origines Genealogicæ, pp. 22, 23. (London, 1828, 4to.) The deed, by which the transaction was sought to be legalised, runs as follows:

"To all good Christians to whom this writ shall come, John de Camoys, son and heir of Sir Ralph de Camoys, greeting: Know me to have delivered, and yielded up of my own free will, to Sir William de Paynel, Knight, my wife Margaret de Camoys, daughter and heiress of Sir John de Gatesden; and likewise to have given and granted to the said Sir William, and to have made over and quit-claimed all goods and chattels which the said Margaret has or may have, or which I may claim in her right; so that neither I, nor any one in my name, shall at any time hereafter be able to claim any right to the said Margaret, or to her goods and chattels, or their pertinents. And I consent and grant, and by this writ declare, that the said Margaret shall abide and remain with the said Sir William during his pleasure. In witness of which I have placed my seal to this deed, before these witnesses: Thomas de Depeston, John de Ferrings, William de Icombe, Henry le Biroun, Stephen Chamberlayne, Walter le Blound, Gilbert de Batecumbe, Robert de Bosco, and others."

This matter came under the cognisance of Parliament in 1302, when the grant was pronounced to be invalid.

Now, we may fondly believe that this transaction, which occurred five hundred and fifty years ago, was characteristic alone of that dark and distant period, and that no parallel can be found in modern times (at least in a decent class of society, and recognised by legal sanction) to justify the lively French dramatists in seizing upon it as a trait of modern English manners. A transaction, however, came before the public eye a month or two ago, which, should you think the following record of it worth preservation as a "curiosity of legal experience," may lead your readers to a different conclusion:

"A young man, named W. C. Capas, was charged at the Public Office, Birmingham, Jan. 31, 1853, with assaulting his wife. The latter, in giving her evidence, stated that her husband was not living with her, but was 'leased' to another female. Upon inquiry by the magistrate into this novel species of contract, the document itself was produced in court, and read. It ran as follows:

"'Memorandum of agreement made and entered into this second day of October, in the year of our Lord 1852, between William Charles Capas, of Charles-Henry Street, in the borough of Birmingham, in the county of Warwick, carpenter, of the one part, and Emily Hickson, of Hurst Street, Birmingham aforesaid, spinster, of the other part. Whereas the said William Charles Capas and Emily Hickson have mutually agreed with each other to live and reside together, and to mutually assist in supporting and maintaining each other during the remainder of their lives, and also to sign the agreement hereinafter contained to that effect: now, therefore, it is hereby mutually agreed upon, by and between the said William Charles Capas and Emily Hickson, that they the said, &c., shall live and reside together during the remainder of their lives, and that they shall mutually exert themselves by work and labour, and by following all their business pursuits, to the best of their abilities, skill, and understanding, and by advising and assisting each other, for their mutual benefit and advantage, and also to provide for themselves and each other the best supports and comforts of life which their means and income may afford. And for the true and faithful performance of this agreement, each of the said parties bindeth himself and herself unto the other finally by this agreement, as witness the hands of the said parties, this day and year first above written."

Here follow the signatures of the consenting parties. The girl Hickson was examined, and admitted that she had signed the document at the office of a Mr. Campbell, the lawyer(!) who prepared it, and that his charge for drawing up the same was, she believed, 1l. 15s. The latter promised her, at the same time, that if the wife of Capas gave her any annoyance he would put in that paper as evidence. The magistrates, considering the assault proved, fined Capas 2s. 6d., and "commented in very strong terms on the document which had that day been brought before them." (See Birmingham Journal, Jan. 5th, 1853.) Has a similar transaction come before the notice of your correspondents?

I may add that we are informed by the Birmingham Argus for March, 1834, that in that month a man led his wife by a halter to Smithfield Market in that town, and there publicly offered her for sale.

William Bates.

Birmingham.

ENOUGH.

(Vol. vii., p. 455.)

This word, when written or pronounced enow, is regarded as a plural, and relates to number. In this sense it is employed in Northampton and other Midland counties, and is found in old writers. If the word was always pronounced enow, it must be long since. The distinction above hinted at prevailed in Waller's time, and he conforms to it in the examples quoted. Butler, in Hudibras, has both:

Again, line 1153. of the same canto:

an apparent exception, but not really such. (See also canto 3. 117. 285., where it rhymes with "off," as also line 809. At line 739. it written enow, and rhymes with "blow.")

