With the help of God, who in His infinite mercy made me pleasing and well liked, I shall endeavor to live, administer justice, and deal with others irreproachably. Since this is so, and I dwell in a land where there is so little stability and truth, I beseech your Majesty not to judge me without first hearing me. I greatly honor the president, and the authority which even a duke would maintain if he were here as your Majesty's lieutenant; for in distant regions this befits the service of your Majesty. Nevertheless, in what concerns the administration of justice, I strive to lose no opportunity. The president is in poor health at present, and I do not know whether in his letters he has touched upon the matters which I shall mention here.
I wrote from Mexico beseeching your Majesty, for the peace of the royal conscience and of the consciences of us who serve here, that a consultation be held to decide upon what shall be done with the Mahometans, of whom these islands are full. I sent a report, and said that, keeping the matter in mind, I would send a more detailed account from here; but I could not find time for study, on account of my continual occupation in the sessions of the Audiencia and rendering opinions. This year I am probate judge, and for the first four months of the year provincial alcalde; and since people find that matters are readily settled I am beset by the natives with their petty lawsuits. I wish that I might have had more time to collect what can be put together, and to write on law. However I shall not neglect perchance to make some slight report. The following is a clause from a letter of your Majesty which I found, addressed to the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, the first discoverer of these islands, in effect this:
"We have also been petitioned in your behalf concerning the Moro islands in that land, and how those men come to trade and carry on commerce, hindering the preaching of the holy gospel and disturbing you. We give you permission to make such Moros slaves, and to seize their property. You are warned that you can make them slaves only if the said Moros are such by birth and choice, and if they come to preach their Mahometan doctrine, or to make war against you or against the Indians, who are our subjects and in our royal service. But in no way or manner shall you enslave the Indians who have embraced the doctrine of Mahoma; on the contrary, you shall endeavor to persuade and convert them to our holy Catholic faith by kind and lawful methods."
To make universal arrangements is to pass infallible rules, and in law we can hardly find such a rule; therefore we must distinguish in both times and occasions. With due respect, it seems to me that all Mahometans are enemies of the Church; and all the Ismaelites, their allies, confederates, and descendants must have the words of the Scriptures (as found in the 16th chapter of Genesis) written in their hearts: Hic erit ferus homo, manus ejus contra omnes et manus omnium contra eum. [6] Wonderful events occurred (and it would be well for your Majesty to have them examined and investigated) in the histories of Portugal, in the Decadas of Barros and in the books of Osorio, the good bishop of Algarve, [7]—who, by command of his Majesty the king, Cardinal Don Enrrique, wrote in Latin the history of the life, deeds, and virtues of the most renowned king Don Manuel, your Majesty's grandfather. All these books abound in accounts of field and naval battles, which the viceroys and captains-general of Malaca, Goa, Calicud, Ormus, and many other places, fought against well-known Moros of that region and those from Samatra, Java, and Bornei, who were aided by Turks, Mamelukes, Moors from Tunez [Tunis], and Moors who were driven away from Granada at the time of the Catholic kings. In a battle against Alfonso de Albuquerque [8] were seven hundred Mamelukes, three hundred Turks, and a thousand Moors from Tunez and Granada—sent there by the Sultan of Egipto [Egypt] before the Turks had defeated him. They peopled and filled these islands. Every year Turks come to Samatra and likewise to Borney; in Maluco and in Ternate these Turks are gathered against your Majesty, and have caused a great number of Christians who were instructed in the Catholic faith to apostatize. Moreover the king of that place is allied with the English heretics, and the Moros have inflicted terrible martyrdoms upon the Christians of these regions. The care with which the Turks have always offered help, both past and present, and that showed by the sultan at the time of Pope Julius the Second, is well known, and can be verified in the history by the said bishop of Algarve, book 4, folio 122. The sultan wrote to the pope, complaining of the said kings Don Manuel and the Catholic Don Fernando—saying that the Moors whom the latter had driven away from Granada and Castilla had gone to Egipto to complain; and that King Don Manuel was pursuing the Moors through the Red Sea and neighboring regions. He added that if this were not remedied, by ordering the said princes to desist from persecuting the Mahometans, he would destroy the holy house at Jerusalem and the sepulcher of the Redeemer. As can be verified, the letter contains many profane remarks against Christianity. It was sent by a Franciscan friar who lived in a monastery on the mount called Sion, and who was guardian there at Jerusalem. The said pontiff, as soon as he saw the letter, sent a copy of it to Castilla and Portugal through the same friar. King Don Manuel, your Majesty's grandfather, sent the celebrated answer to the pontiff, saying that he gave advice neither to the Apostolic See nor to the sacred council of cardinals; but what he answered (and he would do it with all his might) was to persecute Mahometans forever. He added that the Holy Father was much to blame for the sultan's pride, since he did not gather and unite in peaceful alliance the Christian princes, who were divided by wars in their own interests, and were neglecting so common an interest as that of undoing the power of Moors and Turks. He also answered that he understood his father and father-in-law, the Catholic king Don Fernando, to give the same answer. As I have said before, the histories of Portugal are full of these old enmities. It seems as if this evil sect had increased and multiplied in the West as well as in the islands and countries of the East. Indeed the various causes for this are to be found in the condition of these regions and in the measures, decrees, or instructions like those issued for Peru, Nueva España, and the other Yndias.
Concerning slavery, the main thing to be noticed is that we have here many kinds of slaves: some are slaves because their fathers and grandfathers were such; others sold themselves ad pretium participandum, either to make use of the money or to pay their debts; others were captured in war; others became slaves because, being orphans, they were held in that condition for food and expenses; others were sold in times of famine by their fathers, mothers, or brothers; others bear that name because of loans, for interest multiplies rapidly among the Indians and the Moros, and thus a poor man becomes a slave. There are men who become slaves on account of crimes, and failure to pay fines and penalties; and others for not having paid the tribute or tributes of their lords. Each of these reasons is an argument for justifying slavery. I chose to mention these details because it is proper to notify your Majesty and your Council of them.
Your Majesty has passed laws forbidding any one to take money out of your realms, or to buy or sell to pirates. But every year the Chinese take away all the money there is. There are many ships here, twenty-five or thirty in number, with four thousand men who have come here to trade. We fear no extortion on their part, because of the great importance to them of our commerce; but, as we have no merchandise to give them, having nothing except reals, it will be advisable for your Majesty to send orders as to what we should do, and how we are to decide the question of slaves, since there are so many classes of them, as I have shown above.
The poverty of the soldiers who come here is extreme, for they draw no pay, and the country cannot support them. It would be advisable to send orders to employ them in conquests, and to send over many soldiers. Also orders should be given to build some galleys which should not lie idle and become ruined, as did those left by Doctor Sande. Although the Indians and Moros here have taken to the oars with reluctance, we are greatly aided by having here, usually, Chinese who are willing to be hired at a low price. In all this may your Majesty take such measures as are most advantageous to your service.
