"Green—let me consider; yes, green becomes my complexion best, and green it shall be."

Mr. Kasson, was early spoken of by the Independent American as an applicant for the Sheriff's office, and as it appeals, was afterwards a candidate for the county convention, and pledged to the support of Mr. Young. In consequence of this, the Journal did ask the question to Mr. Young, whether he intended Mr. Kasson as the Sheriff of this county?—and nothing more. I think a farther inquiry was made whether he was not authorised to purchase a "mansion house for the new secretary, in the village of Ballston Spa?" on which he preserves a cautious silence.

It is remarkable in this and other instances, with what industry The Citizen manufactures assertions to suit his own purpose, and then denies them. Having at length exhausted his fancy in fabricating, shaping and denying particular charges, hardly one of which ever existed, he ranges up his whole artillery of vengeance;—the battle becomes general:—And the famous Doctor Slop, the man midwife, did not pour a more copious and continued shower of curses upon Obadiah, who had tied his bag of instruments with hard knots, than is thus suddenly let fly upon the devoted head of the Editor of the Saratoga Journal. "Really" said the Frenchman to an old woman who had been storming and fretting at Napoleon, "the Emperor, my master would feel himself infinitely grieved, if he knew how hard your lady-ship thought of him."

But it seems the Editor of the Journal "has indulged himself in a course of low and vulgar sarcasms," tho' no particular instance is pointed out. Thus the citizen, after sending his friend, Mr. Elias Benedict, into the bar-room, to certify the damns and god damns of Mr. Wilkins, suddenly becomes extremely modest and refined, and falls to moralizing like Michael Cassio, after his own drunken fit is over. Mr. Bunce might really be esteemed far gone, had he reached the climax of vulgarity which distinguishes the citizen and his book.

But says the book in another place, "the manners of Mr. Bunce are coarse and vulgar." I suppose an immediate allusion is here intended to the manner in which he treated Stillwell and Thompson's supercilious proposition to agree to print their famous history of the McBain Meeting, without reading it, under penalty of losing the first Judge's patronage in case of a refusal. Perhaps they mean that he did not on that occasion, turn out his toes exactly as he ought; or make a becoming bow to so much mock consequence as surrounded them. I know not in what language to describe their notions. We have already admitted that Mr. Bunce does not pretend to vie in purity of dialect with the certificate of Mr. Elias Benedict. Suppose we also admit that he cannot hold competition with Roe as a profound linguist—with Mr. Thompson in fairness, high mindedness, openness and candor—nor with Mr. Linnendoll in belleslettres—and that he would not make so good a dancing master as Mr James Merrill[6] and leave the public to judge whether coming short of these qualifications, he can be any way tolerable in his person or polished in his conversation.

But 'tis said again, that he has presented some of our citizens "in the ludicrous attitude of being in chase of one of the wheels of a political hack." This plain farmer-like simile has given great offence, and perhaps justly, to the high and refined notions of certain book gentry; who have been too much in the habit of hunting an office, or chasing a dollar, to believe that the idea of so ordinary an occupation, could ever have been connected with that of such great men as themselves.

It may not be amiss to here remark, that Mr. Bunce was admitted an Attorney of the Supreme Court in 1804; he settled in the village of Salina in the county of Onondaga; shortly afterwards it was made a post town, and he was appointed Post-Master[7] by the general government, and continued in that office until he removed from that place. Soon after his removal to Bridgewater, Oneida County, he was appointed Post-Master at that place, and continued in that office until he resigned on his removal to the county of Saratoga. During his residence in the Western District, he attended with industry and fidelity to the profession in which he was educated.

Soon after the declaration of war he concluded to quit the practice of law, and purchased the establishment of the Republican press of this county, and became the editor of the Journal.

Mr. Bunce has been a faithful, able, zealous and indefatigable supporter and defender of our republican institutions, and of the measures of our general and state government; and I confidently ask, who ever accused him till this faction commenced their operations. During the memorable campaign of 1814, he was not only vigilant and faithful to our rights as an editor; but when danger threatened from all quarters, he hired, equipped, and sent a common soldier into the field for the defence of New-York.

Several who were active in introducing Mr. Bunce to the republicans of this county, after finding him too independent to bend to their "particular" views, and after he had rejected with disdain their proffers to surrender to them his rights as an editor, they formed themselves into a court of Inquisition, and ushered forth their courtly mandates "Bunce must be sacrificed" "the Journal shall go down," even this proscription extended to his family, and to his fireside; and so eager were certain of these factionists, that they formed a plan to break up his establishment by force, and actually threatened to scatter his types. This fact is too susceptible of proof to be denied.

