From anilg@iimahd.ernet.in Thu Dec 4 12:11:59 1997 Received: from mx4.u.washington.edu (mx4.u.washington.edu [140.142.33.5]) by lists.u.washington.edu (8.8.4+UW97.07/8.8.4+UW97.05) with ESMTP id MAA21868 for ; Thu, 4 Dec 1997 12:11:58 -0800 Received: from stdwww.iimahd.ernet.in (root@stdwww.iimahd.ernet.in [202.41.76.247]) by mx4.u.washington.edu (8.8.4+UW97.07/8.8.4+UW97.09) with SMTP id MAA29802 for ; Thu, 4 Dec 1997 12:11:25 -0800 Received: from iimahd.iimahd (iimahd [202.41.76.254]) by stdwww.iimahd.ernet.in (8.6.12/8.6.9) with SMTP id BAA02143 for ; Fri, 5 Dec 1997 01:16:30 +0500 Received: from anilg.iimahd by iimahd.iimahd (4.1/SMI-4.0) id AA02038; Fri, 5 Dec 97 01:37:32+050 Date: Fri, 5 Dec 97 01:37:32+050 From: anilg@iimahd.ernet.in (Prof Anil K Gupta) To: indknow@u.washington.edu Subject: a draft paper only for comments on sacred groves--a review Message-Id: draft For comments only Policy and Institutional Aspects of Sacred Groves: Tending the spirit, sustaining the sacred Anil K Gupta and other Members of Honey Bee network There was a Chola king by the name Parivallal in ninth century in south India who was very famous for his generosity and concern for nature. He was passing through a forest once when he felt thirsty. He stopped his chariot near a stream and went to drink fresh water and also relax a bit. After a while when he came back he noticed some thing that stopped him from boarding the chariot. He decided to walk back to his palace on foot. A tendril of a creeper ( locally called as nilotpal) had grown and twined around the spoke of the wheel. If he moved his chariot, the tendril would have broken. Whether the king recognized the 'rights' of a creeper or his 'responsibility' towards it, is difficult to say but the irrelevance of such a story in a discourse on modern institutions of conservation may certainly appear out of place to many ( Honey Bee 1994). And yet it is such a discourse that merits our attention in the current popular upswing of consumerist and utilitarian world. When we seem to price everything and decide to allocate conser vation priority only on what is considered useful or important by the most, the case for not so important and not so relevant needs to be made. In this paper I attempt such a case. I argue that the concept of sacredness is at the very root of our civic consciousness and whenever any boundary of sacredness is violated, we are reduced to that extent in our civil consciousness. Our humane urge to relate to all that we adore, respect and some times even fear ( of losing) provides some basis of what we consider sacred. But memories of some one we love and respect seems to ascribe sancti ty and sacredness to any thing and every thing that we attach that memory with. Is sacredness then only a function of individu al ability to recall, rever and relate to one's memories. Ob viously, sacredness goes beyond individual criterion and concern for adorable past. Communities and cultures define sacred symbols that grow with time and also erode with time. Collective memo ries, myths, legends and spiritual code of conduct evolve over a period of time sanctified through sanctions, material as well as moral. ------------------------------------------------------------------ Prof Anil K Gupta coordiates SRISTI, edits Honey bee News letter on grassroots innovations and teaches at Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad 380015 India. anilg@iimahd.ernet.in http://csf.colorado.edu/sristi 91 79 6427896 ( fax) I am grateful to several colleagues but particularly Riya Sinha for putting literature together, Sethumadhavan for word processing, Grace for preparing bibliography and other colleagues providing me the peace without which the ideas in this paper would not evolve. ------------------------ The traditional ecological knowledge systems continually evolve, intermesh with contemporary influences and some times become part of Folkloric memoryscape. Memories as Schama(1995) has suggested assume the forms of landscape and a metaphor becomes a reality; an absence becomes the presence. Cultural reserve of ecological knowledge also creates and/or dissolves institutions for conser vation. Ecologists are often confronted with situations in which the social perceptions of nature and their interactions do not parallel with biological explanations of the same. And yet the ecological ethics stems from such social perceptions. Does knowl edge and knowability of nature demand restraint, if only to nurture these perceptions? Or is it that a new language of dis course has to be invented so that what we know but do not accom modate in our rational tool box does continue to influence our frame of reference. How else do we explain so many traditional institutions for conserving common property resources and other natural sub sets on grounds other than purely utilitarian logic. If technology is treated as words, institutions may be like grammar( Gupta, 1992). The paper deals with the elements of several traditional institutions of conser vation particularly scared Groves which achieve what modern consciousness and institutions may seldom even attempt to achieve. There are songs and stories like the one which reminds people about their responsibility towards birds in a drought year when there is not enough to eat for human beings, or another one in which a lovelorn