About twelve days ago we received letters from Maluco, in which the captain commanding at that place says that the king of Ternate is now powerful, and has seized the most important stronghold. A reënforcement of eighty or a hundred men, with supplies, had been sent to him before the arrival of the Audiencia; and he says that he can hold out until the end of October or November. Speaking of the war which is to be carried on, the president was and is about to send four hundred men and a thousand friendly Indians. He is perplexed about the election of the captain-general, for each of the captains who seek that post desires to be sole commander, while the rest show displeasure that one of their equals should be appointed. Moreover, no one of them is pleased that Captain Bartolome Vaez Landero may be the commander. He is a Portuguese, who came here from Macan through the agency of Governor Diego Ronquillo, and remained here to protect this land with two ships, well equipped with artillery, in the service of your Majesty. On seeing this controversy, I proposed to the president on St. John's day that I and my sons, with our weapons, would go with the soldiers to serve in this expedition. The captains who are candidates are satisfied to have me for their general, and the Portuguese captain and his men are even more pleased. The president says that we shall deliberate upon what should be done, and still he has not come to any decision with me. He will wrong me if he withholds from me the leadership in this affair. In all that pertains to justice, I shall always be ready, with the help of God, who will favor me, to recover your Majesty's territories and to punish your enemies.
It is also important for the service of God that, by order of your Majesty, some decision be made as to the punishment that we shall inflict upon the Chinese or Sangleyes for the infamous crime which, as people here tell me, they practice on board their ships. [9] I am studying the question in order to inform this Audiencia; but, since the punishment may hinder commerce, it will be necessary to observe moderation, until your Majesty shall inform us what should be done in this matter. I have reproached and admonished the friars, telling them that they ought to exhort these wretched people. Some of them tell me that they are unwilling to baptize the Chinese, because they feel sure that they will apostatize as soon as they return to their own country. I tell them that they should do what it is in them to do; and that, if God does not choose to call these people, at least it should not be left undone by the friars. I shall always insist upon this.
When I spoke of Ternate, I forgot to mention a very important matter, which perhaps is already forgotten. There was a king in Ternate called Cachil Boleyfe, aged and very prudent, regarded by the Moros as a prophet. He was taken to Malaca because of a certain crime; and, having been acquitted, he received baptism and died there as a Catholic. He said that, having no legitimate successor, he constituted King Don Juan the Third of Portugal his heir to the kingdom and islands subject to Ternate. This will was brought to Ternate, and all the chiefs of the kingdom swore allegiance to the new king, with great feasting and solemnity. Possession of the kingdom was taken, with all the ceremonies required by law. This is what the historians say, especially Juan de Barros—in the third Decada, book five, chapter six. At the end of the seventh chapter, he says that the fortress now held by the tyrant was built by Captain Antonio de Brito, who began the work with his own hands on St. John's day, in 1522. He did this with the consent of all the Moros, and therefore called the fort San Juan. It is well that your Majesty should know the very foundation of your rights, and should at least understand that my endeavor is to give information and service. May God permit your Majesty to live, without setting a bound to your life; for the human race and the Church of God have need of this. From the city of Manila, July 3, in the year 84 (according to the old reckoning, as I have said). Most powerful Lord, your most humble servant kisses the feet of your Majesty.
The licentiate Melchior Davalos
[Endorsed: "To the sacred royal Catholic Majesty of the king, Don Phelipe, our sovereign lord. In his Council of the Indies." "Philipinas. To his Majesty, 1584. From the licentiate Melchor de Abalos, July 3." "Examined; there is nothing to be answered."]
Letter from Santiago de Vera to the Archbishop of Mexico
Most Illustrious Señor:
I was more content to learn of the health of your illustrious Lordship [10] than to know that you governed that land—since the first is of so great importance, and the other is merited by your Lordship. I hope that our Lord will bestow on you the see of St. Peter, that all may be as we your servants desire.
After having written another letter which accompanies this, I received that of your illustrious Lordship which came in the ship "San Juan." As in the other I have referred to some things that may be omitted here, and as I do not wish to weary your Lordship with a long account of business attendant on your charge, I write this only to assure your Lordship that you may command me.
Great satisfaction was felt in this country that the ship "Mora" arrived so miraculously at port. The death of the crew, I assure your Lordship, was not for lack of supplying themselves here with the necessaries for the voyage; for although but little time was spent in despatching the ship, I exercised much diligence in seeing that more men and provisions were shipped than is customary. There are things which our Lord permits; since it was His will that they should die, it was an instance of His great clemency.
I have always tried to fulfil your Lordship's commands in regard to the lord bishop, and he may command me and I will obey; but I know of no means in the world whereby I can preserve his love and make it lasting.
I kiss the hands of your illustrious Lordship for the kindness that you do me in encouraging me to the work of this office; but as I am old and worn, the extra duties are very heavy for me, especially since I receive so little aid from my associates, and since the Council [of the Indias] so poorly seconds my efforts. As they are so far away and do not know affairs here in detail, they make some regulations so far from what is proper that, if they were complied with, it would be the undoing of this land, and his Majesty's service would suffer greatly. In order that your illustrious Lordship may understand how affairs stand, I declare that everything concerning the government and war in these islands depends on the president. He must attend to everything punctually; and, in order to comply with his Majesty's commands, he must pay over and spend from the royal treasury what is necessary for the affairs of government and of war. No account can be given thereof, and in delay there would result great inconveniences. The despatch of the ships would cease, as well as the work in the shipyards, the defense of these islands, and the supply of aid to other islands, in accordance with his Majesty's commands. Knowing all this, which is evident, I received the decree of which a copy goes with this. This gave an opportunity for the officials to excuse themselves from honoring my orders for money, and soon the Audiencia commanded that they be not observed. For the revocation of this decree it is necessary to wait three years, and although in my commission his Majesty has given me full power for everything, I am prevented for the most trivial reasons from exercising my authority. I am writing to his Majesty, but it will be of more effect to give an account thereof to your illustrious Lordship; for, if nothing is done, it is of no use whatever for his Majesty to have a governor or captain-general, nor is there any reason for his Majesty to go to such expense from the royal exchequer only to have it lost.
I have tried to make arrangements with the Sangleys here for them to bring me a quantity of quicksilver, [11] according to your Lordship's orders; but for some time past they have been carrying it to the Japanese; in that country there are many silver mines, where they receive a good price for it. On this account the quicksilver has increased in value, and they are so shrewd merchants that they will not believe that this kind of traffic is desired. I shall proceed with them gradually, until it can be seen whether they will give it at the price which your Lordship has fixed. I shall advise your illustrious Lordship of the result thereof.
I appreciate greatly the favor which your illustrious Lordship has done me, by the favorable and prompt despatch of these ships. I kiss your Lordship's hands a thousand times and everyone here does the same, as I have informed them of the difficulty of the task which your Lordship has so easily accomplished. Although I have tried to despatch the ships here with all haste, I am informed by sailors who understand the matter that it is not safe to send them out until the twentieth or twenty-fifth of June. The weather is not settled until then, and they usually put into a harbor during bad weather. Nevertheless, henceforth I will have them sail from here in the middle of June, in order that there shall not be the inconveniences to which your Lordship refers.
Although much merchandise has come from China this year, little has been sold for lack of reals, and the Indians hid and kept the goods until now. At the news of the arrival of the ships, and the knowledge that they bring considerable money, they have taken courage and have rejoiced exceedingly. In order that these Indians may increase their trade to any extent, it is necessary that money be sent in sufficient amount and at regular intervals.
Your illustrious Lordship commands me to observe the orders given to Francisco Gali about the discovery of the route from these ports toward Nueva España. I will keep your Lordship's commands to the letter, and will try to advise you soon, although the ship "San Juan" is of no use, as it is worm-eaten and old. I shall have carpenters examine it, and if it will not serve, I shall have them inspect the ships which I have here, to see if any are fit, and to avoid the expense and delay.
