CHAPTER VII.

When the French admiral was clear of them, he lay as near the wind as possible and ran to seaward after the rest, while we followed the enemy to leeward. Then seeing us alone and in chase, they put about, which we did likewise to keep the wind of them, and in this situation we sailed within base shot of them, but they shot not at us, because we had the weather gage and they could not therefore harm us. We continued in this course till night, when we lost sight of them. All the rest of our ships made to seawards with all the sail they could carry; and, as they confessed themselves afterwards, they gave us their prayers, and no other help had we at their hands.

Next day, the 28th, we rejoined our own consort and pinnace, and two of the French ships, but the third, which was a ship of 80 tons belonging to Rouen, had fled. I took my skiff and went to them to know why they, had deserted me. John Kire said his ship would neither rear nor stear[267]. John Davis said the pinnace had broke her rudder, so that she could sail no farther, and had been taken in tow by the Hart. I found the French admiral to be a man of resolution, but half his crew was sick or dead. The other Frenchman said his ship could bear no sail, and 16 of his men were sick or dead, so that he could do nothing. After this the French ships durst not come to anchor for fear of the Portuguese.

The 29th, on finding our pinnace incapable of farther use, we took out her four bases, anchor, and every thing of value, and set her on fire, after which we ran along the coast. On the 3d February we anchored about 4 leagues from a town, which we saluted with two guns, on which the chief came to the shore, to whom I sent Thomas Rippon who knew him. After some conference, the chief came off to me; as it was become late, he did not enter into bargain for any price, but exchanged pledges and, returned on shore. Next day I went on shore, and though some French ships had been there and spoiled the market, I took 5-1/2 oz. of gold. The 5th I took 8-1/2 oz. but could perceive that the negroes thought the French cloth better and broader than ours; wherefore I told Captain Blundel that I would go to leeward, as where he was I should do no good. The 6th there came an Almadie or canoe to us with some negroes, inviting me to their town, where they had plenty of gold and many merchants. I did so, but could do no good that night, as the merchants were not come from the interior. On the 7th our negro George came to us, having followed us at least 30 leagues in a small canoe, and soon after his arrival we settled the terms of dealing with the natives. George had been left in Shamma at the time of the fight, which he saw from the shore, and told us that the Portuguese had gone afterwards into that river, when they said that two of their men had been slain by a shot, which was from our ship. This day I took 5 libs. 1-1/4 oz. of gold; the 8th 19 libs. 3-1/2 oz.; the 9th 2 libs. 6-1/2 oz.; the 10th 3 libs. The 11th. Jerome Baudet, the French vice-admiral, came to us in his pinnace, saying that they could do no good where they were, and that he meant to go to the eastwards: But we told him this could not be allowed, and desired him to return to his comrades, which he refused; till we shot three or four pieces at his pinnace; on which his ship put about and ran out to sea followed by the pinnace. This day I took 1 lib. 5 oz.

The 12th one of the French pinnaces came with cloth, but we would not allow them to trade, and made them remain all day close to our ship. This day we took 5 lib. 6-1/2 oz. The 17th we went to another town, where we understood that three of the Portuguese ships were at the castle, and the other two at Shamma. Though the Portuguese were so near that they might have been with us in three hours, we yet resolved to remain and make sales if we could. The chief of this town was absent at the principal town of the district visiting the king, but came soon back with a weight and measure. The 18th some of the kings servants came to us, and we took 1 lib. 2-1/8 oz. of gold. The 19th we took 5 libs. 1 oz. the 20th 1 lib. 4 oz; the 21st 4 libs. 1 oz; the 22d 3-1/2 oz.

Having sent one of our merchants with a present to the king, he returned on the 23d, saying that he had been received in a friendly manner by Abaan, who had little gold but promised if we would stay that he would send all over his country in search of gold for us, and desired our people to request our king to send men to his country to build a fort, and to bring tailors with them to make them apparel, and to send good wares and we should be sure to sell them; but that the French had for the present filled the market with cloth. This town where the king Abaan resides, is about 4 leagues up the country, and in the opinion of our people who were there is as large in circumference as London, though all built like those we had already seen. Around the town there was great abundance of the wheat of the country, insomuch that on one side of it they saw 1000 ricks of wheat and of another sort of grain called mill or millet, which is much used in Spain. All round this town there is kept a good nightly watch, and across all the roads or paths they have cords stretched and connected with certain bells; so that if any one touch the cords the bells, immediately ring to alarm the watchmen, on which they run out to see what is the matter. In case of any enemies, they have nets suspended over the paths ready to let fall and entangle them. It is impossible to get to the town except by the regular paths, as it is every where environed with trees and thick underwood; besides which the town is surrounded by a fence of sedge bound with thick ropes made of the bark of trees[268].

As in this country it is necessary to travel in the night to avoid the heat of the day, our men came to the town about five in the morning. About nine the king sent for them, as no one must go to him unless sent for, and they proposed carrying their present, but were told they must be brought before him three times, before their gift could be offered. They then waited upon him and were graciously received. And having been sent for three several times, they carried their present the last time, which was thankfully accepted; and calling for a pot of Palm wine, the king made them drink. Before drinking they use the following ceremonies: On bringing out the pot of wine, a hole is made in the ground into which a small quantity of the wine is poured, after which the hole is filled up, and the pot set on the place. Then with a small cup made of a gourd shell, they take out a little of the wine, which is poured on the ground in three several places. They set up likewise some branches of the Palm tree in different parts of the ground, where they shed some of the wine, doing reverence to the palms. All these ceremonies being gone through, the king took a gold cup full of wine which he drank off, all the people calling out Abaan! Abaan! together with certain words, as is usual in Flanders on twelfth night, the king drinks. When he had drank, then the wine was served round to every one, and the king allowed them to depart. Then every one bowed three times, waving his hands, and so departed. The king has usually sitting beside him, eight or ten old men with grey beards.