woman negotiates with a lake to tell her when her lover would come back if she removes the layer of algae blocking her ( the lake's) breathing. Metaphors have low entropy and thus have been used by societies from time immemorial to code certain crucial rules for respecting nature in cultural terms. But there are also functional elements in traditional knowledge. These are no less important and have in fact become a major precursor of modern search for leads for drugs and other recipes. In this search, we have become so ob sessed with the results in the form of patented drugs and obvious profits that we seldom reflect on the long term future of this knowledge systems itself. We do not realize that erosion of knowledge is some times taking place at faster rate than the erosion of resource itself. Devaluation of traditional knowledge and contemporary innovations ( which have received much less attention) takes place partly out of ignorance but partly on account of a short sighted calculus. This calculus neither takes into account historical experimentation that has been gone into by societies nor recognizes ethical responsibility of researchers towards providers of knowledge as well as resources situations. This paper provides understanding of how traditional ecological knowledge systems around sacred consciousness have evolved and how could we draw upon these in grafting modern institutions for conservation. The blending of modern and informal science so achieved may even enrich the scientific pursuits but not just that. It may nurture human urge to cross frontiers of conscious ness that bridge sacred with profane, holism with reductionism, and ethereal with material. How else the nature with in and with out may communicate and create enduring landscapes of memories, meanings and metaphors of conservation. In part One of the paper I review debate on sacredness in the context of the sacred groves as well as species. Idea is to broad base our search for organizing principles and building blocks which can help us in building upon sacred institutions and in fact further help in grafting modern institutions upon those foundations. In part two I review global experiences with sacred groves as well as sacred species particularly insects. I isolate principles and options for developing future strategies in the third part. In this part I thus discuss, the way we can graft modern institu tions on these sacred principles drawn from cultural, spiritual and social streams of consciousness. It is argued that sacred and profane ( and secular) and reductionism and holism intertwine like a double helical structure of DNA, one without the other is not sustainable. Part One: Sacred Groves: debate, discourse and diversity The divergence between the perspective of Kalam ( 1996) and Gadgil and Vartak ( 1976, 1981 a, 1981 b) provides one end of the spectrum of discussion on roots of sacredness. The review of research on sacred insects, trees, lakes and other sites and species providing not just utilitarian but more importantly symbolic and cultural basis for conservation provides another end of the spectrum. Both these perspectives require institutional understanding to analyze continuance as well as discontinuance of the conservation ethic. Kamal argues that standard narrative of fear or respect for God in the earlier times being the reason for evolution and conservation of sacred groves not tenable. If such were the case ( and people had innate faith in such deities), he asks as to why should then sanctions be needed- a view not en tirely consistent with the theories of institutions. He also asks that if one went in past several centuries ago, the functional need for conserving certain species would not hold because at that time pressures on resources were negligible or non existent. He believes that the sacredness of land scape or a site was the point of origin and deities were located at such sites much later. This too happened because people had a desire to propi tiate the fearful god who brought floods, rains, droughts etc., and these gods were supposed to reside in the sacred or unknown places. The argument by Gadgil and Vartak that sacred groves originated out of more secular causes such as utility of some plants of medicinal or other uses and not out of any sacred concern per se is also disputed by Kalam. He disagrees with the notion that the sacred groves might have been the sites of human and other sacri fices or that these have evolved during transition from hunter gatherers to cultivating cultures. There are several other aspects to this debate. Gerden and Mtallo (1990) while describing sacred forest reserves in Tanzania take a slightly different angle to this issue. They view the existence of Scared groves as a part of taboos evolved historically over several generations to provide a site for culturally crucial social interactions. For instance, circumcision of boys, discus sions on village and tribal matters, creation of cultural con formity, restrictions on tree cutting but mature trees allowed to be cut for building houses with collective sanction etc. It may be recalled that the empirical studies about absence of many mature trees in sacred groves may be partly explained by such rules in different parts of the world. The important issue however is the need for institutions sancti fied by