Your Lordship commands that the mining of gold be done with the aid of quicksilver, as is done in Talpaxagua. In another letter I gave an account to your Lordship of what has been done in mining here.
We have seen the royal decrees concerning the harmony which his Majesty commands us to maintain with the viceroy and captains of India and Maluco, whom we must aid. On one occasion they sent an urgent request from Maluco, the captains assuring me that with two or three hundred men the whole matter could be settled, and the fort and islands be restored to his Majesty. They had been usurped by the petty king of Terrenate, as will appear in a copy of the letter accompanying this. As these men could be spared from here without risk, I sent about four hundred arquebusiers and a large number of natives with artillery, powder, and ammunition. There were also twenty-seven small boats and fragatas and one galley, sufficiently provided for one year. Although they became separated on the way, and because of the weather six boats were lost on the coast of Panay, I had others provided, and they continued their voyage—all except one boat with two pieces of artillery and fifteen or twenty men, and some powder and ammunition. Moreover a galleon sent as succor from India with two hundred Portuguese did not arrive; and the Moros had fortified themselves, together with many Jabos [Javanese], Turks, and those of other nationalities. There was also negligence on the part of Diego de Acambuja, the commander of that fort, [12] by whose order this aid was sent, in accordance with the commands of his Majesty. Some suspicions were entertained of this commander and there were indications that he did not wish the war to end, because the bartering in cloves and the trade thereabout would also come to an end, as your illustrious Lordship will see by the accompanying relation. Although in our camp there was great eagerness to attack the Moro, nothing was accomplished—a result partly due to the controversies between Captain Pereyra, whom his Majesty had commanded to take charge of the place, and Diego de Acambuja, who held it, over the latter's surrender of the fort. I have been assured by persons who have witnessed the affair, and I have so understood, that, should his Grace desire not to abandon that holding and to keep the government of Maluco in the power of Castilians, there will be great difficulty in winning it. No more aid can be sent from here unless his Grace supply aid to this country, with an allowance for the former object—as is done in Florida, which is of less importance. Provision should be made for sending troops and arms, since his Grace has not enough in the royal treasury for our needs here, and there are no more troops than are needed for defense. I beseech your illustrious Lordship thus to explain the affair to his Majesty.
In regard to Don Diego de Alcaraso, I have no merit in favoring and advancing him, since he deserves it, and is extremely judicious and a thorough gentleman. He is supported without any trouble or annoyance whatever. He is the governor in the fort at Mindoro, and is at present in this city. Don Pedro de Angulo has not arrived from Maluco, and, as to affairs there, I am particularly anxious in his behalf. For some months I have had Bustamante employed at a salary which he still enjoys, and now that I know that your Lordship is pleased with this I shall put him in a better place. Captain Machuca has been guilty of great stupidity, for as he was about to depart to take charge of the governorship of a fort, provided and appointed according to his deserts, he got married, and not as well as I could have wished. I shall give a present to Father Pina, as your Lordship orders.
Your illustrious Lordship grants me grace so often that I can only show my gratitude by beseeching our Lord to keep your Lordship for the many years necessary, and during which I would have you live. I well realize the favor done my daughter, and it is enough that your Lordship has shown her kindness, to have all the nuns do the same.
Although there are facilities in this country for making ships of all kinds, and the best yet built has not exceeded in cost six thousand pesos—and many private individuals would after this engage in it for the sake of gain if they could maintain the industry—yet the expenses incurred with the necessary force of sailors and workmen, can be sustained only by the king. The greatest difficulty is in the bringing of the anchors and rigging from Vera Cruz. Your illustrious Lordship knows from experience what it costs his Majesty to transport sailors to Mexico, from there to these islands, and from here to the port of Acapulco; and the expense of overhauling the ship, and of keeping it there a winter. Therefore although I wish to aid Captain Esteban Rodriguez in the despatch of the ship that he has built, I do not know if it can depart hence for lack of men. It is hard to find them; for, although a large number of sailors usually come here from Nueva España to bring the ships here, they are all needed on the return. They bring here the fragatas and vessels which convey hither aid and means of defense for this land, and take back the provisions and other supplies needed in the king's service. Nevertheless, I shall do everything possible for the said captain.
I believe that Baltasar de Aldana, nephew of the schoolmaster Don Santiago Sanchez, will embark in this ship, which he is permitted to do through your illustrious Lordship's orders.
I understand thoroughly that I am importunate, but the requirements of health and the discontent of Doña Ysabel oblige me again to beseech your Lordship to favor me and try to influence his Majesty to grant me grace in España—in the meantime permitting me to act as auditor in Mexico, with permission to serve his Majesty there, as I have fulfilled my commissions here, and am of little use, being now old and worn. It is just that I be established in a place where I can leave my wife and children. I hope, by the grace of God and that of your illustrious Lordship, that I may shortly be delivered from this captivity.
The artillery which I brought returned in the ships "Mora" and "San Martin;" and because the ship "Santa Ana" is of such importance, I ordered three excellent pieces of bronze artillery to be placed on board besides powder and ammunition. In order that we may not suffer from the lack of artillery in giving this, I beseech your illustrious Lordship to have the artillery returned in the same ship, "Santa Ana," as the Japanese have commenced to show signs of hostility, and it is not desirable that they or other pirates should make light of our power.
By two conveyances I am sending plans of the site and city of Terrenate to his Majesty; one goes through the Council and the other directly to the royal person, both being transmitted by the hand of your illustrious Lordship—whom I beg to send them with the letter packets, so that the one for the royal person is delivered through Antonio de Heraso, and the other directly to the Council.
There is one Juanes Viscayno, whom we wish to hold in the criminal court, as he was a false witness in a serious case against one Artiaga Panadero, a resident of that city [Mexico]. He is sent as a prisoner; may your Lordship be pleased to command that he be delivered to the alcaldes.
I ordered Diego Ronquillo, the former governor of these islands, to present himself at the royal criminal court at Madrid, to account to his Majesty for the large sum of money that had been delivered to him as the executor and trustee of Don Gonçalo Ronquillo. [13] He is escorted by an alguazil to the royal prison of that Audiencia, so that, in case sufficient bonds are not given at his presentation in the criminal court of his Majesty, he may be held a prisoner, in accordance with the said residencia, which I am sending. I beg your illustrious Lordship to command that these arrangements be carried out.
Juan Martin Coyfino will, I believe, escort these prisoners; and, as he is a very zealous man, I have recommended that he take with him the Sangley religious. [14] I entreat your illustrious Lordship to see that his companion is rewarded, also to order the payment of their expenses. May our Lord watch over the illustrious person of your Lordship and may the prosperity of your house increase as we your servants desire. Manila, June 20, 1585. Illustrious Lord, your servant and client kisses the hands of your illustrious Lordship.
Doctor Santiago de Vera [15]
Two Letters to Felipe II
With regard to the letters of Fray Joan de Plasencia, custodian of the descalced friars of the custodia of San Gregorio de las Philippinas—communicated to me by the secretary, Joan de Ledesma, in pursuance of an order by the council—I declare that the truth is that Fray Joan [16] de Talabera, commissary of the same descalced friars, who went from here, took a commission from the nuncio (quite contrary to the custom among religious orders), from which no benefit has resulted. Accordingly, although the said commission is clearly an affair of no value in law, the office of the grantor having expired, yet since those religious are very scrupulous, and have but little knowledge of this matter, it might be well that the present nuncio revoke the commission, and that the said custodia be governed by the authority of the order, as are all the other provinces of our order.