On the 23d we took 1 lib. 10 oz. of gold; the 24th 3 lib. 7 oz.; the 25th 3-1/4 oz.; the 26th 2 libs. 10 oz.; the 27th 2 libs. 5 oz.; the 28th 4 libs. Then seeing that there was no more gold to be had, we weighed anchor and continued along the coast. The 1st of March we came to a town called Moure, where we found neither boats nor people; but when about to depart there came some people to us in two canoes from another town, from whom we took 2-1/2 oz. of gold, and who told us that the inhabitants had removed from Mowre to Lagoua.[269]. The 2d we were abreast the castle of Mina, where we saw all the five Portuguese ships at anchor, and by night we were off Shamma or Chama, where we meant to water. But next day we saw a tall ship of about 200 tons to windward within two leagues, and then two more astern of her, one a ship of 500 tons or more and the other a pinnace. Upon this we weighed anchor, and made a shirt to stand out to sea, the wind being S.S.W., but the Hart fell three leagues to leeward of us. These ships chased us from 9 A.M. till 5 P.M. but could not make up with us. At night, when we joined the Hart, on asking why she fell to leeward, they pretended that they durst not make sail to windward, lest they had carried away their fore-top-mast. Having been thus obliged to abandon our watering-place, we were under the necessity of boiling our meat-in sea-water, and to reduce our allowance of drink to make it hold out, as we now shaped our course homewards.

On the 16th of March we fell in with the land, which I judged to be Cape Misurado, about which there is much high land. The 18th we lost sight of the Hart, and I think the master wilfully went in shore on purpose to lose us, being offended that I had reproved him for his folly when chased by the Portuguese. The 27th we fell in with two small islands about 6 leagues off Cape Sierra Leona; and before we saw them we reckoned ourselves at least 30 or 40 leagues from them. Therefore all who sail this way must allow for the current which sets N.N.W. or they will be much deceived. The 14th April we met two large Portuguese ships, which we supposed were bound to Calicut. The 23d we saw a French ship of 90 tons to windward of us, which came down upon us as if to lay us on board, sending up some of his men in armour into the tops, and calling out to us to strike. Upon this we saluted him with some cross-bars, chain-shot, and arrows, so thick that we made their upper works fly about their ears, and tore his ship so miserably, that he fell astern and made sail. Our trumpeter was a Frenchman, at this time ill in bed; yet he blew his trumpet till he could sound no more, and so died. The 29th we arrived at Plymouth, and gave thanks to God for our safety.

On the 30th of January of the above year, we set sail from Plymouth with three ships and a pinnace, bound by the grace of God for the Canaries and the coast of Guinea. Our ships were the Minion, admiral; the Christopher, vice-admiral; the Tiger, and a pinnace called the Unicorn. Next day we fell in with two hulks[271] of Dantziek, one called the Rose of 400 tons, and the other the Unicorn of 150, both laden at Bourdeaux, mostly with wine. We caused them to hoist out their boats and come on board, when we examined them separately as to what goods they had on board belonging to Frenchmen[272]. At first they denied having any; but by their contradictory stories, we suspected the falsehood of their charter parties, and ordered them to produce their bills of lading. They denied having any, but we sent certain persons to the place where they were hid, and thus confronted their falsehood. At length they confessed that there were 32 tons and a hogshead of wine in the Unicorn belonging to a Frenchman, and 128 tons in the Rose belonging to the, same person; but insisted that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburgh, and consigned to Henry Summer of Campvere. After a long consultation, considering that to capture or detain them might lose our voyage, already too late, we agreed that each of our ships should take out as much as they could stow for necessaries, and that we should consider next morning what was farther to be done. We accordingly took out many tuns of wine, some aquavitae, cordage, rosin, and other things, giving them the rest of the Frenchmans wines to pay for what we had taken of their own, and took a certificate under their hands of the quantity of French goods they had confessed to, and then allowed them to continue their voyage.

The 10th January we had sight of the grand Canary, and on the 12th we anchored in the road, a league from the town, where we were well received. We went to the town with two English merchants who resided there, and remained that day at their house. The second day following we returned on board to get our pinnace repaired, which had broken her rudder, and to deliver our merchandize. The 14th there came nineteen sail of Spanish ships into the road, bound for the West Indies, six of them being of 400 or 500 tons each, and the rest of 200, 150, and 100 tons. On coming to anchor they saluted us, which we returned. The Spanish admiral, who was a knight, sent a boat for me, and received me in a friendly manner, desiring to learn the news of England and Flanders. After partaking of a banquet, I departed; and when I was in the boat, he desired my interpreter to say that he expected I should strike my flag to him, as general of the Emperors fleet. When I was come on board my own ship this was told me by the interpreter, and as I refused compliance and continued to display my ensign, some Spanish soldiers began to discharge their arquebusses at us. At this time some Spanish gentlemen came on board to see our ship, to whom I said that if they did not order their men to cease firing, I would fire my cannon through their ships. They accordingly went away and made their soldiers give over firing, and coming back said that they had punished their men. I then shewed them our ship, and gave them such cheer as I had, which they were well pleased with. Next day they sent for me to dine with them, saying their general was sorry any one should have desired me to strike my flag, which had been done without his orders.

The 17th we set sail, and got sight of the coast of Africa, and running along shore came off Rio del Oro which is almost under the tropic of Cancer. The 25th we got sight of the land in the bay to the north of Cape Verd[273]. The 26th taking our interpreter Francisco and Francis Castelin along with me in the pinnace, I went to the Tiger, which was nearer shore than the other ships. With her and the other ships we ran W. by S. and W.S.W, till about 4 o'clock, P.M. when we were close on board the cape. Then going about 4 leagues beyond the cape S.W. we found a fair island, and beside that two or three islands of high rocks, full of various kinds of sea fowl and pigeons, with other kinds of land birds, and so numerous that the whole island was covered with their dung, and as white as if the whole had been covered by chalk. Within these islands was a fine bay; and close by the rocks we had 18 fathoms and good ground[274]. The 27th, as no negroes came to us, we went along shore in the pinnace, and going beyond the point of the bay (Cape Emanuel) we found a fair island (Goree) with a goodly bay, and saw some negroes on the main who waved us on shore. Going a-land, they told us that they had elephants teeth, musk[275], and hides for traffic; but as the captain of the Christopher was not willing to stop, we went on board and made sail, On inquiry, some of the negroes said there had been no ships there for 8 months, others said six, and some only four, and that they were French ships.

