Brazil declared war on Germany October 26.
CHAPTER VII.
NEGROES RESPOND TO THE CALL.
SWIFT AND UNHALTING ARRAY—FEW PERMITTED TO
VOLUNTEER—ONLY NATIONAL GUARD ACCEPTED—NO NEW UNITS
FORMED—SELECTIVE DRAFT THEIR OPPORTUNITY—PARTIAL
DIVISION OF GUARDSMEN—COMPLETE DIVISION OF
SELECTIVES—MANY IN TRAINING—ENTER MANY BRANCHES OF
SERVICE—NEGRO NURSES AUTHORIZED—NEGRO Y.M.C.A.
WORKERS—NEGRO WAR CORRESPONDENT—NEGRO ASSISTANT TO
SECRETARY OF WAR—TRAINING CAMP FOR NEGRO
OFFICERS—FIRST TIME IN ARTILLERY—COMPLETE RACIAL
SEGREGATION.
When the call to war was sounded by President Wilson, no response
was more swift and unhalting than that of the Negro in America.
Before our country was embroiled the black men of Africa had
already contributed their share in pushing back the Hun. When
civilization was tottering and all but overthrown, France and
England were glad to avail themselves of the aid of their
Senegalese, Algerian, Soudanese and other troops from the tribes
of Africa. The story of their valor is written on the
battlefields of France in imperishable glory.
Considering the splendid service of the—in many
cases—half wild blacks from the region of the equator, it
seems strange that our government did not hasten sooner and
without demur to enlist the loyal Blacks of this country with
their glowing record in former wars, their unquestioned mental
attainments, their industry, stamina and self reliance. Yet at
the beginning of America's participation in the war, it was plain
that the old feeling of intolerance; the disposition to treat the
Negro unfairly, was yet abroad in the land.
He was willing; anxious to volunteer and offered himself in large
numbers at every recruiting station, without avail. True, he was
accepted in numerous instances, but the condition precedent, that
of filling up and rounding out the few Negro Regular and National
Guard organizations below war strength, was chafing and
humiliating. Had the response to the call for volunteers been as
ardent among all classes of our people; especially the foreign
born, as it was from the American Negro, it is fair to say that
the selective draft would not necessarily have been so
extensive.
It was not until the selective draft was authorized and the
organization of the National Army began, that the Negro was given
his full opportunity. His willingness and eagerness to serve were
again demonstrated. Some figures dealing with the matter, taken
from the official report of the Provost Marshall General (General
E.H. Crowder) will be cited later on.
Of the four colored regiments in the Regular Army, the 24th
infantry had been on the Mexican border since 1916; the 25th
infantry in Hawaii all the years of the war; the Ninth cavalry in
the Philippines since 1916, and the 10th cavalry had been doing
patrol and garrison duty on the Mexican border and elsewhere in
the west since early in 1917. These four regiments were all
sterling organizations dating their foundation back to the days
immediately following the Civil war. Their record was and is an
enviable one. It is no reflection on them that they were not
chosen for overseas duty. The country needed a dependable force
on the Mexican border, in Hawaii, the Philippines, and in
different garrisons at home.
A number of good white Regular Army regiments were kept on this
side for the same reasons; not however, overlooking or minimizing
the fact not to the honor of the nation in its final resolve,
that there has always been fostered a spirit in the counsels and
orders of the Department of War, as in all the other great
government departments, to restrain rather than to encourage the
patriotic and civic zeal of their faithful and qualified Negro
aids and servants. That is to say, to draw before them a certain
imaginary line; beyond and over which the personal ambitions of
members of the race; smarting for honorable renown and promotion;
predicated on service and achievement, they were not permitted to
go. A virtual "Dead Line"; its parent and wet nurse being that
strange thing known as American Prejudice, unknown of anywhere
else on earth, which was at once a crime against its marked and
selected victims, and a burden of shame which still clings to it;
upon the otherwise great nation, that it has condoned and still
remains silent in its presence.
Negro National Guard organizations had grown since the
Spanish-American war, but they still were far from being numerous
in 1917. The ones accepted by the war department were the Eighth
Illinois Infantry, a regiment manned and officered entirely by
Negroes, the 15th New York Infantry all Negroes with five Negro
officers, all the senior officers being white; the Ninth Ohio, a
battalion manned and officered by Negroes; the 1st Separate
Battalion of the District of Columbia, an infantry organization
manned and officered by Negroes; and Negro companies from the
states of Connecticut, Maryland, Massachusetts and Tennessee.