And again, 873:

Other examples may be quoted from the same author.

In a song, written upon the Restoration of Charles II., we have the following:

In the Lamentable Tragedy of Cambises, written early in the reign of Elizabeth, the word occurs:

In Lusty Juventus, a Morality, temp. Edward VI., is the following:

Here certainly the distinction disappears, as in the next and last example from Candlemas Day, "Ao. Do. 1512," where Joseph is speaking:

It would seem therefore, that this word has had its present pronunciation about three centuries. Its derivation is directly from the Saxon genoh, but the root is found in many other languages, as the German, Dutch, Danish, &c.

B. H. C.

Mr. Wright supposes there has been a change in the pronunciation of this word, and inquires when it took place. Now, if my conjecture be correct, there may have been no change, and these are two words,—not one pronounced differently. Both the instances quoted by him are in conformity with my opinion, viz. that where the sense is "a sufficient quantity," either in substance, quality, or action, we should make use of enough; yet where a sufficient number is intended, we should pronounce and write enow. I recollect (being a native of Suffolk) that I was laughed at by the boys of a school in a western county, nearly seventy years ago: but I was not then laughed out of my word, nor am I likely now to be argued out of it.

P.S.—I see that Johnson's Dictionary gives the same statement about enough and enow. This answer is therefore superfluous. Johnson gives numerous instances of the use of enow from our best authors.

H. C. R.

PHOTOGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE.

Mr. Wilkinson's Mode of levelling Cameras.—As you have done me the honour to notice my simple invention for levelling cameras, which I have since had an opportunity of trying in the open air for a week, and find to succeed perfectly, I wish to correct some errors which appeared in the Photographic Journal, from which you copied my remarks, and which arose from the notes being taken down from my verbal observations. The first part is perfectly correct but after l. 9. col. 2. "N. & Q." (Vol. vii., p. 462.) it should read thus:

"The other perpendicular is then sought for; the back or front of the camera being raised or lowered until the thread cuts the perpendicular lines drawn upon the sides of the camera. By this means a perfectly horizontal plane is obtained, as true as with the best spirit-levels, and in less time. By tying three knots in the silk at twelve inches distance from the one bullet and from each other, we have a measure for stereoscopic pictures; and by making the thread thirty-nine inches and two-tenths long from one bullet to the centre of the other, we obtain a pendulum vibrating seconds, which is useful in talking portraits; as it will continue vibrating for ten minutes, if one bullet be merely hung over any point of suspension."

Thus we obtain a levelling instrument, a chronometer, and a measure of distances, at a cost considerably under one penny.

The above will more fully explain to your correspondent Φ. (Vol. vii., p. 505.) my reasons for the length of thread stated; and with respect to the diagonal lines on the ground glass, it is not material what may be the distance of the principal object, whether six feet or six hundred: for if the cross lines, or any other lines drawn on the glass, cut the central object in the picture at any particular part—for example, the window of any particular house, or the branch of any tree,—then the camera may be removed to higher or lower ground, several feet or inches, to the right or to the left, and the same lines be made to cut the same objects, previously noted; the elevation will then be the same, which completes all that is required.

In most stereoscopic pictures, the distances are too wide. For a portrait, two inches and half to three inches, at nine or twelve feet distant, is enough; and for landscapes much less is required than is generally given, for no very great accuracy is necessary. Three feet, at three hundred yards, is quite enough; and four to six feet, at a mile, will do very well. Let experiment determine: for every photographer must learn his profession or amusement; there is no royal road to be depended on. But a small aperture, a quarter of an inch diameter, may be considered a good practical size for a lens of three and a quarter inches, depending on light and time: the smaller the aperture, the longer the time; and no rules can be given by any one who does not know the size and quality of the lenses employed. Every one can make a few trials for himself, and find it out; which will be more satisfactory than any instructions derived from books or correspondence. I obtain all the information I can from every source, then try, and judge for myself. At worst, you only spoil a few sheets of paper, and gain experience.

I perfectly agree with Dr. Diamond, that it is much better not to wash the collodion pictures after developing; but pour on about one drachm of sat. sol. hypo. at once, and then, when clear, plenty of water; and let water rest on the surface for an hour or more, before setting on edge to dry.