Hitherto the province of San Josepe [in Mexico], of the descalced friars from Castilla, has had charge of that custodia, by apostolic brief; and it was not subject to me, nor might I send friars thither or remove them. But when the said province considered how inadequately it could govern the custodia, the brief was renounced in the session of the chapter which was held in this year 85 at the town of Cadahalso, and that custodia has been assigned to me; and henceforth whatever may be necessary can be supplied for the said province, [17] by order of the council.
As for sending friars to the said custodia, I have information that a religious of the same descalced order, who comes from that country to discuss this matter, went direct to Monzon without going to Madrid to report the needs of his custodia to his Majesty. Therefore it appears to me that the sending of religious, and other matters, might be suspended until his arrival.
Fray Geronimo de Guzman
That which the order of our glorious father St. Augustine, resident in the Philipinas and the lands of China, humbly asks from his Majesty and from his royal Council of the Indias is the following:
First, that his Majesty cause to be sent to those realms the greatest number of religious who can possibly go, in response to the very pressing need (which is felt now more than ever) for preachers of the gospel of God. They ask this not only for the lands held by his Majesty which are now at peace (where there is much need), but also for the great kingdom of Cochin China, for that of Sian, and for other foreign lands—to which those who lack so great a blessing, since they have no one to show them the way, beseech and call us. Herein the religious of that province beg of his Majesty that he reward the hardships which they have suffered, and are now suffering, in his service and that of God.
Item: that the said religious shall not go [from Spain], as heretofore, by way of Nueva España, inasmuch as the majority remain there, and not a third part of those who have departed for those regions, at the expense of his Majesty, have ever arrived there. Nor even of those who have come from there [the Philippines] has a single religious returned; because all have remained in España, or in the province of Mexico. This has occasioned no little trouble to those of us who reside there. From this it follows that the intention of his Majesty is defeated, and the result which is attempted is not attained. On this account our order there begs his Majesty to command that the said religious shall make the voyage by way of India to Malaca, and from Malaca to Macan, [18] where friars of our order have gone to settle. The vicar-general has my instructions as to what the religious should do if they go thither, as I hope they will.
There are better opportunities for the friars to distribute themselves from Macan, for the preaching of the gospel, than from any other place—especially too, as the said journey is no less short and safe by this route than by Nueba España; for it is quite certain that the religious may not remain in any place where they are not greatly needed, or where they may not produce much fruit among infidel heathen. Herein there is need of a decree to the effect that neither the viceroy nor the archbishop of India, nor any other authorities whatsoever, ecclesiastical or secular, shall hinder the said religious from making any journey or from asking alms; but that they shall give the said religious every aid and protection, in order that they may go from India to Malaca, and from Malaca to Macan, and from Macan to whatever place their superiors may order. Still another decree is needed, that the said religious or any others of our order may, provided that they have instructions to that effect from their superiors, freely build monasteries in remote and infidel lands—without awaiting mandate, order, or permission from the viceroy or archbishop of India, or from other authorities. This requirement is very inconvenient and a hindrance, inasmuch as in many of those places it is not possible to go for and return with the said permission within the space of a year—during which time it may well happen that the opportunity would be lost, and with it the fruit which it might bear.
Another decree is also needful in order that the governor and the Audiencia of Manila, the bishop or any other person, may not cause hindrance or opposition to the provincial of our order by sending religious at will to countries of China or other infidel lands, as seems best to him for the service of God; for the instruction in the faith, which the religious have established in the islands, is sustained at their charge.
This our community begs and entreats from his Majesty, at this time; and for this purpose they have sent to these lands of España a native religious, named Fray Jhoan de Vascones, interpreter and minister of these districts.
Fray Jhoan de Vascones [19]
[Endorsed: "The Augustinians of the Filipinas. Council General of the Indias."]
History of the Great Kingdom of China
Compiled by Father Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza. Madrid: Printed by Pedro
Madrigal, in the year 1586.
Source: A copy of the Madrigal edition of Mendoza's Historia, in the Library of Congress.
Translation: The translation is made (of such parts as relate to the Philippine Islands) by James A. Robertson.
History of the Great Kingdom of China
[Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza's [20] Historia is divided into two parts—the first part containing three books; the second two books, and an "Itinerary" of certain Franciscan priests, who made the circumnavigation of the globe. Much of the matter for the Historia was gathered from Chinese books carried to Manila from China by Martin de Rada and his companions, the first Augustinians to go to China, and translated by them. In addition, much information was obtained from the Augustinians and their lay companions, and from the Franciscans—in especial from Father Martin Ignacio, one of those who composed the "Itinerary." The Philippine Islands are treated in portions of the second part, and in a portion of the "Itinerary;" this matter we reproduce in translation.
The first book of Part I consists of ten chapters, wherein is given a rapid survey of the country of China and its people and government; of certain social and economic conditions, and of its products. The second book, consisting also of ten chapters, treats of the religion and superstitions of the Chinese (wherein some peculiar parallels with the Christian religion are drawn), their mortuary and marriage customs, and treatment of the poor and infirm. The third book has twenty-four chapters, wherein are treated, in some detail, many different matters relating to China. These include an historical account of the kings of that empire; a description of the royal city; the fifteen provinces of the empire, their government, garrisons, and means of defense; laws of warfare; the royal council and its method of procedure; the judiciary and the execution of justice; scholarship and education; [21] ceremonies at banquets and on other occasions; their ships and certain of their occupations; and their morals. Our author finds interesting the use of artillery and the knowledge of the art of printing in China, prior to their invention in Europe. This part concludes with an account of Chinese courtesy to foreign ambassadors; and of the embassy to that country, entrusted to Gonzalez de Mendoza and other religious in 1580, by the Spanish king, but not carried into effect.]
Second Part of the History of the Great Kingdom of China
This second part is divided into two books and an itinerary, and discusses the following topics.
The first book contains in sequence the things witnessed and heard in that kingdom by Fathers Martin de Herrada, provincial of the order of St. Augustine in the Felipinas Islands, and his associate Fray Geronymo Marin, [22] and some soldiers who accompanied them.
The second, the miraculous voyage to this same kingdom by Father
Fray Pedro de Alfaro, custodian of the order of St. Francis in the
Felipinas, and his associates.
An itinerary of the father custodian of the same order, Fray Martin Ignacio, who went from España to China, and thence back to España, by way of East India, thus circumnavigating the world; the very remarkable things that he saw and heard during the voyage.
The departure of the Spaniards from Mexico to the Felipinas
Islands, and the information obtained there of the great Kingdom of
China. Chapter I.
While Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy and lieutenant for the Catholic king, Don Felipe, our lord, was in charge of the government of the kingdom of Mexico, his Majesty ordered him to fit out a large fleet in the Southern Sea, to levy the soldiers necessary for it, and to send it on a voyage of discovery to the islands of the West. The renowned captain Magallanes (when he circumnavigated the globe in the ship "Victoria") had already given information about these islands. The viceroy obeyed most carefully and assiduously his Majesty's orders. He fitted out the fleet at great cost, and despatched it from Puerto de la Navidad in the year sixty-four. As general of it, and governor of the land to be discovered, he appointed the honorable Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, who died afterward in the same islands with the title of adelantado, one year previous to the entrance into China of Fathers Fray Martin de Herrada, Fray Geronymo Marin, [23] and their associates. The Spaniards explored the said islands, and colonized some of them for his Majesty, especially that of Manila. This island has a circumference of five hundred leagues. The city of Luçon (also called Manila) was settled there. It is, as it were, the metropolis of the island. In this city the governors who have gone to the Felipinas since their discovery have, as a rule, resided. There also a cathedral church has been founded, and a bishopric erected, his Majesty appointing to this office the very reverend Don Fray Domingo de Salazar of the order of Preachers, in whom are found the qualities of holiness, upright conduct, and learning requisite in that province. He was consecrated in Madrid in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-nine. There are also, at present, three monasteries of religious—one of Augustinians, who were the first to enter these islands in obedience to his Majesty's orders, and have preached the evangelical law to the great gain of souls, and with no little suffering, many of them having lost their lives in this occupation; the second, of descalced friars of the order of St. Francis, of the province of San Joseph, who have approved themselves by their good example, and have been very useful in those regions; and the third, of Dominicans or Predicants, who have been of no less service. All of these have passed a certain time in these islands. Afterward the Jesuit fathers came to these regions; they have been of great help to the above-mentioned religious.
On their arrival at these islands, the Spaniards at once heard many things concerning the great kingdom of China, both through the relations of the islanders, who told of that country's wonders; and through what they themselves saw and heard, after a few days, from the crews of certain vessels entering that port with merchandise and very curious articles from that kingdom. These latter told them in detail of the greatness and wealth of that country, and the many things related in the first three books of this history. As soon as the Augustinian religious (then the only religious in those islands), and especially their provincial, Fray Martin de Herrada—a man of great worth, and most erudite in all branches of learning—were aware of the greater advantages possessed by the Chinese, who come to trade among those islands, in comparison with these islanders, and especially in the matters of civilization and ability, they immediately conceived a great desire to go to preach the gospel to those people, so capable of receiving it. With this object in view, they began most carefully and studiously to learn the Chinese language, which the above-mentioned provincial mastered in a short time, making also of the same a grammar and dictionary. Besides this, they gave many gifts and presents to the Chinese merchants, in order to be conveyed to their country. They did many other things, which are illustrative of their holy zeal—even to offering themselves as slaves to the merchants, in order that, in this manner, they might enter the country for the purpose of preaching. But all these efforts were of no avail, until the divine will showed another and better method, which will be related in the following chapter.
The sea-power of the pirate Limahon from the Kingdom of China, and his defeat of Vintoquiam, a pirate from the same Kingdom. Chapter II.
The Spaniards were enjoying in peace and quiet their new settlement of Manila, without apprehension of any accident that might disturb their peace, and ignorant of any hostile treachery that might harm them; for the islands were quite pacified, and submissive to the Catholic King Felipe, our lord, and the trade with the Chinese was continuing. This last seemed sufficient guarantee to ensure their present quiet; and likewise, because they knew of the law among these people (as has been related in the history) that prohibited them from warring with anyone outside of their own kingdom. [24] They were enjoying this peace when Limahon, a pirate from the kingdom of China—of pirates there is, as a rule, no lack along this coast, both because of the dense population of the kingdom, so that necessarily, vagabonds are by no means uncommon; and (the principal reason) because of the tyranny exercised by the rulers toward their subjects—came to these islands with an immense fleet, as will be related hereafter, with the intention of working them harm. This pirate was born in the city of Trucheo in the province of Cuytan, called by the Portuguese Catim. He was the son of parents in moderate circumstances, who, while he was a child, reared him in the midst of vice and license. On this account, and by his own nature, he was quarrelsome and evilly disposed. He would learn no trade, except to commit robberies along the highway, in which he became so proficient, that very soon he had a large following—more than two thousand—of whom he was the acknowledged chief, and came to be feared throughout the whole province where he committed his depredations.
When the king and his council learned of this, the former ordered the viceroy of the province where the pirate was, to assemble all the garrisons of his frontiers, and to try to capture him, and carry or send him alive to the city of Taybin, or if that were impossible, to secure his head. The viceroy ordered the necessary forces to assemble for this pursuit, with all haste. When the pirate Limahon was aware of this this—seeing that he was not sufficiently strong with the men at his command to defend himself against the forces coming against him, and that he was in great danger if he waited—he collected his companions, and led them to a seaport a few leagues from that place, going thither with so great rapidity and so secretly, that before the inhabitants of this place, accustomed to live quite without fear of such assaults, were aware of it, he was master of the port and all its vessels. In these vessels he and all his men embarked immediately, weighed anchor, and made for the open sea, thinking (and with good reason) themselves safer there than on land.
Perceiving now that he was master of that whole sea, he began to plunder as many vessels as he could, both foreign and native, so that, within a short time, he was well provided with seamen and the other necessities demanded in his new calling. He pillaged and despoiled all the coast towns, and committed many other atrocities. He became powerful, having collected a fleet of forty vessels, composed of both those that he had seized in the first port, and those that he had appropriated at sea, and a large following of shameless men, quite satiated with their robberies and murders. He bethought himself of undertaking things of greater import, and set about it, having the boldness to attack large towns, and committing numberless atrocities—so that throughout that entire coast where he was known he was greatly feared; and even in coasts very far from there the report of his cruelties was spread abroad. While engaged in these practices he happened to meet with another pirate like himself, named Vintoquiam, also a native of China, who was resting at anchor in the port, not apprehending any danger. Here, gaining the advantage through his great daring, he fought with the latter's fleet, and conquered him, although Vintoquiam had sixty vessels, large and small, and a strong force of men, capturing fifty-five of his vessels; Vintoquiam escaped with the other five. Limahon, now finding himself with a fleet of ninety-five vessels, manned by a numerous and bold following (all of whom knew that execution awaited them if taken), grew bolder and lost every atom of fear, devising new atrocities; and he not only attacked and plundered large cities, but seized and destroyed them.
A fleet is prepared in China against the pirate Limahon, and he retires to Tonzuacaotican, where he hears of affairs in the Felipinas. Chapter III.
Each day saw an increase of the complaints made to the king and his council by the Chinese who suffered at the hands of Limahon. For this reason, the king once more ordered the viceroy of that province in which the pirate was committing his depredations, to hasten to have this man intercepted. Within a short time, the viceroy prepared one hundred and thirty large vessels, manned by forty thousand men, all under command of a gentleman named Omoncon. This man was ordered to seek and pursue the pirate, being expressly commanded to capture or kill him, even if he should endanger his ships and men while doing it. Limahon was at once informed of all this, through certain secret friends. As he saw that the plan to pursue him was being pushed forward in all earnestness, and that he was inferior to his enemy in point of ships and men, he determined not to await the latter, but to withdraw from that coast. In his flight he betook himself to a remote island, Tonzuacaotican by name, forty leagues from the mainland, and lying in the pathway to the Felipinas. Limahon remained in this retired island with his fleet for some days, without daring to return to the mainland, for he knew that the king's fleet was guarding the coast; and although he despatched a few vessels on marauding expeditions, they did nothing of importance—returning, on the contrary, pursued by the king's powerful fleet. He made some sallies with part of his vessels from this island, robbing all the vessels that he encountered, which, with their cargoes of merchandise and other articles, were sailing between the different islands, or between the islands and the mainland. Among them he happened to meet two Chinese merchant vessels plying from Manila to China. Immediately he had the holds of these vessels searched, finding the rich cargoes that they carried, which consisted of articles of gold and Spanish reals of four to the peso, given to them in exchange for the merchandise carried by them to the islands. Limahon informed himself thoroughly of the characteristics and wealth of the land, and especially of the Spaniards in the city of Manila—who in all did not exceed seventy, because the others had left Luzon for the exploration and colonization of new islands. Then—ascertaining that these few were living without any fear of enemies, and therefore had no fort; and that their artillery, although good, was not in position, either for defense or offense—he determined to go thither with his entire fleet and following, in order to kill them; and to make himself master of the island of Manila and its environs, where he thought to be safe from the power of the king, who was trying to capture him. In accordance with this idea, he set about this enterprise with the utmost possible despatch.