Massachusetts also had a company known as the 101st Headquarters
company and Military Police. The Eighth Illinois became the 370th
Infantry in the United States army; the 15th New York became the
369th Infantry; the Ninth Ohio battalion and the companies from
Connecticut, Maryland, Massachusetts and Tennessee, as well as
the District of Columbia battalion, were all consolidated into
the 372nd Infantry.
When the above organizations had been recruited up to war
strength there were between 12,000 and 14,000 colored men
representing the National Guard of the country. With a population
of 12,000,000 Negroes to draw from; the majority of those
suitable for military service anxious to enlist, it readily can
be seen what a force could have been added to this branch of the
service had there been any encouragement of it. There was not
lacking a great number of the race, many of them college
graduates, competent to act as officers of National Guard units.
Many of those commissioned during the Spanish-American war had
the experience and age to fit them for senior regimental
commands. The 8th Illinois was commanded by Colonel Franklin A.
Denison, a prominent colored attorney of Chicago and a seasoned
military man. He was the only colored man of the rank of Colonel
who was permitted to go to France in the combatant or any other
branch of the service. After a brief period in the earlier
campaigns he was invalided home very much against his will.
The 15th New York was commanded by Colonel William Hayward, a
white man. He was devoted to his black soldiers and they were
very fond of him. Officers immediately subordinate to him were
white men. The District of Columbia battalion might have retained
its colored commander, Major James E. Walker, as he was a fine
soldierly figure and possessed of the requisite ability, but he
was removed by death while his unit was still training near
Washington. Some of the Negro officers of National Guard
organizations retained their commands, but the majority were
superseded or transferred before sailing or soon after arrival in
France.
The 369th, the 370th and the 372nd infantry regiments in the
United States army, mentioned as having been formed from the
colored National Guard units, became a part of the 93rd division.
Another regiment, the 371st, formed from the draft forces was
also part of the same division. This division was brigaded with
the French from the start and saw service through the war
alongside the French poilus with whom they became great friends.
There grew up a spirit of which, side by side, they faced and
smashed the savage Hun, never wavered or changed. Besides the
soldiers from Illinois, New York, Ohio, District of Columbia,
Connecticut, Maryland and Tennessee, there were Negro contingents
from Mississippi and South Carolina in the 93rd division. One of
the regiments of this division, the 369th (15th New York) was of
the first of the American forces to reach France, following
mutual admiration between these two widely different
representatives of the human family, that during the period in
the expeditionary force of Regulars which reached France June 13,
1917; being among the first 100,000 that went abroad. However,
the 93rd division, exclusively Negro, had not been fully formed
then and the regiment did not see much real fighting until the
spring and summer of 1918.
| sweeney_025s |
| NEGRO NURSES CARRYING BANNER OF FAMOUS NEGRO REGIMENT.
MARCHING DOWN FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK. IN GREAT PARADE WHICH
OPENED RED CROSS DRIVE. |
The 92nd division was another exclusively Negro division. There
were many more Negro troops in training in France and large
numbers at training camps in this country, but the 92nd and 93rd,
being the earlier formed and trained divisions, saw practically
all the fighting. Units belonging to one or both divisions fought
with special distinction in the Forest of Argonne, near Chateau
Thierry, Belleau Wood, St. Mihiel district, Champagne sector, at
Metz and in the Vosges mountains.
In the 92nd division was the 325th Field Signal battalion, the
only Negro signal unit in the American army. The division also
contained the 349th, 350th and 351st Artillery regiments, each
containing a machine gun battalion; the 317th Trench Mortar
battery; the balance being made up of Negro engineers, hospital
units, etc., and the 365th, 366th, 367th and 368th Infantry
regiments.
Enlisted, drafted and assigned to active service, upwards of
400,000 Negroes participated in the war. The number serving
abroad amounted to about 200,000. They were inducted into the
cavalry, infantry, field and coast artillery, radio (wireless
telegraphy, etc.), medical corps, ambulance and hospital corps,
sanitary and ammunition trains, stevedore regiments, labor
battalions, depot brigades and engineers. They also served as
regimental clerks, surveyors and draftsmen.