The republicans for a long time were silent spectators, while viewing the persecution of their editor, and attack upon their own rights and privileges; they fondly hoped, that time would cure the evil, and sober reflection convince them of their error; but in this hope they were disappointed, their persecutions encreased; and to them more certainly to effect their object, and encouraged by the smiles of federalists, they secretly brought a new printing press into the county—it was then the designs of these men were more apparent—it was then the republicans proclaimed their rights, and spoke to these "conspirators" in language too loud not to be heard—too emphatic not to be understood. And as long as these "conspirators" continue their press to war against the rights and privileges of the people, Mr. Bunce as a faithful centinel, will remain firm at his post. What though a gang of office-holders should "in the mild spirit of Christian humility" (see page 7 of the book) fulminate their maledictions against him; the people will not be frightened into submission, nor the editor from his duty.

But the Editor of the Journal has abused some of us, say they—Does the truth abuse them? does the exposition of the foulest combination that ever disgraced this or any other county, constitute abuse? Is there such terrible majesty surrounding an office? No matter of what misrepresentations they are the authors of—No matter how basely and shamefully they have belied and slandered their neighbors—No matter of what deception, hypocrisy and intrigue, they are guilty—No matter how long they have conspired against the rights and privileges of the people—No matter how unbecoming, gross and absurd their conduct may have been; if an independent Editor, in vindicating the rights of the people, and those of his own, questions the propriety of their conduct; they immediately skulk behind their offices, and impudently exclaim, "touch us not—we are privileged." 'Pigmies are Pigmies still tho' perch'd on Alps.'

While I would not refrain from censuring the improper conduct of these office leaders, I shall ever be ready to extend the hand of fellowship to such as have been deluded by them—Nay, I would go farther, let them exhibit signs of repentance—let them evince a determination to support our republican rights—-let them cease to war against the people, their editor, and individuals—let them remove their pensioned press—then shall they have my voice and my heart, to intercede for them with an insulted and abused community.

But faint indeed is the hope of a reformation in that man who violates all honor, truth and decency. Who but the author[8] of that book would charge the Milton committee, of being the tools of "fraud and management?" Who but him would affix the charge of "miscreants" to the republicans of Galway, Milton, Greenfield, Saratoga, Malta and Ballston? Who but him would have the unblushing effrontery to publish, "that the general committee in nominating Mr. Cowen, instead of Mr. Young, committed an OUTRAGE on the feelings and wishes of their constituents?" [see page 8. of that pamphlet.] Who but the author of that pamphlet would—but I beg pardon—read the pamphlet itself, and you have abundant evidence of the authors views, his principles, his heart and his designs.

But the vengeful serpents of malice and persecution have not confined their labors to the book, Early last spring, a thrust was made at the Editor of the Journal, on the authority it was said of Mr. Hackley, late a member from Herkimer, who (so Thompson said) had authorised him to tell the people, that Mr. Bunce was unworthy of confidence:—nay, to make use of a number of debasing epithets,—such as would quadrate with the palate of Roe or Thompson, much better than that of a gentleman like Mr. Hackley. But as this gentleman has declined appearing in the book, and certainly never did, and never would authorize Thompson to use his name for the vile purpose in which he employed it, I barely glance at this circumstance as one article, which would otherwise have been pressed into the Pandoras box which has been so industriously served up for the public.

Instead of atoning by a mild, moderate and conciliatory course of conduct, for the injuries attempted, not only against an individual, but the public, in endeavoring to put down and destroy a free press; the project is set on foot of introducing and palming upon the county another press;—a child of their own;—a copartner in all their labors, their joys and sorrows. It is however, one thing to introduce a press, and another to get the people to support it. While a few malicious imps, hungering for revenge, were "grinning horrible a ghastly smile, to hear their famine should be filled;" the people in a number of different towns assembled, and freely expressed their sentiments on the fatal tendency of such measures; and animadverted with freedom and spirit on the motives which prompted them;—for which the book printed by the printer of their paper, stigmatizes them with the epithet of miscreants; and treats the whole of their labors as mere cant and slang; I suppose it must mean compared with its own dignified and masterly pages. The majesty of the people is truly a monstrous Deity in the eye of venal and sell-created consequence. It is merely for repeating some of the sentiments expressed at these meetings, that the editor of the Journal is assailed as the arch-disturber of our political repose.

The Citizen, in one place storms furiously at the allegation, that the Albany committee had advised them to remove their press. That committee was appointed to inquire into the difficulties which agitated the republican family in this county, and devise if possible the means of removing them. Thompson as chief cook of his own party, appeared before them, with the book in his hand and Judge Child at his elbow as usual; and I do believe the citizen from my very soul, when he says they gave him no such advice. The committee were composed of sensible men; and after listening to his incoherent display of folly and nonsense on that occasion, it would be literally casting pearl before swine, to have given them any advice on the subject.

Having established and considered some extraneous facts, for which I am aware certain gentlemen will not thank me especially as it may disorder the thread of their own reasoning a little; I shall now proceed briefly to consider the charge of FRAUD, FALSEHOOD, DUPLICITY and CORRUPTION, as it appears in the book itself, on their own proof, independent of the foregoing memorandums, leaving the memory of Mr. Young's colleagues and others at full leisure to be refreshed by them.