Departure of the pirate Limahon for the Felipinas, and arrival at the city of Manila. Chapter IIII.
The pirate resolved to go to capture the Felipinas Islands, and to make himself master and king of them all, first killing the Spaniards—a thing that seemed easy of accomplishment, because of their small number. He was convinced that he could live here quite free from anxiety, and without his present fear of the great power of the king, because these islands were so far from the mainland. Leaving those islands where he had sought shelter, he set sail toward those of the Felipinas, passing those islands called Illocos, [25] near to a town called Fernandina, founded recently by Captain Juan de Salzedo, who at that time was lieutenant-governor there. Four leagues from this place, Limahon met a small galley sent out by the said Juan de Salzedo after provisions, with but twenty-five soldiers aboard, not counting the rowers—both soldiers and rowers being in very small numbers, for they felt quite secure in this region, and had no suspicion of meeting enemies. When the pirate Limahon's fleet discovered the galley, they came down upon it, invested it, and taking it easily, burned it, and killed its crew, without excepting a single person. After this capture, Limahon continued his voyage, according to his plan, and passed by the town of Fernandina, but not so secretly that he escaped being seen by its inhabitants. The latter informed the above-named lieutenant-governor of it, expressing their astonishment at seeing so large an assemblage of vessels, a sight never before witnessed in those islands. To him also, this was a cause for wonder, and he was not a little troubled at what it might mean. Seeing that these vessels were directed toward the city of Manila, and thinking that so great a fleet, coming from such a direction, could portend no good to the inhabitants of the city (who were living in security and were but few in number, as we have said above), he resolved to set out immediately with the greatest despatch possible, and with the greatest number of men he could muster—about fifty-four Spaniards—to endeavor, although at the risk of much labor, to get the start of them, and warn the people of Manila, and help them place the artillery in position, and do other things needful for the defense of the city. The captain set out to carry this determination into effect with all haste, from which it resulted that the city and all its inhabitants were not completely pillaged and destroyed. However, it was not possible to avoid all damage; for, as their vessels were small, and the rowers few in number and not picked men (since their hasty departure did not allow a choice), and as they were going from one region to another to get food—all these things combined prevented them from arriving as soon as they wished, or as was desirable. Limahon, being well provided with provisions and all other necessities, and favored with good winds, kept the lead of them, arriving at the bay of the city of Manila on St. Andrew's eve in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-four. Here he cast anchor that night with his fleet. As he knew that the success of his undertaking lay in his quickness, and in action before he should be seen by the inhabitants of the city, or perceived by those in its neighborhood, he embarked—being aided in this by the darkness of the night—four hundred picked soldiers, of whose courage he was thoroughly assured and satisfied, in small boats, commanding their captains to exercise all diligence in arriving at the city before daybreak. He despatched this detachment with orders to fire the city first of all, and not to leave a single man living in it. He promised to join them at the first light, in order to help them should it prove necessary, as was the case. But, since nothing is done contrary to God's will or permission, it was not possible for the pirate Limahon to attain his end with the four hundred soldiers, as he thought to do; for all that night the land-breeze blew, becoming ever stronger as night deepened, and proving contrary to their desires. Consequently they were unable to disembark that night, although they tried to do so, striving with all their strength and cunning to sail against and overcome the wind. Had it not been for this, without any doubt they would have attained their evil purpose quite easily, and the city and its inhabitants would have been destroyed; for Limahon's plan and desire, as was manifest in the order given to his captains, was to raze and destroy the city.
Limahon sends four hundred soldiers as a vanguard to burn the city of Manila, who are resisted by our men. Chapter V.
Notwithstanding all the trouble caused them by the wind, the four hundred Chinese succeeded in reaching land a league away from the city at eight o'clock on the morning of St. Andrew's day. Leaving their boats at this point, they disembarked and immediately began their march in battle-array with the utmost rapidity, placing in the fore part two hundred arquebusiers, and immediately behind these the other two hundred, who were pikemen. But being espied by some of the inhabitants—as could not be otherwise, because of the level and open nature of the ground, and the great number of soldiers—these hastened to give immediate notice of the invasion. Coming into the city, they cried: "To arms! to arms! the enemy is upon us!" But their warning availed little, for no one believed it. On the contrary, they imagined it a rumor that had arisen among the natives themselves, or some jest that they were trying to practice. At last the enemy had reached the house of the master-of-camp, Martin de Goyti—his house being the first in the city in the direction taken by the enemy—before the Spaniards and soldiers within the city caught sight of them, and even before they would put any confidence in the noise and rumor. The enemy immediately fired the house of the said master-of-camp, killing him and all the inmates, so that no one escaped except the wife, and her they left grievously wounded and stark naked, believing her to be dead, although she was afterward cured of her wounds. During this time of this their first act of cruelty, the citizens were assured of the truth; and although none of them had ever imagined so unlooked-for an event, finally they sounded the call to arms and began to try to save their lives. Some soldiers made an immediate sally to the shore, in the lack of order usual in events of this nature. In consequence, the Chinese killed them all, not even one of them escaping. Therefore the rest of the Spaniards formed into one organized body, and showed some resistance to the enemy, now entering the city and firing it, the while uttering their shouts of victory. This resistance was characteristic of Spaniards upon finding themselves in such dangers; and it was so stubborn and courageous that it sufficed to restrain the fury of those who hitherto had been victors, and even to make them retire, notwithstanding the very great disproportion between the two forces. In retiring, the Chinese lost some soldiers without inflicting any serious loss on the Spaniards, who performed many remarkable deeds in this defense. Thereupon the Chinese, inasmuch as they had left their boats at some distance, because they had no time to bring them nearer, resolved to abandon the assault begun by them, in its present condition; and to seek shelter and refresh themselves from their past toil, in order that they might return later with their captain-general Limahon (whom they were awaiting), to bring their plan to completion, a thing that they considered to be, by this means, very easy of accomplishment. When they reached their boats, as they feared some danger, they began a return to the fleet, steering directly toward the place where they had left it; they caught sight of it not long afterward, past a point in sight of the city of Manila. Taking their course toward the fleet, they came to the flagship, in which was the pirate Limahon. They related to him the affair in all its details, and how, on account of the contrary winds, they had been unable to reach land in the time set by him, and which they wished. Therefore they had not completed the undertaking and had deferred it, because of his absence, until a better opportunity. He consoled them, and thanked them for what they had done until then. He promised them to make a very speedy end to his damnable purpose, and at once commanded that the bow of his flagship be directed toward a port called Cabite, situated two leagues from the city of Manila. From this latter place the said fleet could be easily seen passing on its way.