The 10th of March we fell in with the coast of Guinea, 5 leagues east of Cape Monte, beside a river called Rio das Palmas. At this place I got 19 elephants teeth, and 2 1/2oz. of gold. The 13th we came to Rio Sestro, and next day sent our boats for water, and delivered such wares to the Christopher and Tiger as they needed. The 15th we sent the Tiger to another river for water, and to try what she could do for grains. We here learnt that three French ships had been at this river two months before, two six weeks ago, and one only a fortnight past, all of which had gone eastwards to the Mina. Getting few grains, and many of our men falling sick at this unwholesome place, and considering that the French ships were before us, we left the Rio Sestro on the 19th, and made all sail for the Mina[276]. The 21st we came to Rio de Potos, where our boats went for water, and where I got 12 small elephants teeth. The 31st we came to Hanta, where I sold some Manillios.

On the 1st of April we had sight of 5 Portuguese ships, on which we stood out to sea to gain the wind of them, which we had done if the wind had kept its ordinary course at S.W. and W.S.W. but this day it kept with a flow always at E. and E.S.E. so that they had the wind of us and chased us to leeward till near night, when all but one that sailed badly were within shot of us. It then fell calm, and the wind came round to S.W. at which time the Christopher was about 4 leagues to leeward of us. We tacked in the Minion, and gained the wind of the Portuguese admiral and other three of his ships; when he cast about and fired at us, which we returned, shooting him four or five times through. Several of their shots went through our sails, but none of our men were hurt. The Christopher was still to leeward, though the Tiger and the pinnace had joined us; but as it was night we did not think it adviseable to lay him on board; wherefore, after firing two hours or more, we three stood out to sea, and fired a gun to give notice to the Christopher. We joined the Christopher on the 2d, which had exchanged shots with the Portuguese the night before about midnight, and we agreed to seek the Portuguese, keeping however to windward of the place where we meant to trade. We accordingly ran all day on the 3d to the S.W. in search of the Portuguese ships, but could not see them, and stood towards the shore at night. When we made the shore on the 4th, we found ourselves off Lagua, 30 leagues to the eastwards of our reckoning, owing to the currents setting east. Going on shore with our negro interpreter, we learned that there were four French ships on the coast: One at Perinnen, 6 leagues west of Lagua; one at Weamba[277], 4 leagues east of Lagua; a third at Perecow[278], 4 leagues east of Weamba; and the fourth at Egrand[279], 4 leagues east of Perecow. We accordingly proceeded toward Weamba, where we saw one of the French ships under sail to which we gave chase; and lest we should over-shoot her in the night, the Minion was brought to anchor, and the Tiger and Christopher followed the chase all night.

The 5th we found three French ships at anchor: One called La Foi of Harfleur of 200 tons, the second the Venturuse of Harfleur of 100, and third the Mulet de Batville of Rouen of 120 tons. On nearing them, we in the Minion were determined to lay the admiral on board, while the Christopher boarded the vice-admiral, and the Tiger the smallest. But they weighed and got under sail, on which the Christopher, being our headmost ship, bore down on La Foi, and we in the Minion on the Mulet, which we took; but the Venturuse sailed so swift that we could not take her. The one we took was the richest except the admiral, which had taken 80 libs, of gold, the Venturuse having only 22 libs.; while our prise had 50. They had been above two months on the coast; but three others had been there before them, and had departed a month before our arrival, having swept the coast of 700 pounds of gold. Having continued the chase all that day and night, and the next day till 3 P.M. and being unable to get up with them, we were afraid of falling too far to leewards, and made sail back to the shore. On the 7th, I convened the captains masters and merchants of all our three ships, when we weighed the gold taken in the prize, being 50 libs. 5 oz., after which we put men out of all our ships into the prize to keep her. On the 12th, on coming to Egrand, having taken all the goods out of the prize, we offered to sell the ship to the Frenchmen; but she was so leaky that they would not have her, and begged us to save their lives by taking them into our ships. So we agreed to take out all the victuals and sink the ship, dividing the men among us.

On the 15th, it was proposed to proceed to Benin, but most of our people refused; wherefore it was agreed to remain as long as we could on the coast of Mina, leaving the Minion at Egrand, sending the Tiger to Perecow 4 leagues, west, and the Christopher to Weamba 10 leagues west, with directions in case of seeing any force they were unable to cope with, to come to leewards to us in the Minion at Egrand. We remained here till the last of April, by which time many of our men fell sick and six of them died, and we could only trade with the natives three or four days of the week, as on the other days they could not come off to us. The 3d May, as the pinnace had not come to us with cloth from the other ships, as promised, we sold French cloth, giving only three yards for every fuffe. The 5th the negroes left us, saying they would be back in four days. The 8th all our own cloth being sold, I called the people together, to ask them whether they chose to remain till the prize cloth was all sold. They answered, that as several of our men were dead, and twenty now sick, they would not tarry, but desired that we should repair to the other two ships. On the 10th we accordingly sailed in quest of the other ships, meaning to try what we could do at Don Johns town. The 11th we joined the Christopher, which had done little. The 13th the Tiger was sent down to Egrand, as we found no trade worth while at Perinnen. The 14th the pinnace was sent with cloth to Weamba, where she had before got 10 libs. of gold.