That charge it will be recollected, is the turning point of the controversy;—the vox et preterea nihil, which boils, and foams, and wheels thro' the book, like a torrent thro' the Augean stable, collecting in its course accretions of foulness and impurity. For this purpose, Mr. Bunce and Mr. Palmer are represented as a political Archimedes, controlling at their will the destinies of the county;—dictating the number and sort and deliberations of the county delegates, prostrating the Speaker of the house of assembly; and dealing havoc, spoil and ruin around them. Mr. Cowen is represented as their associate, aiming at his own elevation thro' the lowest arts of cunning and duplicity. But fortunately for the cause of common sense, the touch-stone of these mighty maggots of the brain are the facts on which they are founded. And here let us for a moment take them as they stand among the certificate gentry, and examine their actual bearings;—in doing which I shall still have occasion to mention names, who, if they have finally not much cause for self gratulation, must thank their good friend the Citizen for bringing them before the public.

The Motts[9] say, that on or about the 21st of March, Mr. Cowen told them that Young was becoming unpopular;—that he had behaved haughtily and disrespectfully towards his colleagues; and that a few days before, he had been informed of this fact by several gentlemen to whom they were referred. Now it will be recollected that Mr. Cowen and John R. Mott were two of the delegates from Saratoga, and as such mutually bound to discuss with freedom the allegation for and against Mr Young, or any other person who would be a candidate before the general committee; and Mr. Cowen at this time at least, had no reason to doubt the truth of what Young's colleagues had asserted. He also mentioned it to James Mott, who was spoken of as a substitute in the event of his brother's absence. It seems he also conversed freely with these men on the subject of his having consented to be considered a candidate, and (so James Mott says) examined the probability of his success, by calculating the favorable state of the delegation. But it seems that communications to these leaky gentlemen on the subject of candidates are not to be made under any circumstances with impunity; and Mr. Cowen is to be censured as criminal for giving that information, which it would have been criminal to withhold. The only way to make his act in this respect criminal is by saying, "he ought to have known that Young's colleagues had lied." But it will be recollected that this was impossible, for the public did not know them then as well as it does now; nor had Mr. Cowen yet seen their certificate which is herewith published, by which they acknowledge what the book is so anxious for Mr. Cowen to have assumed. He did afterwards see it, and then (so say the certificates) bore public testimony to his opinion of the merits of Mr. Young, as well as afterwards by letter to judge Child.

Thus does the charge of duplicity, made against Mr. Cowen, resolve itself into a base attempt to fix upon him, what so snugly suits the shoulders of others. It seems he finally bestows that justice upon a political adversary, which the baseness and treachery of his colleagues and pretended friends had withheld. Am I acting the part of an accuser towards those men? No. They have accused themselves. Why are they again before the public? Had they hopes of skulking into obscurity among the motley multitude of certificates which throng the folio of the book? or have they like one of the moral personages in Hudibras, "catch'd the itch on purpose to be scratch'd?" It now requires an eye less keen than that of a ministering spirit to pierce the cob web veil which shields them from detection.

But in the process of this investigation, we are led to the consideration of a subject "too awful for irony." The interested certificates of these men are ushered to a Christian public, and a higher sanction demanded for them, by the author, than he is willing to allow to facts attested under the solemnity of an oath. One could hardly have anticipated this atheistical appeal to the credulity of the public, even tho' human nature were as vile and monstrous in others, as it appears to be in that author. But perhaps there was a necessity for it, in order to preserve the dark uniformity of his production. If, as has been asserted more than one of his prominent certifiers (among whom I would by no means rank these men) are themselves atheists, what could he swear them upon?—Upon the evangelists think you?—He might as well swear them on Payn's age of reason, or his own vile book itself. Where they "believe that their miserable bodies must take eternal refuge in the grave, and the last puff of their nostrils will send their souls to annihilation, they laugh at the solemnity of an oath and tell you that the grave into which they sink as a log, forms an intrenchment against the throne of God, and the vengeance of exasperated justice!" Such is the character which the writer fixes upon himself.—Such is the character which several of his disciples sustain in public.

True, the falsity of an extra-judicial oath, carries with it no temporal punishment; but the moral obligation remains to give it validity. That eternal reward or punishment which the Citizen has taken so much pains to blot out from the mind of his readers, will still continue the delight and terror of the Christian, the eternal fountain of his hopes and fears;—with him a sufficient motive to truth, without the artificial and imperfect aid of national law. The affidavits of four or five credible witnesses were already before the public, that Mr. Young's Colleagues did make a charge against him; but it seems that every moral sanction must be trampled upon or trifled with by the Citizen, to secure a triumph for his false and infidel principles. He skips, like a grasshopper, over facts and premises and propositions, and perches upon his pitiful assertions, which he wishes the public to pervert into conclusions. Why did he not give these affidavits lo the public?—He cannot surely complain that he forgot them, for they appear to haunt his guilty imagination through the whole of his progress; nor can he complain of wanting room. But the answer is easy. He knew it would make his bait so very bad that even his own gulls would not nibble.—

He was afraid of injuring his credit as an author even among his own sort—for these affidavits prove conclusively and indubitably, that not one jot nor tittle more was uttered against Mr. Young, than what emanated from his own colleagues, in the course of the winter of 1814 and 1815.