The governor of Manila fortifies himself in order to await the onslaught of the Chinese, and drives them back. Limahon having returned occupies the land along the Pangasinan River. Chapter VI.
The governor, Guido de Labaçares, who, by the order of his Majesty, had succeeded to the governorship at the death of Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, was then in those islands, and in that of Manila. He, taking into consideration the pirate's great fleet and large following, and the few defenses and means of resistance in the city, assembled the captains and citizens with the utmost despatch, and with their unanimous approbation set about making some defenses, while the enemy was in the port aforesaid, that the Spaniards might defend themselves to the best of their ability. For the Spaniards could not abandon the city, while life remained, without loss of their credit; for in only this one of all the islands thereabout could they feel secure. This determination was speedily put into execution, the work lasting during the two days and nights while the pirate delayed; and no opportunity was neglected, nor was any person excused from the work, notwithstanding his rank, for the courageous soldiers well knew that, if they remained alive, the fatigue and weariness would soon pass away. With this incessant work, they were enabled to make a fort out of planks, and casks filled with sand, with such other means of defense as these few hours permitted. They brought out four pieces of very excellent artillery that were in the city. These were placed in good position, and all the people were gathered in the little fort thus made. This occurred, as we believe, through the providence of God, our Lord, who did not choose that the many souls baptized in those islands, and sealed with the light of the knowledge of His most holy faith, should return into the power of the devil, from whose grasp He had drawn them by His infinite mercy. Neither did He wish that the convenient proximity of those islands to the great kingdom of China be lost, by which means, perhaps, his divine Majesty has ordained the salvation and rescue of all that country. The night before the assault, Captain Juan de Salcedo, lieutenant-governor of the town of Fernandina, arrived—who, as we said, was coming for the purpose of aiding the Spaniards of Manila. His coming and that of his companions was clearly the chief remedy for both the city and its inhabitants; for, besides being few, the work of the late resistance and that of preparing the defenses for the coming assault, together with the fear left in their hearts by the danger in which they beheld themselves, had rendered them feeble and in great need of help such as this; and he seemed to all of them to have been sent miraculously by God. With this arrival, all recovered courage and the assured hope of making a courageous resistance. They prepared themselves for this immediately, because the pirate, before dawn of the morning following—two days after the assault, as above related, by the four hundred soldiers at his orders—appeared with his entire fleet in front of the port. He disembarked about six hundred soldiers, who without delay fell upon the city, which they were able to sack and burn at will, as indeed they did; for the inhabitants had abandoned it, as above stated, at the order and command of the governor, gathering at the fort for greater security.
Having set fire to the city, they attacked the fort, flushed with their past murders, and fully persuaded that the inmates would offer little resistance. But the outcome was not so certain as they thought, because of the great valor and courage of those inside, through which all the pirates who had the daring to enter the fort paid for their boldness with their lives. Upon seeing this, the Chinese withdrew, after fighting almost all that day, and losing two hundred men (who were killed in the assault), besides many wounded. Of the Spaniards but two were killed, namely, the ensign Sancho Ortiz, and the alcalde of the same city, Francisco de Leon.
The pirate Limahon, who was a man of astuteness and ability, in consequence of all this—and as it seemed to him that to persist further in his design against the steadfastness of the Spaniards, which was different from what he had experienced hitherto, was to lose time and people—resolved to embark and sail to the port of Cabite, whence he had come. First he collected very carefully his dead, whom he buried afterward in the above-named island, remaining there for this purpose two days. Then leaving this place, he returned by the same route that he had followed in his assault upon the city of Manila, until he arrived at a large river forty leagues away, Pangasinan by name. Thinking this to be a rich country, and that he could remain there safe from those who, by the king's orders, were looking for him, he resolved to stay there, and to make himself master of that place. This he did with very little trouble, and by means of a fort which he built, one league up the river; he remained there for some time, collecting tribute from the natives, as their true lord. He sent out his vessels to rob all who should be found along those coasts; and the report spread abroad that he had seized the Felipinas Islands, and that all the Spaniards there had been killed or had fled. Thereupon great terror and fright filled all the neighboring villages settled upon this great river Pangasinan; and all of them, with no exception, received Limahon as lord, and as such obeyed him and paid him tribute.
The master-of-camp, Salzedo, attacks Limahon, burns his fleet, and besieges him for three months in a fort; whence the pirate escapes by dint of great effort. Chapter VII.
When the governor of the islands and the citizens of Manila heard that the pirate Limahon was asserting, wherever he went, that he had killed and defeated the Spaniards; considering that if this were not checked speedily, great harm might result from it, which could not be remedied so easily afterward as it could at the present time; and that their allies and vassals throughout all those islands, placing credence in the pirate's assertion, might rise against them, and kill them with ease, because of the great number of the natives and the fewness of the Spaniards, who until the present had sustained themselves solely by the report of their invincibility—they took counsel together, and determined that as large a force as possible should be raised, and sent in military array in pursuit of the pirate. They knew that he must, of necessity, have stationed himself near Manila; and that he would not dare return to China, because he was afraid. They thought that, by the use of the same artifice and strategy employed by Limahon, they might come upon him unawares, as he had caught them. They believed that, although they could not destroy him totally, they could, at the very least, take vengeance for the damage wrought by him, so that the lie would be given to the report spread abroad by the said pirate. Thus the Spaniards' old security would remain, and they would be held in greater estimation by the natives near them, who knew them; and would even attain the friendship of the king of China, against whom Limahon was a traitor, and whom he had offended. This resolve they set about executing immediately, as such an undertaking required. Meanwhile they heard, as certain, that the pirate was stationed on the Pangasinan River, where he had made a strong settlement. Upon obtaining this news—which was most agreeable to the Spaniards—the governor summoned all the people dwelling thereabout, ordering them to come to the city where he resided. At this same time, he sent word to all the encomenderos or seigniors of the villages of those islands called Pintados, ordering them to assemble at the same place with as many ships and men as possible, both Spaniards and natives. All this was done and completed quickly and gladly; and the natives, especially those of the said Pintados Islands, came willingly. All these, together with the other people who lived in the city, set out under command of Captain Juan de Salzedo, whom the governor, in his Majesty's name, had appointed to the office of master-of-camp (rendered vacant, as has been related above, by the death of Martin de Goyti at the first assault of the city of Manila). The governor remained behind with only a force sufficient to guard the city and the fort, which had been built again, and the well. The master-of-camp took in his detachment two hundred and fifty soldiers and five hundred friendly Indians, all unanimous in their intention to avenge the mischief that they had suffered, or to die in the attempt.
This entire force embarked in small boats, and in two fragatas brought from nearby islands, as no time had been given, in the haste necessary for this expedition, to wait until larger ships could be found. And, even had they waited, they would have found but a poor supply of vessels; for the inhabitants of this region, as soon as they saw the city attacked by the pirate, had risen against the Spaniards—believing that the latter could not escape so great a force, although from the Spaniards' first entrance into the said islands, they had been very submissive—and burned a small galley anchored at Manila, together with two other large vessels.