The 21st we anchored before Don Johns town; and on the 22d we manned our boats and went close in shore, but the negroes would not come to us. The 24th our pinnace came to us from Cormantine, where they had taken 2 libs. 5 oz. of gold. The 25th the master of the Christopher sent his boat on shore at Mowre for ballast, when the negroes attempted to drive them off with stones; but our men slew and hurt several of them, then burnt their town and stove all their canoes. The 27th we went to Cormantine, where we were joined next day by the Christopher. The 2d June the Tiger came to us from Egrand and the pinnace from Weamba, the two having procured 50 libs. of gold. The 4th we made sail and plied to windward for Chama, not being able to remain longer for want of victuals, and especially as our drink ran short. The 7th we saw five Portuguese ships at anchor beside the castle. The 8th George and Binny came off to us, and brought about 2 libs. of gold. The 21st we put 25 Frenchmen into our pinnace with such victuals as we could spare, and sent them away. The 25th we put to sea on our homeward voyage. The 30th we fell in again with the land, 18 leagues to leeward of the place whence we had taken our departure, having been deceived by the current which sets continually towards the east. The 7th July we fell in with the island of San Thome [280], where we wished to come to anchor; but the wind coming about we again made sail. From that time till the 13th we were tossed about by baffling winds, and that day fell in again with San Thome.

This is a very high island, and being on the west side of it, we had sight of a very high small and upright peak, like the steeple of a church, which peak is directly under the equator, and to the westward of the south end of the island there is a small islet about a mile from the larger one. The 3d of August we set sail from San Thome with the wind at S.W. The 22d we fell in with the island of Salt, one of the Cape Verds; and being told by a Scotsman whom we had taken among the French on the coast of Guinea, that there were fresh provisions to be had at this place, we came to anchor. The 24th we went on shore, where we found no houses, and only saw four men who would not come near us. We found plenty of goats, but so wild that we could only take three or four of them; but we got plenty of fish, and great quantities of sea-fowl on a small isle close to the larger one. At night the Christopher broke her cable and lost an anchor, so that we were all obliged to weigh and put to sea. On this occasion the Scotsman was left on shore, by what means we could not tell, unless that he had been found asleep by the inhabitants and carried off-prisoner.

The 25th the master of the Tiger came on board, and reported his ship to be in so leaky a condition and his men so weak, that he was unable to keep her afloat, and requested therefore that we would return to the island to take every thing out of her, that she might be abandoned: This day on mustering the companies of all the three ships, we had not above 30 sound men altogether[281]. The 25th we had sight of St Nicholas, and the day following of St Lucia, St Vincent, and St Anthony, four of the Cape Verd islands, which range with each other from N.W. by W. to S. E by E. The 26th we were unable to weather the Cape of St Anthony, and this day Philip Jones the master of the Christopher came on board and reported that they were not able to keep the Tiger from sinking as she was so leaky, and the master and crew were very weak. The 3d September I went on board the Tiger, accompanied by the masters and merchants to survey her, and we found her in a very leaky condition with only six men fit for duty, one of whom was master gunner. It was agreed accordingly to take all the men into the other ships, with all the goods we could save, and then to abandon her. We began discharging her on the 5th, and having taken out her guns, victuals, gold, and every thing we could by the 8th, we set her adrift in lat. 25° N.

On the 6th October, the ships companies both of the Minion and Christopher being very weak, so as to be scarce able to keep the sea, we agreed to make for Vigo, which is frequented by many English ships; but having a fair wind for England on the 10th, we fired two shots to give notice to the Christopher of our intention, and immediately shaped our course homewards. She followed us, and we carried a light to direct her way; but it was so thick next morning that we could not see her, and as she was not seen all that day we concluded she had either shot ahead of us in the night or had bore up for Spain, for which reason we hoisted our top-sails and continued our course, being then 120 leagues from England and 45 leagues N.W. by W. from Cape Finister, having then only six mariners and six merchants in health. The 16th we had a great storm at W.S.W. by W. which came on about 6 P.M. and our men being very weak and unable to hand our sails, we that night lost our mainsail, foresail, and spritsail, and were obliged to lie hulling till the 18th, when we got up an old foresail; and finding ourselves now in the Channel, we bore up for the coast of England. In less than two hours the old foresail was blown from the yard by a spurt of wind, and we were again forced to lie to till the morning of the 19th, when we got up an old bonnet, or topsail, on the fore-yard, which by the blessing of God brought us to the Isle of Wight in the afternoon of the 20th.

Commodities most in request in Guinea, between Sierra Leone and the farthest extremity of the Mine or Gold Coast[282].

   MANILS of brass, and some of lead.
   Basins of various sorts, but chiefly of latten.
   Pots holding a quart or more, of coarse tin.
   Some wedges of iron.
   Margarites, and other low priced beads.
   Some blue coral.
   Some horse nails.
   Linen cloth, principally.
   Basins of Flanders.
   Some low priced red cloth, and kersies.
   Dutch kettles with brass handles.
   Some large engraved brass basins, like those usually set upon.
   their cupboards in Flanders.
   Some large pewter basins and ewers, graven.
   Some lavers for holding water.
   Large low priced knives.
   Slight Flemish caskets.
   Low priced Rouen chests, or any other chests.
   Large pins.
   Coarse French coverlets.
   Good store of packing sheets.

Swords, daggers, prize-mantles and gowns, cloaks, hats, red cans, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of iron, slight bells, low priced gloves, leather bags, and any other trifling articles you will.

In 1561, a voyage was projected to Guinea by Sir William Gerard, knight, in conjunction with Messrs William Hunter, Benjamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Only one ship, the Minion, was to have gone, and seems to have been intended to assist and bring home the Primrose and Flower de Luce, then on the coast. The command of the Minion was to have been given to John Lok, probably the same person who made the Guinea voyage in 1554, already inserted. The adventurers sent the following articles of instruction to Mr Lok, dated 8th September 1561. But Lok declined undertaking the voyage for the following reasons, dated Bristol, 11th December 1561. 1. The Minion was so spent and rotten, as to be incapable of being put into a fit and safe condition for the voyage. 2. The season was too far gone to perform the voyage in safety. 3. He understood that four large Portuguese ships were in readiness to intercept him. 4. It was quite uncertain that he should meet the Primrose, which would have completed her voyage before he could get to the coast, or would have been obliged to quit the coast by that time for want of provisions. It will be seen in the succeeding section, that the Minion actually proceeded on her voyage; on the 25th February 1562, and the unsuccessful events of that voyage fully justify the refusal of Lok.