sanctions. It is here that Kalam commits a mistake. The need for sanctions whether internal (moral, guilt, curse, bless ing etc.,) or external (punishment, fines, social censure, shame etc.,) have been used as a necessary feature by every social institution for managing boundaries of the institution. I have argued that there are always at least three kinds of rules in any institution (Gupta, 1984, 1989, 1990, 1996) which partly parallel the eight fold classification of rules by Ostrom (1985). Two types of rules are primary viz. (a) rules for boundary management and (b) rules for resource allocation. The interface of the two would generate conflicts and thus would arise the third type of rules to resolve conflicts. These rules could be coercive or persuasive and sanctified by moral or material sanctions. Thus Gadgil and Vartak are not wrong in suggesting that sacred groves as an institution might have evolved for performing sanc tions -- a very important function of any community to keep itself together. Whether these sanctions included human sacrific es or not at any time is something on which I will not speculate. But suffice it may to state that sanctions are an inevitable part of any arrangement which involves evolution of rules that have to be enforced. Where I disagree with Gadgil and Vartak is on their suggestion that sacred groves need to be only utilitarian in nature. Utility may emerge as a consequence because of conservation but it need not be always a primary precursor. If such was the case then we are taking our present day values and projecting the same into past. More importantly, we will lose the potential of sacred groves as an social institution of contemporary relevance by restricting our analysis to only functional analysis--important that is. In fact, as Gerden and Mtallo (1990) have shown that many rules in vogue in such sacred groves may be not acceptable in contempo rary sense and their context has to be understood before any change is attempted. For instance they show that rules include (a) no iron tool or axe to be taken inside the grove to cut any tree and only mature trees are allowed rarely to be cut for house construction, (b) women are not allowed to enter the grove at all, (c) no non-member is allowed to enter when the sacred cere monies are going on in the grove, (d) no bees are allowed to be kept inside, (e) any on can pass through the sacred grove when rituals or any meeting is not going on in the grove. The sanctions include psychological pressures put on the of fender, collective prayers to shame and curse offender, and ultimate sanction is exile. Beliefs, Myths, Norms, Values and Ideologies: The continuum if beliefs and ideologies has to be understood carefully to fully appreciate the role of sacredness. Beliefs are meanings attached to human experiences that does not need to be explained every time or every day. Some argue that beliefs deal with those human experiences which can not be ex plained such as taboos. That is not true. Taboos are only one kind of beliefs. Beliefs are like a mechanism of calibrating of our compass in the basic directions we follow in life but not entirely. Those beliefs which can not be retained in their explicit form but which are crucial to explain and reinforce identity of a community become myths. Myths have always an element of metaphor i.e. partial maps of reality. The fusion of imaginary and real is inherent in a metaphor and that is what makes it so powerful. The beliefs and myths which have normative ascendance in human order of preference become norms. Such beliefs are allowed lesser degree of freedom. The relationship between beliefs, myths, and norms is a matter of degree to which meanings are explicit or implicit, shared or held individually and sanctity attached by the community. When cer tain norms are widely shared and accepted, these become part of values. The cultural values i.e. beliefs widely shared and considered desirable as well as crucial for the core identity of the community can be distinguished from the spiritual and other kinds of values. When values are internalized so much that these provide not only a way of doing things but also mobilizing collective will for purposive action, these acquire the form of ideology. The sacred beliefs, myths, norms, and values have not become ideologies in the context of the forest in many cases though have the potential to become so. For instance, when some states in India encouraged people to plant trees in memory of their near and dear ones, who had departed, the memory forest (Smruti Vana) was a value being shaped to become an ideology for action. If it has not become so, it could be because of our inability to under stand the sensitivity with which sacred beliefs are created and, therefore, moulded. Sacredness has another root and that is our reciprocity with non- human sentient beings such as insects, animals, trees, and other aspects of nature. Many indigenous communities seek permission from the deity of the forests before harvesting any produce or hunting any animals. The notion is that while destruction of some life is necessary for reproduction and continuity of other lives, there is no moral superiority of one over other. Chinese, Hindu, Jain, Buddhists, and many other faiths do not recognize inherent superiority of human needs and wants over that of