It is still more remarkable so far forth as the charge of fraud is concerned, with what logical precision the Citizen pursues his inquiry.—One is naturally led to expect from his positive rant, nothing short of point blank demonstration at least, that the fraud, (which if there was any originated with Mr. Young's colleagues) had produced the desired effect. That the attempt to cheat the people out of this mammoth legislator,—this sine qua non to their political salvation, should have at least produced some influence with the men upon whom it was exerted. Is there no lost and wandering sheep ready to return to the fold, and certify the delusions practised upon him by these wolves in sheeps clothing? Even Mr. Thompson, whose attention is apt to be otherwise directed, the moment he falls in conversation with Palmer and Bunce, scents out the fraud with all the instinctive keenness of a blood hound—Mr. Kasson on the same track, hardly the length of a nose behind, and unwilling to be outdone in sagacity, echoes the howlings of his leader. Judge Stillwell, tho' it seems the dullest of the pack, follows hard and completes the choir; or in other words Thompson and Kasson make a certificate that they were not deceived, and Stillwell endorses to give it a proper currency.

Even Mr. Roe lays claim to the same spirit of discernment, tho' his title to that claim might be questionable on another ground. He is readily led into a conclusion that Mr. Wilkins must have visited the Northern towns to procure Mr. Cowen's nomination; when it happens that the committees in those towns had been chosen before his name had been mentioned in them as a candidate, and before he had consented to be considered one. Mr. Roe had much better have satisfied himself by consulting the northern delegation on this subject. He is remarkably alert to detect a fraud where there is none, but is willing to take any thing upon tick which accommodates his good friend the Citizen. He certifies that he could not be deceived by the poor stories of Palmer and Bunce;—But believing the public to be greater numbsculls than himself, imagines that he can trick them into a belief, that the gentlemen who composed the northern delegation (among whom are many of the most respectable names in the county) are the mere creatures of another's will. It is perhaps fortunate that this man is an exception to the general law of nature, that like produces like, or he might have made tools of the whole county convention.

Who then was defrauded?—The Molts are by no means willing to admit that this was the case with them. The Citizen cannot produce even one poor certificate from any one of the county convention, that they were deceived or misled—neither Mr. Deake nor judge Child were of the committee, and if they had been, they are both so good as to tell us they were not gulled in that instance at least. John R. Mott, one of the delegation from the town of Saratoga, according to his own certificate had gone to New-York and sent Mr Olmstead who, with Mr. Cowen's consent (for it must have been by his consent that he acted as a substitute) sat in convention, and voted for Mr. Young. Thus ingeniously does the citizen rummage the chain of cause and effect, to eke out his favorite conclusion.

But stop, I confess I had like to have forgotten the certificate of Dr. Child (Increase W. Child) a son of judge Child, one of the most distinguished among the dramatis personæ who figure in the book!—He does go the length of saying, that he voted on the strength of Mr. Bunce's representation. Voted for whom? For Mr. Cowen? O no.—But he voted for a committee, who were to meet a committee, to make out the county nomination!—And shocking to relate, poor Dr. Child was galled into a vote for three of the most respectable men in the town of Milton!!—viz: Daniel Couch jun. Esq. Joel Keeler Esq. late a member of the legislature, and Thomas Palmer Esq!!!—It is derogatory to no man in that town, to say that a more respectable delegation could not have been procured. And what is more shameful still, one of those gentlemen, viz: Daniel Couch jun Esq. whom the Doctor had thus honestly sent to vote for Mr. Cowen, actually deceived his constituent, and voted for Mr. Young!!!!—Doctor Guild's certificate is very happily illustrated by the burlesque syllogism; that Moses was the meekest man:—Solomon was the wisest man;—And therefore St. Paul was ship wrecked. The conclusion of a fraudulent nomination, follows about as direct upon Dr. Child's premises, as the shipwreck of St. Paul did upon the meekness of Moses or the wisdom of Solomon. We should be almost led to suspect from this specimen, that the Doctor is a greater infant in politics, than in dissection.

This famous pamphleteer is by no means more fortunate, when he approaches the topic of the McBain meeting. The materials of which this meeting was composed are now known as far as the book, which has kindly given their names to the public. It consisted of one first judge. One Sheriff and one Clerk, appointed under the administration of Samuel Young Esq.—George Palmer Esq. Master in Chancery, As't. Justice, Justice of the peace, Post Master, &c, and whom the book holds out as the expectant of the Surrogates office—Roe deputy Sheriff and ci-devant constable—James Mutt—James Thompson Esq. who had kindly volunteered, as early as the 1st of April, to take the interests of the county under his charge as public prosecutor and States evidence—Alpheus Goodrich Esq. his partner—Doctor Nathan Thompson his brother—Mr Elias Benedict his client;—the one willing to receive, and the other to pay in certificates of the most current stamp—A justice or justices from Ballston, who knew their political God-father—Dr. Samuel Pitkin, who acted as minister plenipotentiary from Milton to Saratoga, making thirteen, who it is admitted, were from all the different towns enumerated in the caption of the meeting viz: Ballston, Stillwater, Galway, Saratoga, Greenfield and Milton. Add to these some others of minor note, and you make, as the Citizen would have it, the number of 21 or more. The Citizen too tells us he was there; but whether in the character of —— —— or —— we are left to grope in the gloom of conjecture.