When God shall bring you upon the coast of Guinea, you are to make yourself acquainted, as you proceed along the coast, with all its rivers, havens and harbours or roadsteads, making a plat or chart of the same, in which you are to insert every place that you think material, all in their true elevations. You will also diligently inquire what are the commodities to be procured it the several places you visit, and what wares are best calculated for their markets.

As it is believed that a fort on the coast of Mina or the Gold Coast of Guinea, in the King of Habaan's country, might be extremely useful, you are especially desired to consider where such a fort could be best placed, in which you will carefully note the following circumstances.

1. That the situation be adjoining to the sea on one side, so that ships and boats may conveniently load and unload--2. What is the nature of the soil in its neighbourhood?--3. What wood or timber may be had, and in what manner it may be carried?--4. What victuals are to be procured in the country, and what kinds of our victuals are best calculated for keeping there?--5. The place must be strong by nature, or capable of being made strong at small expence, and of being afterwards defended by a small number of men.--6. How water is to be procured, if none is to be had on the ground where the fort is to stand, or at least near it?--7. What help may be expected from the natives, either in building the fort, or in defending it afterwards?

You are to sound the King of Habaan at a distance as to the erection of a fort in his country, taking notice how he relishes the proposal; yet you will so manage your communication with him that he may not understand your meaning, although there may seem good cause for its erection.

You will search the country as far as you can, both along the coast and into the interior. You will likewise use your endeavours to learn what became of the merchants who were left at Benin. In all other important matters worthy of notice, we have no doubt that you will diligently inquire and report to us, which we leave to your good discretion. We also request, that you will aid and assist our factors on all occasions, both with your advice and otherwise; and thus God send you safely to return.

This relation is said by Hakluyt to have been written by one William Rutter, to his master Anthony Hickman, being an account of a voyage to Guinea in 1562, fitted out by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Three of these are named in the preceding section as adventurers in the voyage proposed to have gone under John Lok, and two of those former adventurers are here omitted, while two others seem now to have supplied their places, yet it appears to have been the same adventure, as the Minion was the ship employed, notwithstanding the unfavourable report made of her by Lok. But it would appear that the Primrose was likewise of this voyage, as this relation is contained in a letter from Rutter to his master, dated on board the Primrose, 16th of August 1563.--E.

Worshipful Sir,--My duty remembered, this shall serve to inform you of our voyage, since our departure from Dartmouth on the 25th February 1562, of which I then gave you notice. Having prosperous wind, we arrived at Cape Verd on the 20th of March, whence we sailed along the coast, to our first appointed port at Rio de Sestos, where we arrived on the morning of the 3d April. We here saw a French ship, which immediately made sail to leeward, and we came to anchor in the road. While we merchants were on shore engaged in traffic, the French ship returned and hailed [saluted] our ship with his ordnance. We were informed by the negroes that the Frenchman had been trading there for three days before our arrival, and we concluded, if he sent his boat on shore again for trade, that we would not suffer him till we had conferred with his captain and merchants. Accordingly his pinnace came on shore in the afternoon, but we desired them not to trade till we had spoken with their captain and merchants, whom we desired might come that night on board our admiral for that purpose. They did so accordingly, when Mr Burton and John Munt went on board the Minion, where the Frenchmen were, and it was determined that they should wait eight days beside us, allowing us to trade quietly the while. They were much dissatisfied with this arrangement, and sailed next morning eastwards to the Rio de Potos, on purpose to hinder our trade on the coast.

In consequence of this the merchants, both of the Minion and our ship, determined to go on before them, understanding that no other ships had gone that way before this season, and that our trade might not be interrupted by the French ship. We did so accordingly, and found the Frenchman trading to the westward at Rio de Potos, on which we passed them, and came to Rio de Potos on the 12th of April, where we remained trading till the 15th, when we departed with the Primrose for the river St Andrew, where we agreed to wait for the Minion. We arrived at that river on the 17th, and the Minion came to us that same day, saying that they had met with a great ship and a caravel, belonging to the king of Portugal, off cape Palmas, bound for the Mina, which had chased them, and shot many guns at them, which the Minion had returned in her defence. God be praised the Minion had no harm at that time. We then concluded to hasten to cape Three-points, to endeavour to intercept them on their way to the castle. We lay to off the cape for two days and a night, and suspecting they were past, the Minion went in shore and sent her boats to a place called Anta, where we had formerly traded. Next morning, the 21st of April, we again saw the ship and caravel to seaward, when we immediately made sail, endeavouring to get between them and the castle, but to our great grief they got to the castle before us, when they shot freely at us and we at them, but as they had the aid of the castle against us we profited little.

We set sail in the afternoon, and came to the town of Don Juan, called Equi, where, on the morning of the 22d, we went ashore to trade: But the negroes refused till they should hear from Don Luis the son of Don Juan, who was now dead. On the 23d Don Luis and Pacheco came to Equi, intending to trade with us; but two gallies came rowing along shore from the castle of Mina, meaning to interrupt our trade. We made sail on the 24th, and chased the gallies back to the castle, at which the negroes were much pleased; but they desired us to proceed to Mowre, about three leagues farther on, where they promised to follow us, being in fear of the Portuguese. We did so, and remained there waiting for the merchants who were coming with gold from the country, but Antonio, the son of Don Luis, and Pacheco were on board the Minion. In the morning of the 25th the two gallies came again from the castle, the weather being very calm, and shot at us, hitting us three times. Shortly after the land-wind sprung up, at which time we observed the great ship and the caravel making towards us, on which we weighed and made sail to attack them; but it was night before we could get up with them, and we lost sight of them in the night. While returning towards the coast next night we agreed to proceed to Cormantin; and next morning, the 28th, we found ourselves very near the large ship and the two gallies, the caravel being close in-shore. It being very calm, the two gallies rowed towards the stern of the Minion, and fought with her most part of the forenoon. During the engagement a barrel of powder blew up in the steward room of the Minion, by which misfortune the master-gunner, the steward, and most of the gunners were sore hurt. On perceiving this, the gallies became more fierce, and with one shot cut half through the Minions foremast, so that she could bear no sail till that were repaired. Soon after this, the great ship sent her boat to the gallies, which suddenly withdrew.