Sixty served as chaplains and over 350 as Y.M.C.A. secretaries,
there being a special and highly efficient Negro branch of the
Y.M.C.A. Numerous others were attached to the War Camp Community
Service in cities adjacent to the army camps.
Negro nurses were authorized by the war department for service in
base hospitals at six army camps—Funston, Sherman, Grant,
Dix, Taylor and Dodge. Race women also served as canteen workers
in France and in charge of hostess houses in this country.
One Negro, Ralph W. Tyler, served as an accredited war
correspondent, attached to the staff of General Pershing, Dr. R.
R. Moton, who succeeded the late Booker T. Washington as head of
the Tuskegee Institute, was sent on a special mission to France
by President Wilson and Secretary Baker.
A race woman, Mrs. Alice Dunbar Nelson of Wilmington, Delaware,
was named as a field worker to mobilize the Negro women of the
country for war work. Her activities were conducted in connection
with the Women's Committee of the Council of National
Defense.
The most conspicuous honor paid to a Negro by the administration
and the war department, was in the appointment, October 1, 1917,
of Emmett J. Scott as special assistant to the Secretary of War.
This was done that the administration might not be accused of
failing to grant full protection to the Negroes, and that a
thorough examination might be made into all matters affecting
their relation to the war and its many agencies.
Having been for 18 years confidential secretary to Booker T.
Washington, and being at the time of his appointment secretary of
the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute for Negroes, Mr.
Scott was peculiarly fitted to render necessary advice to the war
department with respect to the Negroes of the various states, to
look after all matters affecting the interests of Negro
selectives and enlisted men, and to inquire into the treatment
accorded them by the various officials connected with the war
department. In the position occupied by him, he was thus enabled
to obtain a proper perspective both of the attitude of selective
service officials to the Negro, and of the Negro to the war,
especially to the draft. In a memorandum on the subject addressed
to the Provost Marshall General, December 12, 1918, he wrote:
"The attitude of the Negro was one of complete acceptance of the
draft, in fact of an eagerness to accept its terms. There was a
deep resentment in many quarters that he was not permitted to
volunteer, as white men by the thousands were permitted to do in
connection with National Guard units and other branches of
military service which were closed to colored men. One of the
brightest chapters in the whole history of the war is the Negro's
eager acceptance of the draft and his splendid willingness to
fight. His only resentment was due to the limited extent to which
he was allowed to join and participate in combatant or 'fighting'
units. The number of colored draftees accepted for military duty,
and the comparatively small number of them claiming exemptions,
as compared with the total number of white and colored men called
and drafted, presents an interesting study and reflects much
credit upon this racial group."
Over 1,200 Negro officers, many of them college graduates, were
commissioned during the war. The only training camp exclusively
for Negro officers was at Fort Des Moines, Iowa. This camp ran
from June 15, 1917, to October 15, 1917. A total of 638 officers
was graduated and commissioned from the camp. Negro Regulars and
Negro National Army men who had passed the tests for admission to
officers training camps were sent mainly to the training schools
for machine gun officers at Camp Hancock, Augusta, Georgia; the
infantry officers training school at Camp Pike, Little Rock,
Arkansas, and the artillery officers training school at Camp
Taylor, Louisville, Kentucky. They were trained along with the
white officers. The graduates from these camps along with a few
National Guardsmen who had taken the officers' examinations, and
others trained in France, made up the balance of the 1,200
commissioned.
In connection with the artillery training an interesting fact
developed. It had been charged that Negroes could not develop
into artilleryman. A strong prejudice against inducting them into
that branch of the service had always existed in the army. It was
especially affirmed that the Negro did not possess the
mathematical ability necessary to qualify as an expert artillery
officer. Nevertheless, out of a number of Negro aspirants, very
small in comparison with the white men in training for officers'
commissions at the camp, five of the Negroes stood alongside
their white brothers at the head of the class. The remainder were
sprinkled down the line about in the same proportion and
occupying the same relative positions as the whites. The
prejudice against the Negro as an artilleryman was further and
effectually dispelled in the record made by the 349th, 350th and
351st artillery regiments and their machine gun battalions in the
92nd division.
With the exception of the training camp for officers at Des
Moines, Iowa, no important attempt was made to establish separate
Negro training camps. In the draft quotas from each state were
whites and blacks and all with few exceptions, were sent to the
most convenient camp. Arrangements existed, however, at the
different camps for the separate housing and training of the
Negro troops. This was in line with the military policy of the
Government, as well as in deference to the judgment of both white
and black officers. It undoubtedly was necessary to separate the
two races. Furthermore, as the military policy called for
regiments, battalions and, divisions made up entirely of Negroes,
it was proper to commence the organization at the training camps.