Such was the formidable Areopagus convened to purify the body politic; to correct the poor misguided county convention;—and guard the people against being their own worst enemies; such was the assembly presented to the public as a numerous and respectable meeting from 6 towns out of 14 (judge Child and Dr. Thompson kindly representing the towns of Greenfield and Galway.)

No sooner had this numerous meeting assembled, than it was tho't necessary to divide them into the proper committees;—This being more genteel and parliamentary than to act in a body;—Accordingly Stillwell, Thompson and Palmer were created a committee to draw up the proceedings of the meeting; Child and Stillwell, a committee of Logic and Rhetoric, to call on absent friends and get them to consent that he should resign. Mott and Child acted as a committee of vigilance to pick up and report scraps of conversations and letters from Mr. Gowen after the meeting was over. Mott, Thompson, Kasson, Stillwell, Roe, &c acted as a committee to report to the county, the fraud which had deprived Mr Young of his undoubted right to go to the Legislature, whether the people were willing or not. Mr. Elias Benedict to draw up the proceedings of Mr. Wilkins and possibly to enforce the statute for the suppression of Vice and Immorality;—and committee of the whole to tell the county they had been there; and do away the strange reports which had gone abroad, that they were a little self-created body, without precedent, authority or premises, resembling what saucy people would call a faction.

All might yet have gone well, had not Stillwell been such a miserable slouch at telling a story. It appears that Stillwell and Palmer had written a history of the meeting for publication, in which Mr. Cowen tells the meeting, "that they must be responsible if they act without his absolute resignation." See p. 24 and 5. This presumptuous act throws the Citizen into a whirlwind of passion; and he falls a cursing like a very drab, at Palmer, Bunce and Cowen, apparently not believing that his friend Stillwell would ever have told so dangerous a truth. He calls it a farrago of nonsense, after having before asserted that Palmer as Secretary had nothing to do with it; that it belonged exclusively to the committee of publication; and then recollecting that Palmer and Stillwell were a majority of that committee, and consequently the proper authority, he takes another leap, and says, that the rough draft of the proceedings were given to James Thompson Esq for wham he claims the copy right.

Now altho' Thompson is unwilling to be outdone in telling a story, and tho' he had peaceable and quiet possession according to the book of the consciences of Stillwell and Child, instead of telling the public that Mr. Cowen had resigned, he says something which to be sure would look "like that," as the citizen says, upon the first impression; but which on being critically examined, contradicts the fact on the face of it. Even the compound of jargon and inconsistency drawn up by Thompson, and published in page 16 of the book, could not be tortured into an unconditional resignation. Mr. Cowen is there made to say, not that he resigned nomination;—But that for reasons there enumerated, "it was his personal wish to resign his own nomination &c. and he submitted to the decision of the meeting, the question whether it would be most expedient to act on his resignation which he now made (which must refer to the personal wish before expressed, for no other resignation is pretended) if the meeting should judge a postponement impracticable, or to postpone acting until he could have time to communicate to some of the particular friends of his nomination (beside those who were present at the meeting) his reasons for resigning, and procure their concurrence before hand &c."

Mr Cowen thus makes the concurrence of his friends before hand a condition precedent;—but the meeting disregard it—reject the condition, and gravely resolve to accept a resignation, which had not yet been tendered to them. Such is the rickety production which came straggling before the public in search of the Secretary, who had refused it the sanction of his name. In order to remedy this evil, and "throw it into form" as the citizen would say, his name gives place to that of Thompson and Stillwell, who it is agreed are larger men than the Secretary,[10] and must therefore carry greater weight. Even the certificate which follows, signed by nearly the whole of the meeting, after going on to say that Mr. Cowen openly and publicly resigned, immediately defeats itself by referring back to, and adopting the statement drawn up by Thompson as a candid, fair and faithful statement of facts;—and it is evident that such part of the certificate as overshoots the premises upon which it is professedly founded, must mean nothing more than to give a construction advocated by the Citizen, and which they esteem so necessary for their defence. The certificate of Peters, Stewart and How, shew the miserable shifts to which the Citizen and his friends were driven in order to bear themselves out in their conduct. They are perhaps excusable so long as they keep to the question of construction; but when they tax the zeal of their friends with certificates and declarations so far beyond what they themselves are willing to say—nay, which actually contradict the certificates and declarations that precede them, one is almost induced to overlook the difficulties of their defence, and to suspect the moral honesty—not of these men; but of those who have drawn them into this singular situation.