After their departure we went on board the Minion to consult what was best to be done: As the Minion was sore discomfited by the accident, and as we knew the negroes durst not trade with us so long as the gallies were upon the coast, it was agreed to return to the Rio Sestos. In the morning of the 14th of May we fell in with the land, and being uncertain whereabout we were, the boats were sent on shore to learn the truth, when it was found to be the Rio Barbas. We remained there taking in water till the 21st, and lost five of our men by the Hack pinnace over-setting. Departing on the 22d, we came to the Rio Sestos on the 2d of June. We again set sail on the 4th, and arrived this day, the 6th of August, within sight of the Start Point in the west of England, for which God be praised. We are very side and weak, not having above twenty men in both ships, able for duty. Of our men 21 have died, and many more are sore hurt or sick. Mr Burton has been sick for six weeks, and is now so very weak that, unless God strengthen him, I fear he will hardly escape. Your worship will find inclosed an abstract of all the goods we have sold, and also of what commodities we have received for them; reserving all things else till our meeting, and to the bearer of this letter.

In this voyage there were brought home, in 1563, 166 elephants teeth, weighing 1758 libs, and 22 buts full of grains, or Guinea pepper.

An account of the preceding voyage to Guinea in 1563, of which this section is an abstract, was written in verse by Robert Baker, who appears to have been one of the factors employed by the adventurers. It is said to have been written in prison in France, where he had been carried on his subsequent voyage, which forms the subject of the next section, and was composed at the importunity of his fellow traveller and fellow-prisoner, Mr George Gage, the son of Sir Edward Gage. Of this voyage he relates nothing material, except a conflict which happened with the negroes at a certain river, the name of which is not mentioned; neither does the foregoing relation by Rutter give any light into the matter. But from the circumstance of the ship commencing her return for England immediately after this adventure, it must have happened at the river Sestos or Sestre, which was the last place they touched at, and where they staid three days, as stated both in this and the proceeding narratives.--Astl. I. 179.

In the versified relation, which is to be found at large in the last edition of Hakluyts Collection, London, 1810, Vol. II. p.518-523, he complains of being detained in a French prison, against all law and right, as the war between England and France was concluded by a peace. The account given of this conflict with the negroes is to the following effect--E.

One day while the ship was at anchor on the coast of Guinea, Baker ordered out the small pinnace or boat, with nine men well armed, to go on shore to traffic. At length, having entered a river, he saw a great number of negroes, whose captain came to him stark naked, sitting in a canoe made of a log, like a trough to feed hogs in. Stopping, at some distance, the negro chief put water on his cheek, not caring to trust himself nearer till Baker did the like. This signal of friendship being answered, and some tempting merchandize being shewn him, the chief came forward and intimated by signs, that he would stand their friend if some of these things were given him. He was gratified, and many things given to others of the natives. After trading all day with the negroes, Baker returned at night to the ship, carrying the chief along with him, where he clothed him and treated him kindly. In return the chief promised by signs to freight them in a day or two. While on board, Baker observed that the chief took much notice of the boat which was left astern, of the ship loaded with goods; yet not suspecting he had any ill design, no farther care or precaution was taken of the boat.

Next morning the chief was carried on shore, and trade or barter went on with the negroes as on the day before; and at the return of Baker to the ship, the boat was fastened to the stern, and the goods left in her as usual. In the night the negro captain came with two or three canoes, and was noticed by the watch to be very busy about the boat. On giving the alarm, the negroes fled; but on hoisting up the boat, all the goods were carried of. Vexed at being so tricked, the English went next morning up the river to the negro town, in order to recover their goods; but all their signs were to no purpose, as the negroes would neither understand them nor acknowledge the theft. On the contrary, as if wronged by the charge, and resolved to revenge the affront, they followed the English down the river in 100 canoes, while as many appeared farther down ready to intercept their passage. In each canoe were two men armed with targets and darts, most of which had long strings to draw them back again after they were thrown.

Being hard pressed, they discharged their arquebuses upon the negroes, who leapt into the water to avoid the shot. The English then rowed with all their might to get to sea; but the negroes getting again into their canoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in their darts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes and halberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the English arrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when the English had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, and made many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a large tall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with a poisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward, the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, which dispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, which stuck fast in the shield, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dart from his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. The enemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief with their darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner received two desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the brave masters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through the ribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he fell down dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, and pressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so many of the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of those remaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the other four at the oars made the best of their way to sea.

At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired having expended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six of the remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was Robert Baker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were able to handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the ship, which appears to have been four leagues from the shore. When they got on board they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. After having their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as Robert Baker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when he awoke in the morning the ship was under sail for England.

This relation, like the former, is written in verse, and only contains a description of two adventures that happened in the voyage, one of which proved extremely calamitous to those concerned in it, among whom was the author. From the title or preamble, we learn that the adventurers in this voyage were Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Benjamin Gonson, William Winter, Lionel Ducket, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. There were two ships employed, one called the John Baptist, of which Lawrence Rondell was master, and the other the Merlin, Robert Revell master. The factors were Robert Baker, the author, Justinian Goodwine, James Gliedell, and George Gage. They set out on their voyage in November 1563, bound for Guinea and the river Sestos, but the port whence they fitted out is nowhere mentioned. After the unlucky disaster that befel him in Guinea in the year before, Baker had made a kind of poetical vow not to go near that country any more; but after his return to England, and recovery from his wounds, he soon forgot past sorrows; and being invited to undertake the voyage in quality of factor, he consented.--Astley.