Henry Wilkinson.

Collodion Negative.—Can you inform me how a collodion negative may be made? that is, how you can ensure the negative being always of a dense enough character to print from. This is rarely the case.

F. M.

Developing Collodion Process.—I use to develope my collodion pictures M. Martin's plan, i. e. a solution of common copperas made a little acid with sulphuric acid. This answers very well and gives to the pictures, after they have been exposed an hour or two to the atmosphere, a silver-like appearance: but this copperas solution seems to destroy the glass for using a second time, inasmuch as a haziness is cast upon the glass, and its former enamel seems lost, not to be regained even by using acids. The hyposulphite also seems to be affected by this manner of developing the pictures after a short time, which is not the case with pyrogallic acid. The hypo., when thus affected with the copperas, appears also to throw a mist over the picture, which new hypo. does not. I should esteem it a favour if any of your numerous readers could inform me the cause of this.

A. A. P.

An iodizing Difficulty.—May I request the favour, from some one of your numerous photographic correspondents, of a solution to the following apparent enigma, through the medium of "N. & Q."?

Being located in a neighbourhood where there is a scarcity of water in the summer months, I lately took advantage of a pool in a running stream, which ran at the bottom of the grounds of a friend, to soak my calotype papers in, subsequent to having brushed them over with the solution of iodide of silver, according to the process recommended by Sir W. Newton. One-half of the batch was removed in about two hours and a half, being beautifully clean, and of a nice light primrose colour; and in consequence of an unexpected call and detention longer than I had anticipated, the other half was left floating from two o'clock p.m. until seven or eight in the evening (nearly six hours), when, much to my chagrin, I found on their removal that they had all, more or less, become browned, or, rather, had taken on a dirty, deep, nankeen colour, those that had been first floated being decidedly the worst. I had previously thought that the papers must be left at least two and a half to three hours, a longer period having no other effect than that of softening the papers, or, at most, of allowing some slight portion of the iodide to fall off from their surface, whereas, from the above-described discoloration, an evident decomposition must have commenced, which I am quite at a loss to account for; neither can I conjecture what the chemical change can have been. I have several times before prepared good papers in trays filled with water from the same stream, but from the quantity running in the brook in the spring months, I never before have had the chance of floating them in the stream itself.

An explanation of the above difficulty from some obliging and better-informed photographist would be very thankfully received by

Henry H. Hele.

Ashburton, Devon.

P.S.—The pool of water was well shaded, consequently not a ray of bright sunlight could possibly impinge on the papers while floating.

I have always understood that pure iodide of silver was quite insensible to the action of light, or to any other chemical change, as far as the action of atmospheric air was concerned.

Replies to Minor Queries.

Bishop Frampton (Vol. iii., p 261.).—For some account of this excellent man, see chapter xxxi. of Mr. Anderdon's Life of Bishop Ken, where are given some very interesting letters, that are printed from the MSS. in the possession of Dr. Williams, Warden of New College, Oxford. Frampton appears to have been at one time chaplain to the British Factory at Aleppo. Mandeville, in the Dedication prefixed to his Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, makes honourable mention of him, and attributes the highly creditable character of the society to the influence of that incomparable instructor. When the funeral procession of Christian, Countess of Devonshire, halted at Leicester, on the way to Derby, a sermon was preached on the occasion by Frampton, who was then chaplain to the Earl of Elgin, the Countess's near relative. In sending these scraps, allow me to express the hope that Mr. Evans has not laid aside his intention of favouring us with a Life of Frampton.

E. H. A.

Parochial Libraries (Vol. vi., p. 432; Vol. vii. passim).—At Dunblane the collection of books bequeathed by the amiable Leighton is still preserved. At All Saints, Newcastle-on-Tyne, I once saw, among some old books in the vestry, a small quarto volume of tracts, including Archbishop Laud's speech in the Star Chamber, at the censure of Bastwick, Burton, and Prynne. It had been presented by the Rev. E. Moise, M. A., many years lecturer of that church.