After all this round of certifying and reasoning, the shoe still continues to pinch, and the first Judge again appears before the public to help the defect. Altho' he signed Thompson's statement in which he is careful to make use of the language employed by it, and the epithet personal when he speaks of Mr. Cowen's language, yet when he afterwards hears of a distinction between personally and absolutely he seems almost struck dumb with astonishment, and says he had never heard of the distinction before. Now altho' the public will make all rational allowance for the judge's want of distinction where Mr. Thompson is concerned, yet I suspect they could hardly account for his present lack of apprehension, unless he took that statement upon tick, and signed without reading it.

Still despairing of any thing like a defence upon this ground, the Citizen at length, p. 24, dismisses his whole train of statements, certificates and letters, & undertakes very learnedly and elaborately to refine upon the distinction; and insists that if a man expresses his personal wish to resign, it is to all intents and purposes a resignation, and that no other was ever heard of; as if it was impossible to consult the opinions of others, and make a general resignation depend upon their consent. All that it seems necessary in that case, is for the McBain meeting to resolve to accept what they thus are pleased to call a resignation, and nominate another candidate. And this it seems accords with the sense of all the world on the subject, both federal and republican. Thus the world are at length after a lapse of ages, furnished with an easy recipe for a resignation—a sort of panacea to correct all the sores of the body politic and produce a "speedy composure of the public mind" "Tereatis Risum Amici;" and call no one a political quack playing off his whimsical nostrums upon the people, whose mental repose lies so near his heart. If the meeting are told that they shall be responsible if they act on a declaration thus limited, keep it out of view as much as possible, or say as the citizen does, p. 40, that it was only something like that or out of season, or some such thing. If a committee of three are chosen to publish the proceedings and two of them write a farrago of nonsense which puts the whole together by the ears, in order to decide the quarrel and "speedily compose the public mind," let them raffle upon the question, and to see that every thing is fair, appoint the First Judge to hold the hat. Ancient history tells us of more important controversies than this, decided in the same way;

  Old Hector was a wary chap,
  At pitch and chuck and hustle-cap,
  An old Scotch bonnet quickly takes,
  In which he three brass farthings shakes;
  Then turn'd his head without deceit,

  To shew them that he scorn'd to cheat;
  And cries aloud, here goes, my boy,
  'Tis heads for Greece and tails for Troy;
  Then turns the cap: great Troy prevails,
  Two farthings out of three were tails.

But it is time to lift the curtain, and attend more minutely to the chief jugglers who figure behind it. The Sheriff and others, who sign the McBain certificate, alledge that Mr. Cowen (according to their construction) not only resigned his nomination but did so without any previous request (as they perceived) It would seem from this, that these men were kept as a sort of puppets to dance in accordance with the wires which actuated them, from behind the scene; being thus, according to their own account, strangers to the pressing request made to Mr. Cowen, and the arguments by which it was enforced. They are excluded the main performance and reserved for the farce—probably for the wisest of reasons, as there are certain important parts which would be ruined in vulgar hands. It is time that these men should perceive, if they have not yet learned one important fact among others, which their famous masters, Thompson and Child, have thus hypocritically concealed throughout. For this purpose I give the following extract of a letter from Judge Child, written on the subject of that meeting, the day after it took place, dated at Greenfield, April 19, 1815:

"We accordingly met, and had a free candid and friendly consultation with Mr. Cowen; and when he came to hear the communication from Esquire Cowles, Ketchum and Gardner, on the subject of Mr. Young's conduct and usefulness in the Legislature;—and taking into consideration all the circumstances, he cheerfully declared that, in his judgement, it was best for him to resign being a candidate; and use his influence for the election of Mr. Young;—but that he really desired an opportunity of consulting those friends who had exerted themselves to procure his nomination, that were not present. It was stated to him that they lived or at least some of them, at such a distance, that it would be very difficult to give seasonable information to the county of his resignation in favor of Mr Young, should it be put bye till Thursday or Friday as he requested;—and that the same reasons[11] which convinced him that it would be proper for him to resign, would satisfy them on the subject. Mr. Cowen still tho't it would be the best way to proceed and the most gratifying to his feelings, to take time to consult his friends."

Thus you see Mr. Cowen was requested to resign, and the arguments in favor of that resignation founded upon the famous certificate, dated Albany, April 17, 1815, published Ante, page 4—a statement jesuitically calculated to shew that the zeal of his friends had, by perverting the conversation of Ketchum &c. aided in procuring his nomination. And when he expresses a desire to consult his friends; an answer is ready, emanating from the same false and deceptive source. Thus are the most shameful arts employed to destroy his confidence in those friends, and induce in him a reluctance under all the circumstances (as the first judge expresses it) against being a candidate—You thus see their rotten certificate made the foundation for the rise—progress and result of that meeting. Thus does the charge of DUPLICITY, FRAUD and FALSEHOOD recoil upon the heads of those arch-certifiers, or the men employed in obtaining and giving currency to their shameful communication.