After we had been at sea two days and a night, the man from the main-top descried a sail or two, the tallest of which they immediately made up to, judging her to be the most valuable; and, as captains are in use to do[287], I hailed her to know whence she was. She answered from France, on which we waved her, but she nothing dismayed, waved us in return. I immediately ordered armed men aloft into the main and fore-tops, and caused powder to be laid on the poop to blow up the enemy if they should board us that way. At the sound of trumpets we began the fight, discharging both chain and bar-shot from our brazen artillery; while the Frenchmen, flourishing their swords from the main-yard, called out to us to board their ship. Willing to accept their invitation, we plied them warmly with our cannon, and poured in flights of arrows, while our arquebuses plied them from loop-holes, and we endeavoured to set their sails on fire by means of arrows and pikes carrying wildfire. I encouraged, the men to board, by handing spiced wine liberally among them, which they did with lime-pots, after breaking their nets with stones, while those of our men who were aloft entered the enemys tops, after killing those who defended them. Then cutting the ropes, they brought down the yard by the board, and those who entered the ship plied the enemy so well with their swords, that at length the remaining Frenchmen ran below deck and cried out for quarter. Having thus become masters of the ship, we carried her to the Groin in Spain, or Corunna, where we sold the ship and cargo for ready money.

After this we proceeded on our voyage and arrived in Guinea. One day about noon, I went with eight more in a boat towards the shore to trade, meaning to dispatch my business and be back before night. But when we had got near the shore, a furious tempest sprung up, accompanied with rain and thunder, which drove the ships from their anchors out to sea; while we in the boat were forced to run along the coast in search of some place for shelter from the storm, but meeting none, had to remain all night near the shore, exposed to the thunder, rain, and wind in great jeopardy. We learnt afterwards that the ships returned next day in search of us, while we rowed forward along the coast, supposing the ships were before us, and always anxiously looked out for them; but the mist was so great that we could never see them nor they us. The ships continued, as we were told afterwards, looking out for us for two or three days; after which, concluding that we had inevitably perished in the storm, they made the best of their way for England.

Having been three days in great distress for want of food, we at length landed on the coast and exchanged some of our wares with the negroes for roots and such other provisions as they had, and then put to sea again in search of the ships, which we still supposed were before us or to leeward, wherefore we went down the coast to the eastwards. We continued in this manner ranging along shore for twelve days, seeing nothing but thick woods and deserts, full of wild beasts, which often appeared and came in crowds at sunset to the sea shore, where they lay down or played on the sand, sometimes plunging into the water to cool themselves. At any other time it would have been diverting to see how archly the elephants would fill their trucks with water, which they spouted out upon the rest. Besides deer, wild boars, and antelopes, we saw many other wild beasts, such as I had never seen before.

We often saw a man or two on the shore, who on seeing us used to come off in their almadias or canoes; when casting anchor we offered such wares as we had in the boat for fish and fresh water, or provisions of their cooking, and in this way we procured from them roots and the fruit of the palm tree, and some of their wine, which is the juice of a tree and is of the colour of whey. Sometimes we got wild honeycombs; and by means of these and other things we relieved our hunger; but nothing could relieve our grief, fatigue and want of sleep, and we were so sore depressed by the dreadful situation in which we were placed, that we were ready to die, and were reduced to extreme weakness. Having lost all hope of rejoining the ships, which we now concluded were either lost or gone homewards, we knew not how to conduct ourselves. We were in a strange and distant country, inhabited by a people whose manners and customs were entirely different from ours; and to attempt getting home in an open boat destitute of every necessary was utterly impossible. By this time we found we had passed to leeward of Melegete or the grain coast, and had got to the Mina or gold coast of Guinea, as the negroes who now came on board spoke some Portuguese, and brought off their weights and scales for the purpose of trade, asking where were our ships. To this we answered, in hopes of being the better treated, that we had two ships at sea, which would be with them in a day or two.

We now consulted together how they should best proceed. If we continued at sea in our boat, exposed by day to the burning heat of the sun which sensibly consumed us by copious perspiration, and to the frequent tornadoes or hurricanes by night, accompanied with thunder, lightning and rain; which deprived us of all rest, we could not possibly long hold out. We were often three days without a morsel of food; and having sat for twenty days continually in our boat, we were in danger of losing the use of our limbs for want of exercise, and our joints were so swollen by the scurvy, that we could hardly stand upright. It was not possible for us to remain much longer in the boat in our present condition, so that it was necessary to come to some resolution, and we had only three things to choose. The first was to repair to the castle of St George del Mina, which was not far off, and give ourselves up to the Portuguese who were Christians, if we durst trust them or expect the more humanity on that account. Even the worst that could happen to us from them was to be hanged out of our misery; yet possibly they might have some mercy on us, as nine young men such as we were might be serviceable in their gallies, and if made galley slaves for life we should have victuals enough to enable us to tug at the oar, whereas now we had both to row and starve.

The next alternative was to throw ourselves upon the mercy of the negroes, which I stated was very hopeless and discouraging, as I did not see what favour could be expected from a beastly savage people, whose condition was worse than that of slaves, and who possibly might be cannibals. It was likewise difficult for us to conform ourselves to their customs, so opposite to ours; and, we could not be expected, having always lived on animal food, to confine ourselves to roots and herbs like the negroes, which are the food of wild beasts. Besides, having been always accustomed to the use of clothes, we could not for shame go naked. Even if we could get the better of that prejudice, our bodies would be grievously tormented and emaciated by the scorching heat of the sun, for want of that covering and defence to which we had been accustomed. The only other course was to stay at sea in the boat, and die miserably. Being determined to run any risk at land, rather than to continue pent up in a narrow boat, exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather day and night, and liable to be famished for want of victuals, I gave it as my opinion that we had better place confidence in the Christian Portuguese than in the negroes who lived like so many brutes. We how determined to throw ourselves on the mercy of the Portuguese, and hoisting sail shaped our course for the castle of St George del Mina; which was not above 20 leagues distant. We went on all day without stopping till late at night, when we perceived a light on shore. Concluding that this might be a place of trade, our boatswain proposed to cast anchor at this place, in hopes that we might be able to procure provisions next morning in exchange for some of our wares. This was agreed upon, and on going next morning near the shore we saw a watchhouse upon a rock, in the place whence the light had proceeded during the night, and near the watchhouse a large black cross was erected. This made us doubtful whereabout we were, and on looking farther we perceived a castle which perplexed us still more[288].