Companies formed in this manner thus became homogeneous,
accustomed to one another individually and to their officers.
The situation was different from the Spanish-American war, where
Negro units, at least in one case, served in white regiments.
Racial strife and rivalry were eliminated. The only rivalry that
existed was the good-natured and healthy one of emulation between
members of the same race. On the field of battle there was
rivalry and emulation between the whites and blacks, but it was
the rivalry of organizations and not of races. The whole was
tempered by that splendid admiration and fellow-feeling which
comes to men of all races when engaged as partners in danger or
near death; in the defense and promotion of a great cause; the
eternal verities of Justice and Humanity.
CHAPTER
VIII.
RECRUDESCENCE OF SOUTH'S INTOLERANCE.
CONFRONTED BY RACIAL PREJUDICE—- SPLENDID ATTITUDE OF
NEGRO SHAMED IT—KEPT OUT OF NAVY—ONLY ONE PER CENT OF
NAVY PERSONNEL NEGROES—MODIFIED MARINES
CONTEMPLATED—FEW HAVE PETTY OFFICERS' GRADES—SEPARATE
SHIPS PROPOSED—NEGRO EFFICIENCY IN NAVY—MATERIAL FOR
"BLACK SHIPS"—NAVY OPENS DOOR TO NEGRO MECHANICS.
Old feelings of race prejudice and intolerance, appearing mainly
in the South, confronted the Negro at the beginning of the war.
The splendid attitude of the Negro shamed and overcame this
feeling in other sections of the country, and was beginning to
have its effect even in the South. It is true that men of the
race were not accepted for voluntary enlistment in numbers of
consequence in any section, but had the voluntary system
continued in vogue, the willingness and desire of the race to
serve, coupled with the very necessities of the case, would have
altered the condition.
No new Negro volunteer units were authorized, but the demand for
men would soon have made it imperative. It would have been
combatted by a certain element in the South, but the friends of
the few volunteer units which did exist in that section were firm
in their championship and were winning adherents to their view
that the number should be increased. The selective draft with its
firm dictum that all men within certain ages should be called and
the fit ones chosen, put an end to all contention. The act was
not passed without bitter opposition which developed in its
greatest intensity among the Southern senators and
representatives; feelings that were inspired entirely by
opposition to the Negro.
It would have been a bad thing for the country and would have
prolonged the war, and possibly might have lost it, if the
selective draft had been delayed. But it would have been
interesting to see how far the country, especially the South,
would have progressed in the matter of raising a volunteer army
without accepting Negroes. Undoubtedly they soon would have been
glad to recruit them, even in the South.
Unfortunately for the Negro, the draft was not able to prevent
their being kept out of the Navy. It is a very desirable branch
of the service vitiated and clouded, however, with many
disgusting and aristocratic traditions. When the Navy was young
and the service more arduous; when its vessels were merely armed
merchantmen, many of them simply tubs and death traps and not the
floating castles of today, the services of Negroes were not
disdained; but times and national ideals had changed, and, the
shame of it, not to the credit of a Commonwealth, for whose birth
a Negro had shed the first blood, and a Washington had faced the
rigors of a Valley Forge, a Lincoln the bullet of an
assassin.
The annual report of the Chief of the Bureau of Navigation,
rendered to the Secretary of the Navy and covering the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1918, showed that in the United States Navy,
the United States Naval Reserve Force and the National Naval
Volunteers, there was a total of 435,398 men. Of that great
number only 5,328 were Negroes, a trifle over one percent.
Between June and November 1918, the Navy was recruited to a total
force somewhat in excess of 500,000 men. Carrying out the same
percentage, it is apparent that the aggregate number of Negroes
serving, in the Navy at the close of the war, could not have been
much in excess of 6,000.
Some extra enlistments of Negroes were contemplated, as the Navy
had in process of establishment just prior to the armistice, a
new service for Negro recruits. It was to be somewhat similar to
the Pioneer units of the army, partaking in some degree of the
character of Marines, just as the Pioneers partake of the
character of infantry, but in general respects resembling more
the engineer and stevedore units. About 600 men had been selected
for this service when the project was abandoned on account of the
ending of the war.
With the exception of a very limited number who have been
permitted to attain the rank of petty officer, Negroes in the
Navy were confined to menial occupations. They were attached to
the firing forces as coal passers, while others served as cooks
assistants, mess attendants and in similar duties. Quite a number
were full rated cooks. A few were water tenders, electricians and
gunners' mates, each of which occupations entitled them to the
aforesaid rank of petty officer. Among the petty officers some
had by sheer merit attained the rank of chief petty officer,
which is about equal to the rank of sergeant in the army.
The idea of separate ships for the Negro might to some degree
ameliorate the sting incident to race prohibition in that arm of
government service. The query is advanced that if we can have
black colonels, majors, captains and lieutenants in the army, why
cannot we have black commanders, lieutenants, ensigns and such in
the Navy?
Negroes have often and in divers ways displayed their
intelligence and efficiency in the Navy. Take, for instance, the
case of John Jordan, a Negro of Virginia, who was chief gunner's
mate on Admiral Dewey's flagship the "Olympia" during the
Spanish-American war, and was the man who fired the first shot at
the enemy at Manila Bay. A Negro chief electrician, Salisbury
Brooks, was the originator of inventions which were adopted
without reservation by the Navy designers and changed the
construction of modern battle ships.
One of the principal instructors on the U.S.S. Essex, the
government training ship at Norfolk, is Matthew Anderson, a
Negro. He has trained thousands of men, many of them now
officers, in the art and duties of seamanship. Scores of Negroes;
men of the type of these in the Navy, would furnish the nucleus
for officers and crews of separate Negro ships.
In a recent issue of "Our Navy" a magazine devoted entirely to
naval affairs, especially as regards the enlisted man, a writer
reflects the opinion of these men in the following article:
"Whether you like the black man or not, whether you
believe in a square deal for him or not, you can't point an
accusing finger at his patriotism, his Americanism or his
fighting ability. It is fair to neither the white man nor the
black man to have the black man compete with the white man in the
Navy. True, we have black petty officers here and there in the
Navy, and in some cases black chief petty officers. It stands to
reason that they must have been mighty good men to advance. They
surely must know their business—every inch of it—to
advance to these ratings. Yet they are not wanted in these
ratings because they involve the black man having charge of white
men under him. Outside of the messman branch you will find
comparatively few Negroes in the Navy today.
"There should be 'black ships' assigned to be manned by American
Negroes. These are days of democracy, equality and freedom,"
continues the writer. "If a man is good enough to go over the top
and die for these principles, he is good enough to promote in the
Navy. Why not try it? Put the black men on their own ships.
Promote them, rate them, just the same as the white man. But
above all keep them on their own ships. It is fair to them and
fair to the white men. The Brazilian and Argentine navies have
'black ships.'"
Recruiting officers of the Navy have recently opened the doors to
discharged Negro soldiers, and some civilians. If physically fit
they are permitted to enlist as machinists and electricians. The
Navy has opened a school for machinists at Charleston, S.C., and
a school for electricians at Hampton Roads, Va.
Men for the machinists' school are enlisted as firemen 3rd class.
While in training they are paid $30 a month. They also receive
their clothing allotment, their food, dry comfortable quarters in
which to live, and all text books and practical working tools. In
return for this chance to become proficient in a very necessary
trade, all that is required of those enlisting is a knowledge of
common fractions, ambition to learn the trade, energy and a
strict attention to the instruction given them.
Subjects taught in the course are arithmetic, note book
sketching, practical engineering, theoretical engineering,
clipping and filing, drilling, pipe fitting, repair work,
rebabbiting, brazing, tin smithing, lathes, shapers, milling
machines and grinders. It will be seen that they get a vast
amount of mechanical knowledge and practically two trades,
machinists and engineering.
In the electrical school the course is equally thorough. The men
get a high grade of instruction, regardless of cost of material
and tools. The best text books that can be had are available for
their use.
This liberality in order to get machinists and electricians in
the Navy, argues that some change of attitude towards the Negro
is contemplated.
It may evolve into the establishment of "black ships." The Negro
sailor has been pleading for years that his color has been a bar
to him. With a ship of his own, would come his chance. He would
strive; do all within his power to make it a success and would
succeed.
CHAPTER IX.
PREVIOUS WARS IN WHICH THE NEGRO FIGURED.
SHOT HEARD AROUND THE WORLD—CRISPUS ATTUCKS—SLAVE
LEADS SONS OF FREEDOM—THE BOSTON MASSACRE—ANNIVERSARY
KEPT FOR YEARS—WILLIAM NELL, HISTORIAN—3,000 NEGROES
IN WASHINGTON'S FORCES—A STIRRING HISTORY—NEGRO WOMAN
SOLDIER—BORDER INDIAN WARS—NEGRO HEROES
Our American school histories teach us that the "shot which was
heard around the world",—the opening gun of the
Revolutionary war, was fired at Lexington in 1775. The phrase
embodies a precious sentiment; time has molded many leaders, the
inspiration for almost a century and a half of the patriotic
youth of our land. This is as it should be. All honor and all
praise to the deathless heroes of that time and occasion.
But why has not history been more just; at least, more explicit?
Why not say that the shot which started the Revolution—that
first great movement for human liberty and the emancipation of
nations—was fired five years earlier; was fired not by, but
at, a Negro, Crispus Attucks? The leader of the citizens in that
event of March 5, 1770, known as the Boston Massacre, he was the
first man upon whom the British soldiers fired and the first to
fall; the pioneer martyr for American independence.
It is perhaps fitting; a manifestation of the inscrutable ways of
Providence, that the first life given in behalf of a nation about
to throw off a yoke of bondage, was that of a representative of a
race; despised, oppressed and enslaved.
Botta the historian, in speaking of the scenes of the 5th of
March says:
"The people were greatly exasperated. The multitude
ran towards King street, crying, 'Let us drive out these ribalds;
they have no business here.' The rioters rushed furiously towards
the Custom House; they approached the sentinel, crying 'Kill him,
kill him!' They assaulted him with snowballs, pieces of ice, and
whatever they could lay their hands upon.
"The guard were then called, and in marching to the Custom House,
they encountered a band of the populace, led by a mulatto named
Attucks, who brandished their clubs and pelted them with
snowballs. The maledictions, the imprecations, the execrations of
the multitude, were horrible. In the midst of a torrent of
invective from every quarter, the military were challenged to
fire. The populace advanced to the points of their bayonets.
"The soldiers appeared like statues; the cries, the howlings, the
menaces, the violent din of bells still sounding the alarm,
increased the confusion and the horrors of these moments; at
length the mulatto Attucks and twelve of his companions, pressing
forward, environed the soldiers and striking their muskets with
their clubs, cried to the multitude: 'Be not afraid, they dare
not fire; why do you hesitate, why do you not kill them, why not
crush them at once?'
"The mulatto lifted his arms against Captain Preston, and having
turned one of the muskets, he seized the bayonet with his left
hand, as if he intended to execute his threat At this moment,
confused cries were heard: 'The wretches dare not fire!' Firing
succeeds. Attucks is slain. Other discharges follow. Three were
killed, five severely wounded and several others
slightly."
Attucks was killed by Montgomery, one of Captain Preston's
soldiers. He had been foremost in resisting and was first slain.
As proof of a front engagement, he received two balls, one in
each breast. The white men killed with Attucks were Samuel
Maverick, Samuel Gray and Jonas Caldwell.
John Adams, afterwards President of the United States, was
counsel for the soldiers in the investigation which followed. He
admitted that Attucks appeared to have been the hero of the
occasion and the leader of the people. Attucks and Caldwell, not
being residents of Boston, were buried from Faneuil Hall, the
cradle of liberty. The citizens generally participated in the
solemnities.
If the outrages against the American colonists had not been so
flagrant, and so well imbedded as indisputable records of our
history; if the action of the military authorities had not been
so arbitrary, the uprising of Attucks and his followers might be
looked upon as a common, reprehensible riot and the participants
as a band of misguided incendiaries. Subsequent reverence for the
occasion, disproves any such view. Judge Dawes, a prominent
jurist of the time, as well as a brilliant exponent of the
people, alluding in 1775 to the event, said:
"The provocation of that night must be numbered among
the master-springs which gave the first motion to a vast
machinery—a noble and comprehensive system of national
independence."
Ramsey's History of the American Revolution, says:
"The anniversary of the 5th of March was observed
with great solemnity; eloquent orators were successively employed
to preserve the remembrance of it fresh in the mind. On these
occasions the blessings of liberty, the horrors of slavery, and
the danger of a standing army, were presented to the public view.
These annual orations administered fuel to the fire of liberty
and kept it burning with an irresistible flame."
The 5th of March continued to be celebrated for the above reasons
until the anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence
was substituted in its place; and its orators were expected to
honor the feelings and principles of the former as having given
birth to the latter. On the 5th of March 1776, Washington
repaired to the intrenchments. "Remember" said he, "It is the 5th
of March, and avenge the death of your brethren."
In the introduction to a book entitled "The Colored Patriots of
the American Revolution" by William C. Nell, a Negro historian,
Harriet Beecher Stowe said in 1855:
"The colored race have been generally considered by
their enemies, and sometimes even by their friends, as deficient
in energy and courage. Their virtues have been supposed to be
principally negative ones." Speaking of the incidents in Mr.
Nell's collection she says: "They will redeem the character of
the race from this misconception and show how much injustice
there may often be in a generally accepted idea". Continuing, she
says:
"In considering the services of the colored patriots of the
Revolution, we are to reflect upon them as far more magnanimous,
because rendered to a nation which did not acknowledge them as
citizens and equals, and in whose interests and prosperity they
had less at stake. It was not for their own land they fought, not
even for a land which had adopted them, but for a land which had
enslaved them, and whose laws, even in freedom, oftener oppressed
than protected. Bravery, under such circumstances, has a peculiar
beauty and merit.
"And their white brothers—may remember that generosity,
disinterested courage and bravery, are of no particular race and
complexion, and that the image of the Heavenly Father may be
reflected alike by all. Each record of worth in this oppressed
and despised people should be pondered, for it is by many such
that the cruel and unjust public sentiment, which has so long
proscribed them, may be reversed, and full opportunities given
them to take rank among the nations of the earth."
Estimates from competent sources state that not less than 3,000
Negro soldiers did service in the American army during the
Revolution. Rhode Island first made her slaves free men and then
called on them to fight. A black regiment was raised there, of
which Colonel Christopher Green was made commander. Connecticut
furnished a black battalion under command of Colonel David
Humphrey.
Prior to the Revolution, two Virginia Negroes, Israel Titus and
Samuel Jenkins, had fought under Braddock and Washington in the
French and Indian war.
It has been said that one of the men killed when Major Pitcairn
commanding the British advance on Concord and Lexington, April
19, 1775, ordered his troops to fire on the Americans, was a
Negro bearing arms. Peter Salem a Negro did service during the
Revolution, and is said to have killed this same Major Pitcairn,
at the battle of Bunker Hill. In some old engravings of the
battle, Salem is pictured as occupying a prominent position.
These pictures were carried on some of the currency of the
Monumental bank of Charlestown, Massachusetts and the Freeman's
bank of Boston. Other black men fought at Bunker Hill, of whom we
have the names of Salem Poor, Titus Coburn, Alexander Ames,
Barzillai Lew and Gato Howe. After the war these men were
pensioned.
Prince, a Negro soldier, was Colonel Barton's chief assistant in
capturing the British officer, Major General Prescott at Newport,
R.I. Primus Babcock received an honorable discharge from the army
signed by General Washington. Lambo Latham and Jordan Freeman
fell with Ledyard at the storming of Fort Griswold. Freeman is
said to have killed Major Montgomery, a British officer who was
leading an attack on Americans in a previous fight. History does
not record whether or not this was the same or a related
Montgomery to the one who killed Crispus Attucks at Boston.
Hamet, one of General Washington's Negroes, was drawing a pension
as a revolutionary soldier as late as 1839, Oliver Cromwell
served six years and nine months in Col. Israel Shreve's regiment
of New Jersey troops under Washington's immediate command.
Charles Bowles became an American soldier at the age of sixteen
years and served to the end of the Revolution. Seymour Burr and
Jeremy Jonah were Negro soldiers in a Connecticut regiment.
A Negro whose name is not known obtained the countersign by which
Mad Anthony Wayne was enabled to take Stony Point, and guided and
helped him to do so.
Jack Grove was a Negro steward on board an American vessel which
the British captured. He figured out that the vessel could be
retaken if sufficient courage were shown. He insisted and at
length prevailed upon his captain to make the attempt, which was
successful.
There was in Massachusetts during those Revolutionary days one
company of Negro men bearing a special designation, "The Bucks."
It was a notable body of men. At the close of the war its fame
and services were recognized by John Hancock presenting to it a
beautiful banner.