The old library at St. Nicholas, Newcastle-on-Tyne, contains many curious books and MSS., particularly the old Bible belonging to Hexham Abbey. This library was greatly augmented by the munificent bequest of the Rev. Dr. Thomlinson, rector of Whickham, prebendary of St. Paul's, and lecturer of St. Nicholas, who died at an advanced age, in 1748, leaving all his books to this church. In 1825 Archdeacon Bowyer presented a series of lending libraries—ninety-three in all—to the several parishes in the county of Northumberland. They are in the custody of the incumbent for the time being. Lastly, there is a very valuable library at Bamburgh Castle, the bequest of Dr. Sharp: the books are allowed to circulate gratuitously amongst the clergy and respectable inhabitants of the adjoining neighbourhood.

E. H. A.

The Honourable Mrs. Dudleya North died in 1712. Her choice collection of books in oriental learning were "by her only surviving brother, the then Lord North and Grey, given to the parochial library at Rougham, in Norfolk, founded by the Hon. Roger North, Esq., for the use of the minister of that parish, and, under certain regulations and restrictions, of the neighbouring clergy also, for ever. Amongst these there is, in particular, one very neat pocket Hebrew Bible in 12mo., without points, with silver clasps to it, and bound in blue Turkey leather, in a case of the same materials, which she constantly carried to church with her.... In the first leaf of all the books that had been hers, when they were deposited in that library," was a Latin inscription, setting forth the names of the late owner, and of the donor of these books. (Ballard's Memoirs of British Ladies. 8vo. 1775, p. 286.)

Anon.

Pierrepont (Vol. vii., p. 65.).—John Pierrepont, of Wadworth, near Doncaster, who died 1st July, 1653, is described on a brass plate to his memory, in the church at Wadworth, as "generosus." He was owner of the rectory and other property there. It appears from the register that he married, 18th April, 1609, Margaret, daughter and coheir of Michael Cocksonn, Gent., of Wadworth and Crookhill, and by her (who was buried 22nd July, 1620) he had

Mary (ultimately only daughter and heir), baptized at Wadworth, 27th July, 1612; married John Battie, of Wadworth, Gent., and had issue,

Francis Battie, of Wadworth, Gent., who died without issue, 1682; having married Martha, daughter of Michael Fawkes, Esq., of Farnley.

Elizabeth, wife of John Cogan, of Hull.

Margaret, wife of William Stephens, Rector of Sutton, Bedfordshire.

Frances, bap. 1st July, and bur. Aug. 12, 1616.

John, bap. 19th Aug., 1617; bur. Feb. 10, 1629-30.

George, bur. 26th Jan., 1631-2.

The arms on the memorial to John Pierrepont are—A lion rampant within eight roses in orle.

N.B.—By the second wife of the above John Battie there was issue, now represented by William Battie Wrightson, Esq., M.P. of Cusworth.

C. J.

Passage in Orosius (Vol. vii., pp. 399. 536.).—I cannot exactly subscribe to the three propositions of Mr. E. Thomson, which he deduces from his observations on "twam tyncenum" in Alfred's Orosius. In the first place, the sentence in which the word tyncenum occurs is perfectly gratuitous on the part of Alfred, or whoever paraphrased Orosius in Anglo-Saxon. No such assertion appears in Orosius, so that we have no means of comparing it with the original.

The occurrence, as recounted by both Orosius and Herodotus, is attributed to a horse (a sacred horse, Herod.), not to a horseman, knight, or thane. What is meant by the Anglo-Saxon text is, certainly, anything but clear, as it stands in Barrington's edition; and he himself confesses this, and does not admit it into his English translation.

Dr. Bosworth seems to have wisely omitted the word in the second edition of his dictionary; and Thorpe confesses he can make nothing of it, in his Analecta. We find no such word in Cædmon, Beowulf, or the Saxon Chronicle; and the only reference made by Dr. Bosworth, in his first edition, is to this very place in Alfred's Orosius, in which he seems to have followed Lye.

May it not have been an error in the earlier transcribers of the MS., and the real word have been twentigum, i. e. he ordered his thane to pass over the river with twenty men, since the thane, by himself, could have been but of little use on the other side the river? However this may be, the fact is not historical at all, and therefore, as respects history, is of little consequence.

John Orman, M.A.

Cambridge.