Our doubts were quickly solved by the appearance of some Portuguese, one of whom held a white flag in his hand which he waved as inviting us to come on shore. Though we were actually bound in quest of the Portuguese, yet our hearts now failed us, and we tacked about to make from the shore. On being seen from the castle, a gun was fired at us by a negro, the ball from which fell within a yard of our boat. At length we turned towards the shore to which we rowed, meaning to yield ourselves up; but to our great surprise, the nearer we came to the shore the more did the Portuguese fire at us; and though the bullets fell thick about us we continued to advance till we got close under the castle wall, when we were out of danger from their cannon. We now determined to land in order to try the courtesy of the Portuguese, but were presently assailed by showers of stones from the castle: wall, and saw a number of negroes marching down to the beach with their darts and targets, some of them having bows and poisoned arrows. Their attack was very furious, partly from heavy stones falling into the boat which threatened to break holes in her bottom, as well as from flights of arrows which came whizzing about our ears, and even wounded some of us: Therefore being in desperation, we pushed off from the shore to return to sea, setting four of our men to row, while the other five determined to repay some part of the civility we had received, and immediately handled our fire-arms and bows. We employed these at first against the negroes on the beach, some of whom soon dropped; and then against the Portuguese who stood on the walls dressed in long white-shirts and linstocks in their hands, many of which were dyed red by means of the English arrows. We thus maintained our ground a long while, fighting at our leisure, regardless of the threats of the enemy, as we saw they had no gallies to send out to make us prisoners. When we had sufficiently revenged their want of hospitality, we rowed off, and though we knew that we must pass through another storm of bullets from the castle, we escaped without damage.

When we got out to sea, we saw three negroes rowing after us in an almadia, who came to inquire to what country we belonged, speaking good Portuguese. We told them we were Englishmen, and said we had brought wares to trade with them if they had not used us so ill. As the negroes inquired where our ship was, we said we had two at sea well equipped, which would soon come to the coast to trade for gold, and that we only waited their return. The negroes then pretended to be sorry for what had happened, and intreated us to remain where we were for that day, and promised to bring us whatever we were in want of. But placing no confidence in their words, we asked what place that was, and being answered that it was a Portuguese castle at the western head-land of Cape Three-points, we hoisted sail and put to sea, to look out for some more friendly place.

We now resolved to have no more reliance on the kindness of the Portuguese, of which we had thus sufficient experience, and to make trial of the hospitality of the negroes; for which purpose we sailed back about 30 leagues along the coast, and coming to anchor, some natives came off to the boat, to all of whom we gave presents. By this we won their hearts, and the news of such generous strangers being on the coast soon brought the kings son to our boat. On his arrival, I explained our sad case to him as well as I could by signs, endeavouring to make him understand that we were quite forlorn, having been abandoned by our ships, and being almost famished for want of food, offering him all the goods in our boat if he would take us under his protection and relieve our great distress. The negro chief was moved even to tears, and bid us be comforted. He went then on shore to know his fathers pleasure regarding us, and returning presently invited us to land. This was joyful news to us all, and we considered him as a bountiful benefactor raised up to us by the goodness of Providence. We accordingly fell to our oars in all haste to pull on shore, where at least 500 negroes were waiting our arrival; but on coming near shore the surf ran so high that the boat overset, on which the negroes plunged immediately into the water and brought us all safe on shore. They even preserved the boat and all that was in her, some swimming after the oars, and others diving for the goods that had sunk. After this they hauled the boat on shore and brought every thing that belonged to us, not daring to detain the most trifling article, so much were they in awe of the kings son, who was a stout and valiant man, and having many excellent endowments.

They now brought us such provisions as they used themselves, and being very hungry we fed heartily, the negroes all the while staring at us with much astonishment, as the common people are used to do in England at strange outlandish creatures. Notwithstanding all this apparent humanity and kindness, we were still under great apprehensions of the negroes, all of whom were armed with darts. That night we lay upon the ground among the negroes, but never once closed our eyes, tearing they might kill us while asleep. Yet we received no hurt from them, and for two days fared well; but finding the ships did not come for us, as they expected would soon have been the case, when likewise they looked to have had a large quantity of goods distributed among them in reward for their hospitality, they soon became weary of us; and after lessening our allowance from day to day, they at length left us to shift for ourselves. In this forlorn state, we had to range about the woods in search of fruits and roots, which last we had to dig from the ground with our fingers for want of any instruments. Hunger had quite abated the nicety of our palates, and we were glad to feed on every thing we could find that was eatable. Necessity soon reconciled us to going naked, for our clothes becoming rotten with our sweat fell from our backs by degrees, so that at length we had scarcely rags left to cover our nakedness. We were not only forced to provide ourselves in food, but had to find fuel and utensils to dress it. We made a pot of clay dried in the sun, in which we boiled our roots, and roasted the berries in the embers, feasting every evening on these varieties. At night we slept on the bare ground, making a great fire round us to scare away the wild beasts.

What with the entire change in our manner of living, and the heat and unhealthiness of the climate, our people sickened apace; and in a short time our original number of nine was reduced to three. To those who died it was a release from misery, but we who remained were rendered more forlorn and helpless than before. At length, when we had abandoned all hopes of relief, a French ship arrived on the coast, which took us on board and carried us to France, which was then at war with England, where we were detained prisoners.