The master-of-camp, with the force above mentioned, left Manila on the twenty-third of March, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-five, and arrived at the mouth of the Pangasinan River at dawn on Holy Wednesday following, without being espied by anyone; for, as was important, they observed great care. The master-of-camp disembarked his entire force immediately, together with four pieces of artillery, leaving the mouth of the river blockaded with all his vessels, some of which he had ordered to extend themselves so that no one might enter or go out, or warn the pirate of their arrival. He ordered others of the vessels to reconnoiter the enemy's fleet and his fortifications. He charged them especially to endeavor not to be seen, for this was essential to the success of the undertaking. The captains did as they were ordered, finding the pirate as free from anxiety of any danger there, as the city of Manila had been at his attack. This security resulted from his having heard that, although they were discussing in China the question of attacking him, this could not be done soon, for they could not know or be perfectly sure of his whereabouts; and from his certain knowledge that the Spaniards of the Felipinas had no vessels, for, as we have said above, they had been burned, and they had received so much damage that they would endeavor rather to recover from their past ill-treatment, than to avenge injuries. The master-of-camp having ascertained thoroughly this great lack of care, and the most retired path to the pirate's fort, ordered Captain Gabriel de Ribera and his men to march immediately by land, and as suddenly as possible to assault the enemy, making as much noise and confusion as he could. The captains, Pedro de Chaves and Lorenço Chacon, with forty soldiers apiece, he ordered to ascend the river in the swiftest vessels. The time was to be appointed so that both the land and sea forces would arrive at the fort at the same instant, and make the assault at the same time, so that they might the better succeed in their purpose. He himself remained behind with all the rest of the forces to await the opportunity and to furnish aid in any emergency. This plan succeeded very well, and each party gave the best account of itself—the water force firing the enemy's fleet, while the land force, aided by those who had set the fire, entered the palisade constructed by Limahon for his defense, and as a protection for his men. They entered the fort also and killed more than one hundred Chinese, besides capturing more than seventy women, whom they found within the palisade.
When Limahon heard the noise, he hastened to the fort, which—notwithstanding that it had been made as a defense, in case the fleet of the Chinese king, which he knew had been prepared to go in search of him, should chance upon him there—served to save his life on this occasion. He ordered some soldiers to skirmish with the Spaniards, now quite worn out by that day's work and the oppression caused by the intolerable heat of the burning vessels and the houses within the palisade, all of which were ablaze at the same time. The captains, on perceiving this, and the lack of order among their men, which they might not remedy, because they themselves were almost worn out (although the aid sent them very opportunely by the master-of-camp had given them a moment's respite and added new courage), gave the signal for retreat, with the loss of five Spaniards and more than thirty of their Indian allies, whom the pirate's soldiers killed, besides some others that had been wounded. Upon the following day, the master-of-camp arrayed all his forces in line of battle, and set out for the fort with the intention of giving battle if he could find an opportunity. Arriving there, he established his camp at a distance of less than two hundred paces from it, but he found that during that night the pirate had fortified himself strongly, and in such wise that it was considered dangerous to attack the fort; in it had been mounted three large pieces of artillery, and many small culverins, besides other contrivances for discharging fire. Upon observing this, the master-of-camp—recognizing that his artillery consisted only of small pieces and was insufficient for assaulting the fort; and that the supply of ammunition was inadequate, because it had been spent in defending themselves against the assaults made by the pirate on Manila—in accordance with the advice of his captains, determined that (since the enemy had no vessels, by which he might escape by water, nor any resources or material with which to build them, and very little food, because the latter had been burned with the vessels) it would be better and conduce more to his own safety to besiege the fort and to settle down there until hunger should wear out the enemy, in order that they might thus be forced to surrender, or capitulate under certain conditions. Notwithstanding the nature of these conditions, the enemy would consider them better than death by hunger. This resolve seemed good to all of them, although quite the contrary of their expectation happened; for during the blockade by land and water, which lasted for three months, the pirate was so clever, and planned so well, that he made some boats inside the fort, trimming them in the best manner possible. In these he and his men escaped one night, as will be told—a thing that seemed impossible and caused great surprise to the Spaniards, a surprise which was heightened on finding that he had gone with so great cunning, without either the land or sea force hearing it. I shall not relate the events of these three months, although some were most notable, for my purpose is to show the events that gave occasion for the entrance of the Augustinian religious and their companions into the Chinese kingdom, and to tell those things which, they declared, were seen there by them. For this reason I have given the coming of Limahon, and all the rest of the above relation.
Omoncon, captain of the Chinese king, coming in search of the pirate
Limahon, encounters our Spaniards. Chapter VIII.
During the period of the siege, as related in the preceding chapter, certain boats were going to and coming from the city of Manila—distant, as I have said, but forty leagues from the mouth of the Pangasinan River—for the purpose of bringing provisions and other necessities for the support of the army.
It happened one day that a vessel under command of Miguel de Loarcha, [26] having on board father Fray Martin de Herrada, provincial of the Augustinians (who had come to Pangasinan to see the master-of-camp, and was returning to Manila to hold a meeting of his order), met in the island and port of Buliano, seven leagues from the Pãgasinan River, as they were going out of the port, a Sangley ship, which was about to enter the port. Thinking it to be a hostile vessel, they bore down upon it, together with another ship in their company. Those aboard the ship were only the said father provincial and five other Spaniards and the sailors. The Sangley ship, seeing them bearing down upon it, tried to take flight; but, the contrary wind not permitting this, as a consequence, the Spanish ships, by means of sail and oar, came within cannon range, and even nearer, in a few moments. On one of the Spanish ships was a Chinese named Sinsay, who had been in Manila many times with merchants, and was very friendly and well known to the Spaniards, and understood their language. When this man saw that the ship was Chinese, and that, from its appearance, it was not a pirate, he requested our men not to fire or do any damage until it was known clearly who its occupants were. He went to the bow of the vessel and hailed them, thus ascertaining that theirs was one of the ships of the fleet sent by their king in search of the pirate Limahon. They had left the fleet behind and put out to sea in order to explore those islands, to ascertain whether the pirate were in any of them. In order to gain this information, they were about to put in to the port of Buliano, whence the Spaniards were coming out with two ships, and from whom they tried to flee, fearful lest they should prove to belong to the pirate. Thus assured on each side, the two parties joined together in all peace and friendship. The Spaniards immediately entered a small boat, and went over to the Chinese ship, taking with them the said Synsay as interpreter, in order that he might talk with the Chinese. In the ship of the latter was a man of much influence named Homoncon, who bore a decree from his king, which he showed to the Spaniards and to the father provincial, in which the king and his council pardoned all of Limahon's soldiers, on condition that they immediately left the latter and enrolled themselves under the royal banners; and it bestowed great reward upon whomsoever should capture or kill the said pirate. Thereupon Sinsay told him of the coming of the pirate to the island, and all the story of the siege, as related above; and that the pirates were shut up on the Pangasinan River, whence escape was impossible. The captain Omoncon was overjoyed at hearing this news, and gave expression to a thousand demonstrations of his joy. He embraced the Spaniards many times, and by other signs indicated his great pleasure. Then he wished to return to the fleet, but to have more certain information, as he was assured that the death or capture of the pirate was expected daily, he resolved to go to Pangasinan, since it was so near, to converse with the master-of-camp, together with Sinsay—a man well known on both sides—through whose medium they could discuss the best methods for the confirmation of peace and friendship between the Chinese and Spaniards, and for the capture or death of the pirate. With this resolution, they set out—the Chinese for Pangasinan, where they arrived that same day; and the Spaniards for Manila, whither they were going for provisions.