It then in fact ceases to be a question what was said or done by that meeting, or any member of it. For according to every principle of reasoning, divine or human; if the whole was grounded on fraud, the whole was a nullity, and possessed no moral force. "If" says the book, "Mr. Cowen's nomination was procured by fraud, it cannot be called a nomination; and may be departed from with impunity." It turning out on investigation, that his nomination was a perfectly fair one, and his pretended resignation founded on the grossest duplicity;—whether it was conditional or absolute, whether it was personal or general, it is void, and unworthy the name of a resignation. Eternal justice disavows it; Political justice disowns it; and common sense condemns the perversion. The nomination of Mr. Young, by a meeting thus packed for the purpose, by a few of his friends, was not only void for that reason, but it had its origin in the same duplicity, and was therefore equally void with every thing founded upon it.

Were Young's colleagues correctly informed, as to the manner their conversations were spoken of? or were they deceived by Kasson and Thompson when they called for their certificates at Albany? If the latter, they had near one year before giving their second certificate, to correct the error. Why have they always shrunk from investigation? Why in their second certificate, contradict the first? Why after having near a year to prepare it, does their second certificate contradict itself? As they now stand, they present a more shocking caricature of folly and inconsistency, than ever figured before the public. They have burst the bands of political faith—They have melted the cement of affection, and driven to a returnless distance, the best and dearest of friends. No man knew what to say or think of what they said or certified—Individual ruin is threatened, and the destruction of a free press aimed at; while in the political atmosphere all is uproar, disorder and confusion.

  —Alas.—"That men,
  Clothed with a little brief authority,
  Should play such antic tricks before high heaven,
  As make the angels weep!"

With these men however I have now done—But let their Pander beware; let him pause and reflect, ere it be too late—"Already are the sluices of public indignation opened upon him—Already is he drifted along on the surface of the stream, the object of CONTAGION and ABOMINATION"—AN ELECTOR. MAY 1816.

* * * * *

NOTE: The public will duly appreciate the reasons for postponing the publication of the foregoing till after Election. The writer hopes he has avoided the example of the Citizen, by not descending to the retreats of private character.—Even the author of the book has not been named. The character given of that author, ante page 30 in note, is not intended to apply to any one named in that pamphlet.—Indeed I hope for the honor of human nature, that however strange and inconsistently some of these men have acted who have in that production given their names to the public, yet that none of them are so far gone as to prostitute themselves to the vile purpose of writing such a work as that in which their names are interlarded.

NOTES

[1] Several hundred of these certificates were a day or two after the McBain Meeting, struck off at the FEDERAL Printing' Office in this Village, and circulated thro' the County during the election.

[2] It will be recollected that the writer of this letter is the famous conversation-monger, who together with his brother James Mott, are made the instruments of proving duplicity in Mr. Cowen. John R. Mott pretends that as early as the 1st of March, Mr. Cowen told him that Palmer and Bunce were opposed to Young, &c and yet on the 6th day of April following, he very gravely informs Mr. Cowen by letter, of the very facts which he says Mr. Cowen had told him before. This is the man too who tells so much about private conversation, and Mr. Cowen's hesitating to tell him names; and enjoining him to secresy, and who so very spunkily says that he called Gen. Dunning "a fool." Mr. Cowen must, I think, feel himself greatly indebted to these brother certifiers for their honor and patriotism. This too is the man, who sometime before wrote a fawning letter, asking Mr. Cowen to give him an office (Assistant Assessor of the U.S.) which he had at his disposal; to which Mr. Cowen readily acceded, and afterwards on another written request, conferred the same office on his brother certifier James Mott. [The inhabitants of Halfmoon, will furnish ample credentials, for their extraordinary attention and correctness in the execution of their offices, One of these men shortly before the election was appointed deputy to the Sheriff: He suddenly veers about and becomes a convert to court doctrine, and evinces his zeal in the new cause he had espoused, by his anathemas against his former friends.] These brothers in blood, in politics and in virtue, generously avail themselves of the advantages afforded them by official intercourse with Mr. Cowen on business, and then patriotically tender the fruits of their rotten-hearted labor to "the citizen" and his friends as proofs of duplicity.

[3] This was on the first day of the Polls—but it seems by Mr. Bennet's certificate, that as soon as the election was over, Thompson flung off the mask, and exhibited his cloven foot without reserve.

[4] Altho' it is a fact well known that this meeting was projected by, and the canting pretences which bro't it together and sent forth the strange account which it gives of itself, originated with two or three "demagogues," yet it is a subject of real regret that a few honest men have suffered themselves to be duped by their shameful artifices. It commenced with Mr. Thompson of Milton, who during the summer past has been very industrious in serving up and peddling little doses of slander against Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Bunce, and others. This man has been a real political scold, ever since he found himself capable of throwing a little confusion into the ranks of the county; He is the first male Xantippe who has reduced the doctrine of scolding to a system, and certified it in a book. Of such characters there is little hopes:

"Destroy his web and sophistry in vain, The creature's at his dirty work again."

[5] Altho' no man more sincerely rejoices in the charitable donations of the people of Saratoga, for the relief of our brethren at Sacket's Harbor, than the writer of these remarks, yet he cannot avoid joining in the general disgust at the vanity of Judge Child, in trying to elicit public applause for himself. The judge cannot bear to hide his charming light under a bushel. Instead of not suffering one hand to know what the other is doing, he is not content with its being published in a book, but advertises his charity in a newspaper as a man would one of his stray cattle. From his liberal conduct to the Editor of the Journal and others, he is perhaps excusable in calling his charity about him as soon as possible, even if he offers a considerable reward for it in the next advertisement which he puts into his darling paper.

[6] By a new species of logic adopted by the author of the Book, a man is accounted honorable and virtuous by the square foot of carcase. Ergo, "a little man" in stature, comprehends all that is hypocritical and wicked. The great man, James Merrill, who is the subject of this note, by the above rule is of course, the most honorable, best informed and religious man of the whole group, who embellish the fair pages of that "book." It is proper that the public should know a little of his debut and denoument as a political character.

His first notorious feat was performed in his first and last appearance as a member of assembly, where his colleague by a friendly rap on the knuckle convinced him that he was endeavoring to read off a federal vote for a council of appointment, which a federal member had assured him was more legible than the one prepared for him.

The second time as a quid of the Burr stamp, and willing to spend 500 dollars rather than the republican candidate should succeed.

The third time in a new character; with his name blazoned in large capitals in recommendation of S. Van Rensselaer for governor, in opposition to Daniel D. Tompkins in 1813.

The fourth time in 1815, as the sub agent and director of the McBain meeting; still ready with 100 dollars, to divide the ticket with the federalists rather than the regular nomination should succeed and Mr. Young not be elected; swearing he had not before taken hold since his friend Burr went down.

On the first day of election he is a flaming democrat.

On the second day, at the opening of the polls, he makes public proclamation "for all those who did not intend to vote for Mr Young to come forward and state their reasons, and they should be heard; and that now he had no objections that three federalists should be elected."

On the third day of the election, "it depended on a word, and the types of the republican printer would be scattered." A true sample of "the mild spirit of Christian humility" Vid. book.

[7] _This circumstance would not have been mentioned had not the CITIZEN boasted of the same office confering great honor on one of his disciples_.

[8] In treating of the productions of an author, it is customary to give some account of his character, pursuits, &c. &c. This is usually done by way of introduction or appendix. I beg leave in this instance to deviate from the regular method, and present him in the more appropriate station of a Nota Bene.

The author of that pamphlet is a lawyer in practice and a moralist by profession; by the former, he has acquired great booty; by the latter a —— and what is peculiar to himself (and all 'peculiar' men have their peculiarities) he never suffers his profession to interfere with his practice; and yet in money concerns, he has been known to handle both, with great adroitness. In his practice his fellow townsmen are "pine plains men," in his profession "a contemptible rabble;" and truly so, for the former tell him "the farm you live on was once the soil of a revolutionary soldier." This is truly saucey, for he acquired it by his practice. The latter tell him, "you sued us for small sums due the estate of a relative; you made us ten times more costs than the demands—you took advantage of a then existing law, to oppress us; you feasted on our misfortunes, and rioted on our distresses; till an ugly law extended relief to the 'rabble'."

One of these men living in an adjoining town, tells him, "I once owned two farms; I own no farms now—They are swallowed up in 'morality.'" It is not yet ascertained, whether his rate of 40 per cent interest, is regulated by his practice or his profession. It certainly cannot be, as has been supposed, in proportion to the wants of the distressed. I am inclined to think his morality often runs ahead of his practice, in this case.

A good reputation is not common to all men. Our author has practically demonstrated the truth of this position, and conclusively shewn, that the needy have an absolute right to filch a supply from their neighbor; and has exhibited such powerful proofs in support of his claims, that he has actually obtained more than a quantum sufficit, and conferred the surplus on some of his needy friends.

The misfortunes of his neighbor, forms the chief round in his ladder to eminence; it rests on the sanctuary of domestic afflictions, and is supported by the tears of the widow and the orphan. Lo! Avarice claims him for her own—Billingsgate yields her choicest flowers—Envy entwines the glowing wreath—and malice triumphantly crowns him "lord of the ascendant."

[9] The certificates of these men interlard several points of conversation as minute as the souls which gave operation to their memory; and which appear to be designed to answer no other purpose, than to shew the extraordinary strength and accuracy of intellect by which they are characterized. Their fixed attention to such matters may serve as some excuse for the manner in which they executed their offices of U.S. assessors. But I have had occasion to note these gentlemen once before.

[10] The Citizen is perhaps correct when he calls Mr. Palmer a little man, and Judges of his own favorites by the quantity of matter instead of mind;—Like the Italian Farmer in estimating the qualities of a grave animal no less famous for strength and dullness than for the length of his ears.

[11] It seems that an effort was afterwards made to convince their friends, by publishing several hundreds of the famous communication from Young's colleagues, notwithstanding an express stipulation to the contrary.