Pugna Porcorum (Vol. vii., p. 528.).—The author of this poem, as is generally believed (though its production has also been assigned to Gilbertus Cognatus or Cousin), was Joannes Leo Placentius, or Placentinus, of whom the following account is given in the Biographie Universelle:

"Jean-Leo Placentius ou Le Plaisant, n'est connu que comme l'auteur d'un petit poème tautogramme, genre de composition qui ne peut offrir que le frivole mérite de la difficulté vaincue. Né à Saint Trond, au pays de Liège, il fit ses études à Bois-le-Duc, dans l'école des Hiéronomytes; embrassa la vie religieuse, au commencement du seizième siècle, dans l'ordre des Dominicains, et fut envoyé à Louvain pour y faire son cours de théologie. Les autres circonstances de sa vie sont ignorées; et ce n'est que par conjecture qu'on place sa mort à l'année 1548. On peut consulter sur cet écrivain, la Bibl. Belgica de Foppens, et les Scriptores ordin. Prædicator. des PP. Quétif et Echard."

Ἀλιέυς.

Dublin.

This production appears to have been merely designed as a display of the writer's skill. Dr. Brown notices it in his Philosophy of the Mind, lect. 36; and Ebert: "Porcius, Pugna Porcorum, per P. Porcium, Poetam (J. Leonem), without place, 1530, 8vo., 8 leaves. Printed in Italics, and probably at Cologne or in Holland." He enumerates several other editions, the last of which is that of Walch, 1786.

B. H. C.

Oaken Tombs and Effigies (Vol. vii., p. 528.).—These are rare. Three of the latter exist at Little Horkesley, Essex. Two are figures of cross-legged knights in chain armour and surcoats: one is a female figure wimpled. They are supposed by Suckling to represent members of the Horkesley family, who held that manor from 1210 to 1322.

Another instance is the effigy of a cross-legged knight in chain mail at Danbury in the same county. An account of these will be found in vol. iii. of Weale's Architectural Papers.

At Ashwell, Rutland, is an effigy in wood of a cross-legged knight, also in chain mail, if I remember rightly. It is not quite evident, from the description in Weale's book, whether there are three effigies at Danbury or only one. Of the same material is the figure of Isabella of Angoulême at Fontevrault. A catalogue of these wooden effigies would be interesting.

Cheverells.

Bowyer Bible (Vol. vii., passim).—Relative to the history and various possessors of this curious Bible, I find the following notice in The Times, Oct. 14, 1840:

"There is at present, in the possession of Mrs. Parker of Golden Square, a copy of Macklin's Bible in forty-five large volumes, illustrated with nearly 7000 engravings from the age of Michael Angelo to that of Reynolds and West. The work also contains about 200 original drawings or vignettes by Loutherbourg.

"The prints and etchings include the works of Raffaelle, Marc Antonio, Albert Durer, Callot, Rembrandt, and other masters, consisting of representations of nearly every fact, circumstance, and object mentioned in the Holy Scriptures. There are, moreover, designs of trees, plants, flowers, quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects; such as, besides fossils, have been adduced in proof of the universal Deluge. The most authentic Scripture atlasses are bound up with the volumes. The Bible was the property of the late Mr. Bowyer the publisher, who collected and arranged the engravings, etchings, and drawings at great expense and labour; and he is said to have been engaged for upwards of thirty years in rendering it perfect. It was insured at the Albion Insurance Office for 3000l."

In the British Museum are several large works, particularly British topography, illustrated in a similar manner, and which thus contain materials of the rarest and most valuable description. Of these I would only at present mention Salmon's Hertfordshire illustrated by Baskerville, and Lysons's Environs, in the King's Library. A long list of such valuable works might be furnished from the Museum catalogues.

One of the most laborious collectors of curious prints of every kind was John Bagford, whose voluminous collections are amongst the Harleian MSS. in many folio volumes, in which will be found illustrations of topography to be met with nowhere else.

E. G. Ballard.

Longevity (Vol. vii., pp. 358. 504.).—Our friend A. J. is certainly not one of the "remnant of true believers." By way of aiding in the crusade to convert him to the faith, I hereunder quote a couple of instances, "within the age of registers," which I trust will in some degree satisfy his pagan incredulity. The parish registers of the township of Church Minshull, in Cheshire, begin in 1561, and in the portion for the year 1649 appears the following:

"Thomas Damme, of Leighton, buried the 26th of February, being of the age of seven score and fourteen."

This entry was made under the "Puritan dispensation," when the parish scribe was at any rate supposed to be an "oracle of truth." Here, however, is another instance, culled from the Register of Burials for the parish of Frodsham, also in Cheshire: