It has not been deemed necessary to repeat a great number of minute observations given by Molina on this singular language, nor to report the shades of difference in its dialects. But it has been thought proper to give a short list of words from the Moluches, a tribe inhabiting Patagonia, but speaking a nearly related dialect of the Chilese language with that of the Araucanians.

Vocabulary.

P'llu, the soul or a spirit Autuigh, the sun, a day Lonco, the head or the hair Voso, the teeth or bones Az, the face Anca, the body N'ge, the eyes Pue, the belly Wun, or huun, the mouth Cuugh, the hand Gehuun, the tongue Namon, the foot Yu, the nose Pinque, the heart Nahue, a daughter P'nen, a child Peni, a brother Con'n, to enter Penihuen, own brothers Tipan, to go out Huinca, a Spaniard Cupaln, to bring Seche, an Indian Entun, to take away Huenuy, a friend Aseln, to be adverse Cainie, an enemy Aselgen, to hate Huincha, a head fillet M'len, to be, to possess Makun, a mantle Mongen, life to live Lancattu, glass beads Mongetun, to revive Cosque, bread Swam, the will Ipe, food Swamtun, to will In, or ipen to eat Pepi, power Ilo, flesh Pepilan, to be able Ilon, to eat flesh Quimn, knowledge, to know Putun, to drink Quimeln, to learn Putumum, a cup Quimelcan, to teach Chilca, writing Pangi, a lion Chilcan, to write Choique, an ostrich Sengu, a word, language, or Achahual, a cock or hen a thing Huayqui, a lance Malu, a large lizard Huay-quitun, to lance Cusa, a stone an egg Chinu, a knife or sword Saiguen, a flower Chinogoscun, to wound Milya, gold Chinogosquen, to be wounded Lien, silver Conan, a soldier Cullyin, money payment Conangean, one who is to be Cullingen, to be rich. a soldier Amon, to walk Cunnubal, poor, miserable, an orphan Anun, to sit Cum panilhue, red metal, copper Anupeum, a stool or seat Chos panilhue, yellow metal, brass Anunmahuun, to feel inwardly Gepun, colour, painting Poyquelhuun, to feel or perceive Cuyem, Kiyem a mouth, the moon Saman, a trade an artificer Tissantu, a year Mamel, a tree K'tal, fire Mamel-Saman, a carpenter Asee, hot Suca, a house Chosee, cold Sucu-Saman, a house builder Atutuy, it is shivering cold.

The beginning of the Lord's Prayer.

Inchin in Chao, huenumenta m' leymi, ufchingepe mi wi; Our Father, in heaven thou that art, hallowed be thy name; eymi mi toguin inchinmo cupape; eymi mi piel, chumgechi thy kingdom to us may it come; thy will, as it is vemgey huenu-mapumo, vemgechi cay vemengepe done in heaven, so likewise may it be done tue-mapumo, &c. on earth, &c.

SECTION III.

State of Chili, and Conquests made in that Country by the Peruvians, before the arrival of the Spaniards.

The History of Chili and its inhabitants does not precede the middle of the fifteenth century, and what little is known respecting it is contained in the traditionary accounts of the Peruvians, who first invaded the northern province of Chili about the middle of that century, not an hundred years before the overthrow of the Peruvian empire by Pizarro, and the first Spanish invasion of Chili under Almagro.

About the year 1450, while the Inca Yupanqui reigned over the Peruvian empire which had then extended its limits from Cuzco northwards to the equator and southwards to the tropic of Capricorn, the ambition of the Peruvian government was attracted to the acquisition of the important country of Chili, a rich and delightful region of great extent, immediately adjacent to the southern extremity of Peru. Favoured by the fertility of the country and the salubrity of the climate, the population of Chili may be readily supposed to have then been considerable, as we know that the whole extent of its territory was occupied by fifteen independent tribes or communities, each of which was governed by its respective chiefs, or Ulmens. These, tribes, beginning at the north on the confines of the desert of Atacama, were called Copaipins, Coquimbans, Quillotans, Mapochians, Promaucians, Cures, Cauques, Pencones, Araucanians, Cunches, Chilotes, Chiquilanian, Pehuenches, Puelches, and Huilliches; which last tribe inhabited the south of Chili, adjoining the archipelago of Chiloé.

Informed of the natural advantages possessed by the inhabitants of this delightful region, the Inca Yupanqui resolved to attempt the annexation of Chili to his extensive empire. He accordingly marched with a powerful army to the frontiers of the country: But, either from apprehensions of his personal safety, or to be in a favourable situation for reinforcing the invading army and directing its operations, he established himself with a splendid court in the province of Atacama, the most southerly district of Peru, and confided the command of the invading army to Sinchiruca, a prince of the blood royal of Peru. Preceded, according to the specious custom of the Peruvians, by several ambassadors, and attended by a considerable military force, this general reduced under the Peruvian government, more by persuasion than force, the four most northerly tribes of the Chilese, named Copaipins, Coquimbans, Quillotans, and Mapochians. After this, not being able by his ambassadors to persuade the Promaucians into submission, who inhabit the delightful country between the river Rapel on the north and Maule on the south, he passed the river Rapel with his army to reduce them by force of arms. The name of the Promaucians, which signifies free-dancers[56], had been given them on account of their fondness for every kind of amusement, and their peculiar attachment to dancing; yet the love of pleasure had not rendered them effeminate. With the assistance of their allies, they drew together a formidable army and fought the Peruvians with such heroic valour as to defeat them in a battle, which, according to Garcilasso, was continued during three successive days.

[Footnote 56: On a former occasion their name is explained as signifying the people of delight, owing to the beauty, fertility, and charming climate of their country.--E.]

On learning the defeat of his army and the invincible valour of the Promaucians, the Inca gave orders that the river Rapel should remain the southern boundary of his dominions, and all attempts to reduce the rest of Chili were laid aside. According to Garcilasso, the river Maule was established as the frontier of the Peruvian conquests: But this is by no means probable; as in this case the country of the conquerors would have been included within the territories of the vanquished. In fact, not far from the river Cachapoal, which with the Tinguiririca forms the Rapel, the remains of a Peruvian fortress are still to be seen on the top of a steep hill, which was undoubtedly built to protect that part of the frontier against the unconquered Promaucians. By this conquest of its four northern provinces, Chili became divided into two distinct portions; all to the south of the Rapel remaining free, while the districts to the north of that river were subjected to the dominion of the Incas. These four tribes, who had so readily submitted to the Inca Yupanqui, were subjected to an annual tribute in gold; but the conquerors never introduced their peculiar form of government into these provinces, the inhabitants of which remained subject to their own native ulmens, and preserved their original manners until the arrival of the Spaniards.

When first known to the Spaniards, the Chilese were an agricultural people, dependent for their subsistence on the cultivation of such nutritious plants as accident or necessity had made them acquainted with. The plants chiefly cultivated by them for subsistence were maize, magu, guegen, tuca, quinoa, pulse of various kinds, the potatoe, oxalis tuberosa, common and yellow pumpkin or gourd, guinea pepper, madi, and the great strawberry; of each of which it may be proper to give a short account[57].

[Footnote 57: The following account of the plants cultivated by the Chilese for food, is extracted from the natural history of Chili by Molina; but the enumeration from the text of his civil history will be found to differ materially from that given from the natural history of the same author.--E.]

Maize or Turkey wheat, the Zea mais of botanists, is called gua by the Chilese. It grows extremely well in Chili, where the inhabitants cultivate eight or nine distinct varieties. The kind in highest repute is called uminta, from which the natives prepare a dish by bruising the corn, while in a green unripe state, between two stones into a kind of paste, which they season with salt, sugar, and butter. This paste is then divided into small portions, which are separately inclosed in the skin or husk of the corn, and boiled for use. When ripe, the maize is prepared for winter use, either by slightly roasting, or by drying in the sun. From the former, named chuchoca, a kind of soup is prepared by boiling with water: From the latter they make a very pleasant beer or fermented liquor. The maize is sometimes reduced to meal by grinding between two stones, being previously parched or roasted by means of heated sand. For this purpose they prefer a variety of maize named curagua, which is smaller than the other, and produces a lighter and whiter meal, and in larger quantity. With this meal, mixed with sugar and water, they make two different beverages, named ulpo and cherchan.

Magu a species of rye, and tuca, a species of barley, were cultivated by the Chilese before the coming of the Spaniards to that country; but have been entirely neglected since the introduction of European wheat. They are still used however by the Araucanians, who make from them a kind of bread called couvue, which name they likewise give to bread made from maize or wheat.

Quinua is a species of Chenopodium/, having a black twisted grain of a lenticular form, from which they prepare a stomachic beverage of a pleasant taste. A variety of this plant, named dahue, produces white seeds, which lengthen out when boiled like worms, and are excellent in soup. The leaves of the quinoa have an agreeable taste, and are eaten by the natives.

Degul is a species of bean, of which the Chilese cultivated thirteen or fourteen kinds before the arrival of the Spaniards, differing but little from the common European bean or Phaseolus vulgaris, one of them having a straight stalk, and all the rest climbers[58].

[Footnote 58: These beans are obviously what are called kidney-beans in this country.--E.]

Chili is considered by naturalists as the native country of that valuable esculent the potato, or Solanun tuberosum, which is known there by the names of papa and pogny. It is found indeed wild all over the country; but those wild plants, named maglia, produce only small roots of a bitterish taste. It is distinguished into two species, and more than thirty varieties are cultivated with much care. Besides the common species, the second is the cari, Solanum cari, which bears white flowers having a large central nectary like the narcissus. The roots of this species are cylindrical and very sweet, and are usually roasted under the ashes.

The Oca, or Oxalis tuberosa, produces five or six tuberosities on each root, three or four inches in length covered by a thin smooth skin. It is eaten boiled or roasted, and has a pleasant subacid taste. Like the potato, it is multiplied by means of its bulbs cut in pieces. There are several species of this plant; one of which called red culle, is much used in dyeing, and Is considered as a specific remedy for inflammatory fevers.

Two species of gourds are known in Chili. The first species, with a white flower, called quada, has twenty-six varieties, several of which produce sweet and edible fruit, while that of the others is bitter. With one of these last, after extracting the seeds, the Chilese give a pleasant perfume or flavour to their cyder. The yellow-flowering gourd, called penca, has two kinds or varieties, the common and mamillary, owing to the fruit of the latter having a large nipple-shaped process at the end. Its pulp is sweet, and resembles in taste a kind of potato named camote.

The quelghen, or Chili strawberry has rough and succulent leaves, and its fruit is sometimes as large as a hens egg. This fruit is generally red and white; but in the provinces of Puchacay and Huilquilemeu, where they attain the greatest perfection, the fruit is yellow. "The Chili strawberry is dioecial, and has degenerated much in Europe by the want of male plants, and the females producing hybrid fruit by impregnation from the ordinary strawberries growing in the neighbourhood; in consequence of which circumstance the cultivation of this kind has been abandoned in Europe."

The madi, a new genus of plants peculiar to Chili, has two species, one wild and the other cultivated. From the seeds of the latter an excellent oil is procured, either by expression, or by boiling in water, of an agreeable mild taste, and as clear as the best olive oil. This plant, hitherto unknown in Europe, would be a most valuable acquisition to those countries in which the olive cannot be raised.

Many species of the capsicum, or guinea pepper, are cultivated in Chili, under the name of thapi, and are used as seasonings in the food of the natives.

The illmu, or Bermudiana bulbosa, produces bulbous roots, which are excellent food either boiled or roasted, and are very pleasant in soups. The liuto produces a bulbous root, which yields a very white, light, and nutritious flour, which is much used as food for the sick.

To these enumerated provisions from the vegetable kingdom, may be added the cuy or little rabbit, Lepus minimus, and the Chilihueque, or Araucanian camel; the flesh of which last affords an excellent food, and its wool furnishes clothing for the natives. If tradition may be credited, they had also the hog and the domestic fowl before the Spanish invasion. Besides these, the country produced the guanaco, and the pudu, a species of wild goat, and a great variety of birds. With these productions, which required only a moderate degree of industry, they subsisted with a sufficient abundance considering their situation and numbers; insomuch that, when Almagro invaded Chili, his army found abundance of provisions to recruit after the famine they had endured in their imprudent march through the deserts intervening between Peru and that country. With these advantages of abundant provisions in a fertile soil and mild climate, it appears that the first writers who treated of Chili cannot have greatly exaggerated in saying that it was filled with inhabitants at the first arrival of the Spaniards. Even the circumstance of one language being spoken through the whole country, is a proof that all the tribes were in the habit of continual intercourse, and that they were not isolated by vast unpeopled deserts, as is the case in many other parts of America.

Agriculture appears to have made no inconsiderable progress among the Chilese, who cultivated a great variety of alimentary plants, all distinguished by peculiar and appropriate names, which could not have been the case except in consequence of an extensive and varied cultivation. They even had aqueducts in many parts of the country for watering or irrigating their fields; and, among these, the canal which runs for many miles along the rough skirts of the mountains near the capital, and waters the lands to the north of that city, remains a remarkably solid and extensive monument of their ingenious industry. They were likewise acquainted with the use of manure, called vunalti in their language; but, from the great fertility of the soil, little attention was paid to that subject. They used a kind of spade or breast-plough of hard wood for turning the soil, which was pushed forwards by their breasts. At present the native Chilese use a very simple plough, called chetague, made of the branch of a tree crooked at one end, having a wooden share and a single handle by which it is guided. Whether this simple implement has been taught them by the Spaniards, or is of their own invention I know not; but should believe it original, as Admiral Spilsberg observed a plough of this kind, drawn by two Chilihueques, used by the natives of the Isle of Mocha in the Araucanian Sea, where the Spaniards never had a settlement. The Fathers Bry add, that the Chilese tilled their lands by means of these animals before the arrival of any European cattle. However this may have been, it is certain that this Araucanian camel was employed by the natives as a beast of burden before the arrival of the Spaniards, and the transition from burden to draught is not difficult.

The Chilese cooked their grain for food in various ways, by boiling in earthen pots, or roasting it in hot sand, and by grinding it into meal, which they prepared in the form of gruel, of cakes, and of bread. Meal made of parched grain was called murque, and when made from grain merely dried in the sun rugo. Of the first they made gruels, and a kind of beverage still used for breakfast. Of the second they made cakes, and a kind of bread called covque, which was baked in holes dug in the sides of hills or the banks of rivers, in the form of ovens, many of which are still to be seen. They had even invented a kind of sieve, called chignigue, to separate the bran from the flour, and employed leaven in baking their bread. From the grains already mentioned, and the fruits or berries of different trees, they made nine or ten different kinds of fermented liquors, which they made and kept in jars of earthen-ware.

Having adopted the settled mode of life indispensable to an agricultural people, the Chilese were collected into families or septs more or less numerous, in those situations which were best suited for procuring subsistence, where they established themselves in large villages, called cara, or in small ones called lov. These villages consisted only of a number of huts irregularly dispersed within sight of each other, and some of them still subsist in several parts of Spanish Chili. The most considerable of these are Lampa in the province of St Jago, and Lora in the province of Maule. In each village or hamlet they had a chief named Ulmen, who was subject in certain points, to the supreme ruler of the tribe, or apo-ulmen. The succession of these chiefs was by hereditary descent; and from their title of office, which signifies a rich man, it would appear that wealth had been the original means of raising these families to the rank they now occupy, contrary to the usages of other savage nations in which strength, skill in hunting, or martial prowess appear to have been the steps by which individuals have risen to rank and power. The authority of these chiefs or ulmens appears to have been extremely limited, being merely of a directive nature and not absolute. The right of private property was fully established among the Chilese, as every individual was the absolute master of the land he cultivated, and of the produce of his industry, both of which descended to his posterity by hereditary succession.

The houses or huts of the Chilese were built in a quadrangular form, of wood covered with clay, and the roof covered with rushes; though in some instances the walls were of brick, the use of which they seem to have learned from the Peruvians, as they used the Peruvian term tica for that material. From the wool of the Chilihueques they manufactured cloth for their apparel, using the spindle and distaff for spinning this wool into yarn, and two different kinds of looms for weaving the yarn into cloth. One of these, called guregue, is not very unlike the ordinary loom of Europe; but the other is vertical or upright, and called uthalgue, from the verb uthalen, signifying to stand upright. From a verb in their language, nudaven, which signifies to sew, they must have used some kind of needle to sew their garments; but I know not of what substance it was composed. They seem even to have been acquainted with the art of embroidery, called dumican in their language. From excellent clay which is found abundantly in Chili, they made pots, plates, cups, and large jars to hold their fermented liquors, baking these vessels in holes or ovens made in the declivities of hills; and they even used a kind of mineral earth called colo, for varnishing these vessels. Besides these vessels of clay, they made others of hard wood, and even of marble; some vases of which excellently polished have been dug out from under a large heap of stones in the mountains of Arauco. From the earth they extracted gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead, and employed these metals in a variety of useful and curious works. Particularly from their native copper, which is a kind of bell-metal and very hard, they made axes, hatchets, and other edged tools, but in small quantities, as these are very rarely met with in their ancient sepulchres; where, on the contrary, hatchets made of a species of basalt or very hard stone are very often found. They seem even to have known the use of iron, as it is called panilgue in their language, and weapons made of it are termed chiuquel, while those made of other materials are called nulin. A smith likewise is called ruthavé, from ruthan, signifying to work in iron.

The ancient Chilese had discovered the art of making salt, both from sea water and from inland salt springs; calling the former chiadi, and the latter lilco-chiadi, or salt from the water of rocks. They procured dyes of various colours for their clothes, both from the juice of plants and from mineral earths, and had discovered the art of fixing them by means of the polcura, an aluminous or astringent mineral. Instead of soap, they used the back of the quillai, which is an excellent substitute. In their language there are many words discriminative of various kinds of baskets and mats, which they manufactured from various vegetables. From a plant called gnocchia, they procured a strong fibrous substance resembling hemp, of which they made ropes and fishing nets of different kinds; and the inhabitants on the coast used canoes of different kinds and sizes, and floats or rafts of wood, or of inflated seal skins. Though not peculiarly addicted to hunting, they were accustomed to kill the wild animals and birds of the country, both for amusement and subsistence; for which purpose they used bows and arrows, and the laque or running noose which is employed with so much ingenuity by many of the South American natives. It is a singular fact that they had the same device as the Chinese, for catching wild ducks in their lakes and rivers, covering their heads with perforated gourds, and wading among the flocks.

They had advanced so far in the knowledge of numbers, as to have distinctive names for the ten units, and for an hundred and a thousand, with all the intermediate numbers compounded of decimal terms. To preserve the memory of their transactions, they used a bunch of threads of several colours called pron, similar to the quippo of the Peruvians, oh which they cast a number of knots according to circumstances. The subject was indicated by the colour of the threads, and the knots designated the number or quantity, but I have not been able to discover any other purpose to which this species of register could be applied. The quippo is still used by the shepherds in Peru, to keep an account of the number in their flocks, to mark the day and hour when the different ewes yeaned, or when any of their lambs are lost.

The religious system of the Araucanians, formerly that of all the native tribes of Chili, resembles in a great measure the freedom of their modes of life and government. They acknowledge a Supreme Being, the creator of all things, whom they name Pillan, a word derived from pulli or pilli, the soul. He is likewise named Guenu-pillan, the soul or spirit of heaven; Buta-gen, the great being; Thalcove[59], the thunderer; Vilvemvoe, the creator of all things; Vilpepilvoe, the omnipotent; Mollgelu, the eternal; Avnolu, the omnipotent; and is designed by many other similar epithets. Their ideas of the government of heaven form in a great measure a prototype of the Araucanian system of civil polity; Pillan is considered as the great Toqui of the invisible world of Spirits[60], and is supposed to have his Apo-ulmens and Ulmens, or subordinate deities of two different ranks, to whom he entrusts the administration of lesser affairs. In the first class of these inferior deities, are Epunamun, or the god of war; Meulen, a benevolent being, the friend of the human race; and Guecubu, a malignant being, the author of all evil, who is likewise called Algue. Hence they appear to entertain the doctrine of two adverse principles, improperly called Manicheism. Guecubu, or Huecuvu, is named Mavari by the natives on the Orinoco, and is the same with the Aherman of the ancient Persians. To him every evil is attributed. If a horse tire, he has been ridden by Guecubu. In an earthquake, Guecubu has given the world a shock; and the like in all things. The Ulmens, or subaltern deities of their celestial hierarchy, resemble the genii, and are supposed to have the charge of earthly things, and to form, in concert with the benevolent Meulen, a counterpoise to the prodigious power of the malignant Guecuba. These ulmens of the spiritual world are conceived to be of both sexes, who always continue pure and chaste without propagation. The males are called Gen, or lords; the females Amei-malghen, or spiritual nymphs, and are supposed to perform the same friendly offices to men which were anciently attributed to the lares, and every Araucanian imagines he has one of these attendant spirits in his service. Nien cai gni Amchi-malghen, I keep my nymph still, is a common expression when any one succeeds in an undertaking. Pursuant to the analogy of their own earthly government, as their Ulmens have no right to impose any service or contribution on the people whom they govern, so they conceive the celestial race require no services from man, having occasion for none. Hence they have neither idols nor temples, and offer no sacrifices, except in case of some severe calamity, or on the conclusion of a peace, when they sacrifice animals, and burn tobacco as a grateful incense to their deities. Yet they invoke them and implore their aid on urgent occasions, chiefly addressing Pillan and Meulen.

[Footnote 59: Pillan, according to Dobrizhoffer, is likewise the word for thunder. In a similar manner, Tupa or Tupi, among all the Tupi tribes of Brazil, and the Guaranies of Paraguay, signifies both God and thunder.--E.]

[Footnote 60: Among the Moluches, the general name of the Supreme Being, according to Falkner, is Toqui-chen, or the supreme ruler of the people.--E.]

Notwithstanding the small regard which they pay to their deities, they are extremely superstitious in matters of less importance, and are firm believers in divination, paying the utmost attention to favourable and unfavourable omens, to dreams, the singing and flight of birds, and the like, which they believe to denote the pleasure of the gods. They have accordingly jugglers or diviners, who pretend to a knowledge of futurity, who are called Gligua and Dugol, some of them call themselves Guenguenu or masters of heaven, Guenpugnu or masters of disease, Guen-piru, or masters of worms, and the like. These diviners pretend to the power of producing rain, of curing diseases, of preventing the ravages of the worms which destroy the grain, and so on. They are in perpetual dread of imaginary beings, called Calcus or sorcerers, who in their opinion remain concealed in caverns by day, along with their disciples or servants, called lvunches or man-animals, who transform themselves at night into owls and shoot invisible arrows at their enemies.

They all believe in the immortality of the soul, which they call am or pulli, and which they say is aneanolu or incorporeal, and mugealu, or existing for ever; but they are not agreed as to the state of the soul after this life. All say that it goes after death to the west beyond the sea, to a place called Gulcheman, or the dwelling of the men beyond the mountains. Some believe this country is divided into two provinces; one that is pleasant and filled with every thing delightful, the abode of the good; the other desolate and devoid of every comfort, the dwelling of the wicked. Others again conceive that all enjoy eternal pleasure after this life, and that the deeds done in the body have no influence on the future lot. They believe the soul retains its original attachments and dislikes, and that the spirits of their departed countrymen frequently return and fight furiously with those of their former enemies, when they meet in the air; and to these combats they attribute the origin of tempests and of thunder and lightning. When a storm happens on the Andes or the ocean, they ascribe it to a battle between the spirits of their departed countrymen and those of the Spaniards. If the storm take its course towards the Spanish territory, they exclaim triumphantly, Inavimen, inavimen, puen, laguvimen! Pursue them friends, pursue them, kill them! If the storm tends towards their own country, they cry out in consternation, Yavulumen, puen, namuntumen! Courage friends, be firm!

They have a tradition of a great deluge, in which only a few persons were saved by taking refuge on a high mountain, named Thegtheg, the thundering or sparkling, which had three points, and had the property of floating on the waters. On the occurrence of violent earthquakes, they fly for refuge to the mountains, fearful that the sea may again deluge the world; and on these occasions, every one takes a good supply of provisions, and a large wooden platter to protect the head, in case the Thegtheg when raised by the waters should approach the sun.

The year of the Araucanians is solar, and begins on the 22d of December, or immediately after the southern solstice, which they call Thaumathipantu, or the head and tail of the year, and are able to ascertain this period with tolerable precision by means of watching the shadows. The 22d of June is called Udanthipantu, the divider of the year, as dividing it into two equal parts. The whole year is called Tipantu, or the course of the sun, and is divided into twelve months of thirty days each, to which they add five intercallary days to complete the tropical year, but in what way I have not been able to determine. The months are called cujen, or moons, and have the following names:

Avun-cujen, the month of fruit, -------------January Coji-cujen the month of harvest, ------------February Glor-cujen, the month of maize, ---------------March Rimu-cujen, the 1st month of rimu, ---------------April Inarimu-cujen, the 2d month of rimu, -----------------May Thor-cujen, the 1st month of foam, ----------------June Inanthor-cujen, the 2d month of foam, ----------------July Huin-cujen, the unpleasant month, --------------August Pillal-cujen, the treacherous month, ---------- September Hueul-cujen, 1st month of new winds, -------------October Inan-hueul-cujen, 2d month of new winds, ------------November Hueviru-cujen, the month of new fruits, ----------- December

The year is divided into four seasons; the spring being called Peughen, the summer Ucan, the autumn Gualug, and the winter Pucham. The natural day is divided into twelve parts or hours, called gliaganiu, six of which belong to the day and six to the night, all of which have particular names. Commencing at midnight, there are Puliuen, Ueun, Thipanantu, Maleu, Vutamaleu, Ragiantu, Culunantu, Gullantu, Conantu, Guvquenantu, Puni, Ragipun. The stars in general are named huaglen, which they distribute into constellations called pal or ritha. The pleiades are named Cajupal, or the constellation of six; the antarctic cross Meleritho, the Constellation of four, and so on. The milky-way is named Rupuepen, the fabulous road. The planets are called gau, a word derived from gaun to wash, as they suppose them to dip into the sea when they set; and some conceive them to be other earths inhabited like our own. The sky is called Guenu-mapu, or the heavenly country; the moon Cuyenmapu, or the country of the moon. Comets are called Cheruvoc, as believed to be terrestrial exhalations inflamed in the upper region of the air. The eclipses of the sun and moon are called Lay-antu and Lay-cujen, or the deaths of the sun and moon.

Their measures of length are the nela or palm, the duche or foot, namun the pace, the can, the ell, and tupu the league, which answers to the marine league or the pharasang of the Persians: But they estimate long distances by mornings, corresponding to our days journeys. The liquid measures are the guampar, about a quart; can about a pint; and the mencu, which is still smaller. The dry measures are the chiaique, about six pints; and the gliepu, which is double that quantity.

Oratory is held in high estimation, and is the road to honour and the management of public affairs; insomuch that the eldest son of an Ulmen, if deficient in that talent, is excluded from the right of succession, which devolves upon a younger son, or the nearest male relative who happens to be an able speaker. On this account, parents accustom their sons to speak in public from their early youth, and carry them to the national assemblies, where the best orators of the nation display their eloquence. Hence the universal attention to speak the language correctly and to preserve its purity. They are so careful to avoid the introduction of any foreign words into their language, that when any stranger settles among them he is obliged to adopt a new name in the Chili-dugu or language of the country, and even the missionaries must conform to this singular regulation, if they would obtain favour; and so fastidious are they in attention to the purity of their language, that the audience will interrupt a missionary while preaching, to correct the mistakes in language or pronunciation. Many of them are well acquainted with the Spanish language; and, from being accustomed to a soft regular and varied language, they are able easily to learn the pronunciation of the different European dialects, as was observed by Captain Wallis of the Patagonians, who are real Chilese. They are so unwilling however to use the Spanish, that they never use it in any of the assemblies or congresses between the two nations, and rather choose to listen to a tiresome interpretation than to degrade the dignity of their native tongue by using another on such occasions. Their style of oratory is highly figurative, elevated, allegorical, and replete with peculiar phrases and expressions that are only used on such occasions; whence it is called coyag-tucan or the style of public harangues. They commonly divide their subject into regular heads, called thoy, and usually specify the number they mean to enlarge upon; saying Epu thoygei tamen piavin, "what I am going to say is divided into two heads." Their speeches are not deficient in a suitable exordium, a clear narrative, a well-founded argument, and a pathetic peroration; and usually abound in parables and apologues; which sometimes furnish the main substance of the discourse.

Their poets are called gempin, or lords of speech; and their poetry generally contains strong and lively images, bold figures, frequent allusions and similitudes, new and forcible expressions, and possesses the power of exciting sensibility. It is every where animated and metaphorical, and allegory is its very soul and essence. Their verses are mostly composed in stanzas of eight or eleven syllables, and are for the most part blank, yet rhyme is occasionally introduced, according to the taste or caprice of the poet.

They have three kinds of physicians. Of these the ampives, who are skilful herbalists, are the best, and have even some skill in the pulse and other diagnostics of disease. The vileus pretend that all contagious diseases are produced by insects or worms, and are therefore often called cutampiru, which signifies vermiculous diseases, or diseases proceeding from worms. The machis are a superstitious class, or pretenders to sorcery, and allege that all diseases proceed from witchcraft, and pretend therefore to cure them by supernatural means, for which reason they are employed in desperate cases, when the exertions of the ampives and vileus have proved ineffectual; They have likewise a kind of surgeons, called gutarve; who are skilful in replacing luxations, setting fractured bones, and curing wounds and ulcers. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Chilese doctors used bleeding, blistering, emetics, cathartics, sudorifics, and even glysters. They let blood by means of a sharp flint fixed in a small stick; and for giving glysters they employ a bladder and pipe. Their emetics, cathartics, and sudorifics are all obtained from the vegetable kingdom.

Their commerce, both internal and external, is all carried on by barter, as they have not adopted the use of money; and this is regulated by a conventional tariff according to which the values of all articles in commerce are appraised under the name of cullen, or payment. Their external trade is with the Spaniards, with whom they exchange ponchos, or Chilese cloaks, and animals, for wine or European articles. The Spaniards of the province of Maulé supply the Araucanians with iron ware, bits for bridles, cutlery, grain, and wine; and are paid in ponchos of which they receive above 40,000 yearly, in horned cattle, horses, ostrich feathers, curious baskets, and other trifles; for it has never been possible to induce them to open their gold mines. The Spanish merchant has in the first place to obtain permission from the ulmens or heads of families of a district, after which he proceeds to all the houses, distributing his merchandize indiscriminately to all, who present themselves. When he has completed his sale, he gives notice of his departure, and all the purchasers hasten to an appointed village, where they deliver the articles agreed for with the utmost punctuality.

SECTION IV.

First Expedition of the Spaniards into Chili under Almagro.

After the death of Atahualpa and the subjection of the Peruvian empire by Pizarro and Almagro, Pizarro persuaded his companion Almagro to undertake the conquest of Chili then celebrated for its niches, being desirous to enjoy the sole command in Peru. Filled with sanguine expectations of a rich booty, Almagro began his march for Chili in the end[61] of the year 1535, with an army of 570 Spaniards, and accompanied by 15,000 Peruvians, under the command of Paullu[62], the brother of the Inca Manco, the nominal emperor of Peru, who had succeeded to Atahualpa and Huasear. Two roads lead from Peru to Chili; one of which by the maritime plain, is the arid desert of Atacama, destitute of water and provisions; while the other passes for about 120 miles over the immense ridge of the Andes, and is attended by excessive inconveniences and almost insurmountable difficulties Almagro chose this road because it was the shortest from Cuzco; and in this march his army had to endure infinite fatigue, and almost incessant conflicts with the barbarous tribes in the several districts through which he had to pass. He at length reached the eastern side of the vast chain of the Andes at the commencement of winter, almost destitute of provisions, and ill supplied with clothing to protect his people under the inclemencies of the region he had still to penetrate. At the season of the year which he unfortunately chose, snow falls almost continually among the Andes, and completely fills and obliterates the narrow paths that are even difficultly passable in summer. The soldiers, however, animated by their general, and ignorant of the dangers they had to encounter, advanced with inconceivable toil to the summit of the rugged ascent. But by the severity of the weather, and the want of provisions, 150 of the Spaniards perished by the way; and 10,000 of the Peruvians, less able to endure the rigours of that frozen region, were destroyed. Not one of all the army would have escaped, had not Almagro pushed resolutely forward with a small party of horse to Copaipo, whence he sent back succours and provisions to his army still engaged in the defiles of the mountains. By these means, those of the most robust constitutions, who had been able to resist the inclemency of the weather, were enabled to extricate themselves from the snow, and at length reached the plains of Copaipo, the most northerly province in Chili, where they were kindly received and entertained by the inhabitants, through respect for the Peruvians.

[Footnote 61: The beginning of that year according to Ovale.--E.]

[Footnote 62: By Orale this Peruvian prince is called Paullo Topo, and the high priest of the Peruvians, Villacumu, is said to have been likewise sent in company with Almagro.--E.]

As the Inca Paullu was well acquainted with the object of this expedition, he obliged the inhabitants of Copaipo to deliver up to him all the gold in their possession, which he immediately presented to Almagro, to the value of 500,000 ducats. Almagro was highly pleased with this first fruit of his labours, and immediately distributed the whole among his soldiers, to whom also he remitted immense debts which they owed him, as he had advanced them all the funds which were necessary to fit them out for the expedition. Almagro soon learnt that the reigning Ulmen of Copaipo had usurped the government of that province in prejudice of his nephew and ward, who had fled to the woods. Calling the lawful heir into his presence, he arrested the guilty chief, and reinstated the lawful heir in the government, with the universal applause of the natives, who attributed this conduct entirely to motives of justice and a wish to redress the injured.

When the Spaniards were recovered from their fatigues, through the hospitable assistance of the Copaipins, and were reinforced by an additional number of soldiers brought by Rodrigo Orgonez from Peru, Almagro and his troops commenced their march towards the more southerly provinces of Chili, full of the most flattering hopes of acquiring vast riches and splendid establishments in a fine country, which was interspersed on all sides with numerous villages, evincing an extensive population and fertile soil. The natives every where crowded round them on the march, to examine the wonderful strangers, and to present them with such things as they thought might prove agreeable to beings whom they conceived of a superior order to other men. In the mean time, two soldiers who had separated from the army, proceeded to the river Huasco which forms the boundary between the provinces of Copaipo and Coquimbo, where they were well received at first by the inhabitants; but, in consequence of some acts of violence, they were afterwards put to death, being the first European blood spilt in Chili, which has since been so copiously watered with the blood of the Spaniards. On being informed of this unfortunate accident, calculated to weaken the exalted notion which he wished to inspire into the natives of the character of his soldiers, Almagro hastened his march for Coquimbo, where he immediately ordered Marcando the head ulmen of the province, his brother, and twenty others of the principal inhabitants to be brought before him; all of whom he committed to the flames; This act of cruelty appeared extraordinary and unjust to every one; for even among these adventurers, inured to rapine and bloodshed, there still were some men of humanity and justice. The majority of the army openly disapproved the severity of the general on this occasion, and from this time his affairs ceased to be prosperous.

Some time in the year 1537, Almagro received a considerable reinforcement from Peru under the command of Juan de Rada; who likewise brought him letters patent from the king of Spain, by which he was appointed governor of 200 leagues of territory to the southward of the government which had been granted to Francisco Pizarro. By the same conveyance Almagro received letters from his friends in Peru, urging him to return to that country and to take possession of Cuzco, which they asserted was within the limits of the jurisdiction confided to him by his patent. But, as he entertained very sanguine ideas of the value of the conquest in which he was now engaged, he pursued his march towards the south, and passed the fatal Cachapoal or Rapel, regardless of the remonstrances of his Peruvian allies, who urged him to refrain from attempting to invade the country of the valiant Promaucians[63]. At the first appearance of the Spaniards, these brave Indians were astonished and terrified by the horses and thundering arms of the strangers; but soon recovering from the effects of their first surprise, they intrepidly opposed their new enemies on the banks of the Rio-claro. Despising their force, and ignorant of their bravery, Almagro placed his Peruvian allies in the first line, now considerably increased by an additional number whom Paullu had drawn from the Peruvian garrisons in Chili. But these troops were soon defeated by the Promaucians, and fell back in confusion on the line of Spaniards in the rear. The Spaniards, instead of remaining spectators of the battle, were now compelled to sustain the vigorous attack of the enemy; and, advancing with their horse, a furious battle was fought with considerable loss on both sides, and continued till night separated the combatants without either party having gained the victory.

[Footnote 63: Called Puramaucans by Garcilasso and Promocaes by Ovale, who names the Cauquenes and Peneos as their allies.--E.]

Although the Promaucians had sustained a heavy loss in this battle, they courageously encamped within sight of the Spaniards, determined to renew the fight next morning. Though the Spaniards had kept possession of the field, and considered themselves victorious according to the customs of Europe, they were very differently inclined from their valiant enemies. Hitherto they had been accustomed to subdue extensive provinces with little or no resistance, and became disgusted with an enterprise which could not be accomplished without much fatigue and danger, and the loss of much blood, having to contend against a bold and independent nation, by whom they were not considered as immortal or as a superior order of beings. It was therefore resolved by common consent to abandon the present expedition, yet they differed materially as to the conduct of their retreat; some being desirous to return into Peru entirely, while others wished to form a settlement in the northern provinces of Chili, where they had already received so much hospitality, and had acquired considerable riches. The first opinion was supported by Almagro, now strongly impressed by the suggestions of his friends in Peru to take possession of Cuzco. He represented to his soldiers the dangers to which a settlement would be exposed in so warlike a country, and persuaded them to follow him to Cuzco, where he expected to be able to establish his authority either by persuasion or force, pursuant to his royal patent.

Having determined to return into Peru, and having fatally experienced the dangers of the mountain road, Almagro resolved to march by the desert of Atacama in the maritime plain, by which he conducted his troops into Peru with very little loss in 1538. He took possession of Cuzco by surprise; and, after ineffectual negociations, he fought a battle with the brother of Pizarro, by whom he was taken prisoner, and beheaded as a disturber of the public peace. Such was the fate of the first expedition of the Spaniards against Chili, undertaken by the best body of European troops that had hitherto been collected in those distant regions. The thirst of riches was the moving spring of this expedition, and the disappointment of their hopes the cause of its abandonment.

SECTION V.

Second Expedition into Chili, under Pedro de Valdivia, to the commencement of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians.

Having obtained absolute command of the Spanish possessions on the southern side of South America, by the defeat and death of his rival Almagro. Pizarro resolved to resume the conquest of Chili, which he conceived might become an important acquisition. Among the adventurers who had come from Spain to Chili, were two officers who held royal commissions to attempt this conquest, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, and Camargo. To Hoz had been confided the conquest of the country from the confines of Peru to the river Maulé; and to Camargo the remainder of the country beyond that river to the archipelago of Chiloé. Jealous of the interference of these officers in the country which he considered as his by right of discovery, Pizarro refused under frivolous pretences to confirm the royal nomination, and chose for the conduct of the expedition Pedro de Valdivia, his quarter-master, a prudent active and brave officer, who had acquired military experience in the wars of Italy, and who had already evinced a strong attachment to his party. On this occasion, Valdivia was directed to take Hoz along with him to Chili, and to allow him every advantage he could possibly desire in the allotment or repartition of lands and Indians in the expected conquest.

Valdivia accordingly set out from Cuzco in 1540, with a force of 200 Spaniards, and accompanied by a numerous body of Peruvian auxiliaries, taking likewise along with him some monks, several Spanish women, and a great number of European quadrupeds, with every requisite for settling a new colony in the country. On his march for Chili he pursued the same route with Almagro; but instructed by the misfortunes of his predecessor, he did not attempt to pass the Andes till the middle of summer, by which precaution he was enabled to enter Chili without incurring any loss. His reception there however, even in the northern provinces, was very different from that which had been experienced by Almagro. Informed of the conquest of Peru by the Spaniards, owing to which they were freed from the submission they had come under to the Incas, they did not consider themselves bound to transfer their obedience to the present invaders. The Copaipans accordingly began to attack Valdivia immediately on entering their country, assailing him at every step with much valour, but with very little conduct. Like barbarians in general, they were incapable of making a common cause with each other; and having been long accustomed to servitude under the Peruvians, during which all union among the northern tribes had been dissolved, they attacked their invaders in separate hordes as they advanced into the country, and without that steady and firm courage which stamps the valour of a free people in the defence of their liberties. In spite of this desultory and uncombined opposition from the natives, Valdivia traversed the provinces of Copaipo, Coquimbo, Quillota, and Melipilla, with Very little loss though much harassed, and arrived in the province of Mapocho, now called St Jago.

This province, which is more than 600 miles from the confines of Peru, is one of the pleasantest and most fertile in the kingdom. Its name of Mapocho signifies in the Chilese language, the land of many people; and according to the earliest writers respecting Chili, its population was then extremely numerous. This province, which borders on the Andes, is 140 miles in circumference, and is watered by the rivers Maypo, Colina, Lampa, and Mapocho, which last divides it into two nearly equal parts. In one place this river sinks into the earth, and after a subterraneous course of five miles, emerges again with an increase of its waters, and finally joins the river Maypo. The mountains of Caren, which terminate this province on the north, abound in gold, and in that part of the Andes which forms the eastern boundary, there are several rich mines of silver. Valdivia had penetrated thus far into the country on purpose to render it difficult for his soldiers to return into Peru, and he now determined to form a settlement in this province, which from its remote situation and natural advantages, seemed excellently calculated to become the centre of his intended conquests. Having selected with this view a convenient situation on the left shore of the Mapocho, he laid the foundation of the intended capital of the kingdom of Chili, on the 24th of February 1541, naming this new city St Jago, in honour of the tutelary saint of Spain. In laying out the ground plan of the intended city, he divided the whole into plots or squares of 4095 toises each[64], and allotted a quarter of each square as the scite of a house for each citizen, which plan has been followed in laying out all the other cities in Chili. One of these areas situated on one side of the great square was destined for the cathedral and bishops palace, and another for the house of the governor and the public offices. He then appointed a cabildo or magistracy, according to the usual forms in Spanish cities, from those persons in his small army that were best qualified for the purpose; and, for the protection of the new settlement, in case of attack from the Chilese, he built a fort on a hill in the centre of the city, which has since received the name of St Lucia.

[Footnote 64: Though not distinctly so expressed, this must be considered as square toises, making each side of the square 64 toises, or 384 feet. In a former account of the city of St Jago, the public square is described as being 450 feet on each side.--E.]

Though many have applauded the sagacity of Valdivia in the choice of a situation for the capital of the new colony, it would in my opinion have been much better placed on the banks of the river Maypo, about fifteen miles farther south; as that river is much larger than the Mapocho, has a direct communication with the sea, and might easily be made navigable for ships of considerable burden. In the year 1787, this city contained more than 40,000 inhabitants, and was rapidly increasing in population, owing to its being the seat of government, and the residence of many wealthy and luxurious families, by which it attracts considerable commerce.

The natives observed the progress of this new settlement with much jealousy, and concerted measures for freeing themselves from such unwelcome intruders; but, as Valdivia discovered their intentions, he confined the chiefs of the conspiracy in his new fortress; and having intimation of a secret intelligence being carried on between the Mapochians and their neighbours, the Promancians, he repaired with a body of sixty horse to the river Cachapoal or Rapel to watch the motions of that brave and enterprising nation. This precaution was however altogether unnecessary, as that fearless people had not sufficient policy or foresight to think of uniting with their neighbours in order to secure themselves from the impending danger. Taking advantage of the absence of Valdivia, the Mapochians fell upon the new settlement with desperate fury, burnt all the half-built houses, and assailed the citadel on all sides, in which the inhabitants had taken refuge. While the Spaniards were valiantly defending their imperfect fortifications, a woman named Inez Suarez, beat out the brains of all the captive chiefs with an axe, under the apprehension that they were endeavouring to regain their liberty, and might assist the assailants in gaining possession of the fort. The attack began at day-break, and was continued without intermission till night, fresh assailants continually occupying the places of those who were, slain or disabled.

The commandant of the Spaniards, Alonzo de Monroy, found means to send a messenger to inform Valdivia of his situation; and the governor accordingly hastened to the aid of the besieged with all possible expedition, and found the ditch almost filled with dead bodies, while the enemy, notwithstanding the heavy loss they had sustained, were preparing to renew the assault. Drawing out its infantry from the fort to join the cavalry he had along with him, Valdivia advanced in order of battle against the forces of the enemy, who were posted on the bank of the Mapocho. The battle was again renewed in this place, and obstinately contested with equal valour on both sides; but with great disadvantage on the part of the natives, who were far inferior in arms and discipline to the Spaniards. The musquetry and the horse made a dreadful slaughter among Mapochians, who were only armed with bows and slings; yet obstinately bent upon preserving their independence, and regardless of their own importance, they rushed on to inevitable destruction; till having lost the flower of their valiant warriors, and reduced to a small number, they at length fled and dispersed over the plain. Notwithstanding this memorable defeat, and others of not less importance which they sustained afterwards, the Mapochians did not cease for the space of six years to keep the Spaniards closely blockaded in St Jago, continually attacking them on every opportunity, and cutting off their provisions so effectually, that they were often reduced to great straits, having to subsist upon unwholesome and loathsome viands, and what little grain they were able to raise under protection of the cannon from the ramparts. At length, worn out and brought to utter ruin by this incessant warfare, the remnant of the Mapochians destroyed their own crops and retired to the mountains, leaving the fertile plains around the new city utterly deserted and uncultivated.

The soldiers under Valdivia became wearied and disgusted by this continual war, so different from what they had expected; and as they believed him obstinately bent upon adherence to his own plan, and resolved to continue the settlement in spite of every opposition from the natives, they entered into a conspiracy to kill their general and to return into Peru, where they expected to enjoy more ease and tranquillity. Having fortunately got notice of this conspiracy, Valdivia, who possessed great prudence and an insinuating address, soon conciliated those who were least implicated. After this, as he only had the title of general which did not confer any civil and judicial power, he assembled the Cabildo of the city, and persuaded them to invest him in the office of governor of the city and kingdom. In this imposing capacity, he tried and capitally punished some of the ringleaders of the conspiracy, and then prudently exerted himself to soothe the turbulent and seditious spirits of the remainder, by buoying up their hopes with the most flattering promises of future wealth. He had often heard in Peru, that the valley of Quillota abounded in mines of gold, and was hopeful therefore of being able to obtain a sufficient quantity from thence to satisfy the avidity of his soldiers. Notwithstanding the difficulties with which he was surrounded, he sent a party of soldiers into the valley of Quillota, with orders to superintend and protect a number of labourers in digging for the precious metal said to be abound in that place. The mine which was opened upon this occasion proved remarkably rich and productive, surpassing their most sanguine hopes; so that all their past sufferings and present difficulties were soon buried in oblivion, and henceforwards no one had the remotest wish to leave the country. Valdivia, encouraged by this success to new enterprises, ordered a carrack or ship of some considerable size to be built at the mouth of the river Chillan, which traverses the valley of Quillota, for the purpose of more readily obtaining succours from Peru, without which he was fully sensible he could not possibly succeed in the vast enterprise he had in view, which was no less than to accomplish the entire reduction of Chili.

In the mean time, considering the urgent state of his affairs, Valdivia resolved to dispatch two of his principal officers, Alonzo Monroy, and Pedro Miranda by land to Peru, with an escort of six horsemen, whose spurs, bits, and stirrups he directed to be made of solid gold, hoping thereby to entice a sufficient number of recruits to come to his assistance, by this obvious proof of the riches of the country. Although these messengers were escorted to the confines of Chili by thirty additional horsemen, they were attacked and defeated in the province of Copaipo by a hundred archers, commanded by Coteo, an officer of the Ulmen of that province. Of the whole party none escaped with life but the two officers, Monroy and Miranda, who were made prisoners and carried before the ulmen covered with wounds. The prince had resolved on putting them both to death; but, while deliberating on the mode of execution, his wife, the ulmena or princess of Copaipo, moved by compassion for their unhappy situation, successfully interceded with her husband to spare their lives, unbound them with her own hands, tenderly dressed their wounds, and treated them as if they had been her brothers. When they were entirely recovered, she desired them to teach her son the art of riding, as several of the Spanish horses had been taken in the late defeat. The two Spaniards readily consented to her request, hoping to avail themselves of this circumstance to give them an opportunity of recovering their liberty, which they did in effect; but the means they employed was marked by a cruel act of ingratitude to their compassionate benefactress, of so much deeper turpitude that it was unnecessary for their purpose. As the young prince was one day riding between them, escorted by a party of archers and preceded by an officer carrying a lance, Monroy suddenly dispatched him with two or three mortal wounds of a poniard. At the same time Miranda wrested the lance from the officer of the guard, who were thrown into confusion by this unexpected event, and the two Spaniards readily accomplished their escape. Being well mounted, they easily eluded pursuit, and made their way through the desert into Peru, whence they continued their way to Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then resided, who had succeeded to the government after the cruel assassination of Francisco Pizarro by the Almagrian faction.

When De Castro was informed of the critical situation of affairs in Chili, he immediately sent off a considerable reinforcement by land under the command of Monroy, who had the good fortune to conceal his march from the Copaipans, and to join Valdivia in safety. At the same time the president of Peru dispatched by sea Juan Batista Pastene, a noble Genoese, with a more considerable reinforcement for Valdivia. On receiving these two reinforcements, which arrived about the same time, Valdivia began to carry his great designs into execution. Being solicitous to have a complete knowledge of the sea-coast, he ordered Pastene to explore the whole as far to the southwards as possible, noting the most important places all along the coast; and, on his return from this maritime survey, he sent him back to Peru for additional reinforcements, as the natives had become every day bolder and more enterprising, ever since their victory in Copaipo over Monroy and Miranda. Only a little before this, the Quillotans had contrived to massacre all the soldiers employed at the gold mines in their country, by the following stratagem. One day a neighbouring Indian brought a pot full of gold to Gonzalo Rios, the commandant at the mines, and told him that he had found a great quantity in a certain district of the country which he offered to point out. On this information, all were eager to proceed immediately to the place, that they might participate in the imaginary treasure. As they arrived at the place described in a tumultuary manner and entirely off their guard, they fell into an ambush, by which the whole party was slain, except their imprudent commander and one negro, both of whom saved their lives by the speed of their horses. About the same time the vessel which Valdivia had ordered to be built at the mouth of the river Chillan was burnt by the natives, together with the store-houses or arsenal which he had established in that place.

On receiving notice of the disaster which had taken place at the mines, Valdivia hastened to Quillota with a strong body of troops, and took revenge as far as he could on the Quillotans for the death of his soldiers; after which, he constructed a fort in their country in which he left a garrison for the protection of the people employed in the gold mines. Being soon afterwards reinforced by three hundred men from Peru, under the command of Francisco Villagran and Christoval Escobar, he made choice of a beautiful plain near the mouth of the river Coquimbo, at which place there is a very convenient natural harbour, near which he erected in 1544: a city which he named Serena, to serve as a place of arms to protect the northern part of Chili, and to secure the convoys and reinforcements which might come from Peru in that direction. This place is still known in geography by the name of Serena; but in Chili the native name of Coquimbo prevails, as is the case with most of the Spanish cities and towns in Chili.

In the ensuing year, 1545, Valdivia marched into the country of the Promaucians, with the view of extending his conquests to the southwards. Contemporary historians have not left an account of the events of this year, nor of any battles having been fought on this occasion; yet it is hardly to be supposed that this valiant tribe, who had so gloriously repulsed the armies of the Inca and of Almagro, would allow Valdivia to reduce their territory to subjection without a struggle. However this may have been, it is certain that he had the art to persuade the Promaucians to enter into an alliance with him against the other tribes of Chili; as ever since the Spanish armies in Chili have been assisted by Promaucian auxiliaries, owing to which the most rooted antipathy has been constantly entertained by the Araucanians against the remnant of the Promaucians. In the year 1546, Valdivia passed the river Maulé, and reduced the natives to obedience from that river to the Itata. While encamped at a place named Quilacura, near the latter river, he was attacked one night by the natives, who destroyed many of his horses, and put him into imminent danger of a total defeat. His loss on this occasion must have been considerable; as he found it necessary to relinquish his plan of farther conquest, and to return to St Jago to wait reinforcements from Peru. As the expected reinforcements did not arrive, and Pastene, who had been sent into Peru to endeavour to procure recruits, brought news in 1547 of the civil war which then raged in Peru, Valdivia determined to go thither in person, expecting to reap some advantages from these revolutionary movements.

Valdivia sailed therefore with Pastene for Peru, taking with him a great quantity of gold, and left Francisco Villagran in charge of the government of Chili during his absence. Valdivia accordingly arrived in Peru, where he offered his services to the president De la Gasca, and acted with great reputation as quarter-master-general of his army in the war against Gonzalo Pizarro. The president was so much satisfied with the services which were rendered by Valdivia on this occasion, that, after the insurrection of Gonzalo was entirely subdued, he confirmed him in the office of governor of Chili, and sent him back to that kingdom with abundance of military stores, and with two ships filled with the soldiers who had served under Gonzalo in the late insurrection, glad of an opportunity of getting rid of so many seditious people for whom there was then no fit employment in Peru.

During the absence of Valdivia from Chili, Pedro de Hoz, who had been deprived of that share in the conquest and government which had been granted him by the court of Spain, and who had imprudently put himself under the power of his more successful rival, was accused of entering into secret practices for usurping the government. It is now unknown whether this accusation was well-founded, or if it were merely a pretence for getting rid of him; but, however this may have been, Villagran condemned him to be beheaded in 1548, either to please Valdivia by ridding him of a dangerous competitor, or perhaps in consequence of secret instructions for that purpose. About this time, the Copaipans killed forty Spaniards, who were proceeding in several separate detachments from Peru to Chili; and the Coquimbans, at the instigation of these northern neighbours, massacred all the inhabitants of the new city of Serena, and razed that place to the foundations. On this occasion Francisco Aguirre was sent into this part of Chili with a military force, to chastise the natives, and had several encounters with them with various success. In 1549, he rebuilt the city of Serena in a more commodious situation, and the inhabitants have ever since considered him as the founder of their city, many of the most distinguished inhabitants of which still boast of being his descendants.

After an incessant contest of nine years, attended by incredible fatigues, numerous dangers, and many reverses, Valdivia considered himself as solidly established in the dominion of that portion of Chili which had formerly been under the authority of the Incas. He accordingly distributed the territory among his followers in repartimientos, assigning a considerable portion of land with all its native inhabitants to each of his followers in proportion to their rank and services, under the denomination of commanderies, according to the baneful system of feudalism then prevalent in Europe. Having thus quieted the restless ambition and mutinous spirit of his soldiers, he advanced towards the south to extend his conquests, accompanied by a respectable force both of Spanish and Promaucians. After a march of 250 miles, during which he encountered few obstacles of any moment, he arrived at the Bay of Penco, now generally called the Bay of Conception, which had been already explored by Pastene during his voyage of discovery formerly mentioned; and near that excellent bay he laid the foundation of the third city in Chili, on the 5th of October 1550, to which he gave the name of Conception.

The situation of this place was admirably adapted for commerce, from the excellence of its harbour; as the bay extends six miles from east to west and nine miles from north to south, defended at its entrance from the sea by the pleasant island of Quiriquina. The passage into the bay on the north side of this island, called the bocca grande, is about half a league broad, and has sufficient water for the largest ships. That on the other side of the island, or bocca chica, is very narrow, and is only navigable by small vessels. The soil around this place, under the influence of an admirable climate, produces abundance of timber, excellent wine, and all the necessaries of life, and is not deficient in the valuable minerals; and both the sea and the adjoining rivers afford great quantities of fine fish. But owing to the lowness of the situation which was chosen for this city, it was much exposed to inundations of the sea during earthquakes, which are frequent in Chili. On the 8th of July 1730, this city was nearly destroyed by an earthquake and inundation; and experienced a similar calamity on the 24th of May 1751. In consequence of these repeated calamities, the inhabitants established themselves on the 24th of November 1764 in the valley of Mocha, nine miles south from Penco, between the rivers Andalian and Biobio, where they founded a city to which they gave the name of New Conception. The harbour named Talgacuano, situated at the south-east extremity of the bottom of the bay, is between six and seven miles from the new city; and a fort is all that now remains of the old city, now called Penco.

SECTION VI.

Narrative of the War between the Spaniards and Araucanians, from the year 1550, to the Defeat and Death of Pedro de Valdivia on the 3d of December 1553.

Perceiving the intentions of Valdivia to occupy the important post of Penco by a permanent settlement, the adjacent tribes of the Pencones gave notice of this invasion to the great nation of the Araucanians, their neighbours and friends, whose territories began on the southern shore of the Biobio; who, foreseeing that the strangers would soon endeavour to reduce their own country to subjection, determined to succour their distressed allies for their own security. Accordingly, in a butacoyog, or general assembly of the Araucanian confederacy, Aillavalu was nominated supreme toqui, and was instructed to march immediately with an army to the assistance of the Pencones. In the year 1550, pursuant to the resolutions of the Araucanian confederacy, Aillavalu passed the great river Biobio, at the head of 4000 men, and boldly offered battle to Valdivia, who had advanced to meet him on the banks of the Andalian. The brave Araucanians sustained the first discharges of musquetry from the Spaniards with wonderful resolution, and even made a rapid evolution under its direful effects, by which they assailed at once the front and flank of the Spanish army. By this unexpected courageous assault, and even judicious tactical manoeuvre, the Spaniards were thrown into some disorder, and Valdivia was exposed to imminent danger, having his horse killed under him; but the Spaniards replaced their firm array, forming themselves into a hollow square supported by their cavalry, and successfully resisted every effort of their valiant enemies, of whom they slew great numbers by the superiority of their arms, yet lost at the same time a considerable number of their own men. The battle remained undecided for several hours; when at length, rashly pressing forwards with impetuous bravery, Aillavalu received a mortal wound[65], and many of the most valiant officers and soldiers of the Araucanians being slain, they retired in good order, leaving the field of battle to the Spaniards, who felt no inclination to pursue them after a so dear-bought victory.

[Footnote 65: In Ovalle, this general is named Anabillo, and is said to have been made prisoner in the battle.--E.]

Valdivia, though he had been present in many battles, both in Europe and America, was astonished at the valour and military skill of this new enemy, and declared he had never been exposed to such imminent danger in the whole course of his military service. As he expected to be soon attacked again, he immediately proceeded to construct a strong fortification for the protection of his new city; and in fact, the Araucanian confederacy was no sooner informed of the defeat and death of their general Aillavalu, than a new and more numerous army was ordered against the Spaniards, under the command of Lincoyan, who was elected to the vacant office of supreme toqui. From his gigantic stature, and frequent displays of courage, this officer had acquired great reputation among his countrymen; but, though well suited for a subaltern officer, he was timid and irresolute in the supreme military command, and greatly disappointed the expectations which had been formed from his former behaviour.