other living beings. The dilemma was identified by K.M. Munshi, a man of literature and former union minister of food and agriculture when he recognized the destiny of communities and cultures that rever nature so entirely that they become themselves extinct. In contrast there were other cultures which dominated nature so much that natural resources and several environmental properties got extinct or modified adversely. The challenge obviously is to define the zone of total reverence vis-a-vis the zone of total dominance. Sacred groves could thus become and have been one end of the spectrum while cultivated fields could be the other. What has to be appreciated is that even the cultivated fields may have elements of sacredness as sacred plants, stones and other species. Similarly sacred groves may be used for harvesting medicinal plants, seeds and other products within some con straints. The issue is not whether we need to identify the scope of sustainability only from the point of view of one extreme or the other. Instead, to what extent internally regulated behavior through beliefs, norms, and values can supercede the need for external regulation and sanctions while generating institutions for conservation. It is this ability across species and ecologi cal contexts which we need to appreciate before we can understand and design the institutions for conserving not just the forest but also underlying sacred consciousness. Part Two: Review of Sacred Consciousness in Nature Sacred Groves Just as Indian communities have evolved sacred beliefs around certain groves, lakes, mountains, etc., similarly local communi ties around the world have evolved similar institutions. Godbole (1996) describes the nature of sacred groves in western ghats and demonstrates the role of fear, economic utility, indirect bene fits, and participation in governance in conservation of sacred groves in western ghats. She suggests that apart from inventory of these groves, one needs to also augment these through supple mentary plantation. Native Americans have struggled for a long time to preserve their sacred sites which have come under stress more and more due to expanding urban boundaries, prospecting for various mineral and other natural resources, and location of recreational, scientific and other facilities (Lubick, 1980, Bodine, 1973, Hughes and Swan, 1986, Martin, 1993, Keegan, 1991, Milne, 1994). Jain sutra in Acaranga-sutra, states: ..lm .5" And just as it is the nature of a man to be born and grow old, so is it the nature of a plant to be born and grow old. . . . One is endowed with reason, and so is the other; one is sick, if injured, and so is the other; one grows larger and so does the other; one changes with time, and so does the other. . . . He who understands the nature of sin against plants is called a true sage who understands karma. . . . ..lm Janifer Smith (1996) has put on web an account of sacred trees in European context. For instance, Alder is supposed to have pro tective and oracular powers, Birch has fertility and healing powers, Fir indicates vision of long term future and what is beyond and yet to come, Hazel is supposed to help in gaining knowledge, etc. Just as Basil, banyan, and many other trees have religious and spiritual significance in our own country. The point is not to establish a causality between functional use of these plants and their symbolic and cultural value. In Borneo, Schirer (1963), provides the relation between sacred people and sacred land. The spiritual connection between self, spirit, nature and the God is seen through a continuity of con sciousness and experiences. Altman (1994) provides an example of about the role of sacred trees in Christian religion. He par ticularly refers to an unique example of a tree shrine that became a church around the oak of Allon-ville-Bellefosse. This is perhaps the most famous living tree in France estimated to be over thousand year old with a trunk measuring about 45 ft. in circumference. This has been a church since 1696 when it was consecrated to the Virgin Marry. Lennep (1990) describes an association of Nature Reserve Burial Grounds in U.K. that networks 25 or so woodlands burial grounds where a tree is planted in place of having a headstone. The initial cost of purchasing a land was met through sales of ce metery plots at well below the going rate for the burial industry but sufficient for the purpose. The initial participants includ ed those whose family could not afford high cost of conventional burial plots, baby boom environmentalists, and wilderness buffs. This is an effort to re-establish the value of sacredness implic it in cycles of life in the western society by bringing mystery of unknown as well as unknowable around our present day life. Shine, Washington, and Rogers (1995) provide a very interesting account of how an ancient sacred tree called as Eboga discovered thousands of years ago has provided a very important medicine called as Ibogaine used for de-addiction among people as well as for curing AIDS. Brothershine, representing African Descendants' Awareness Movement (ADAM), cautioned people that this drug was not a magic bullet. It worked only when a knowledgeable coun selor was available and patients were willing to change their lifestyle and also they were re-socialized. The relationship between psychic, social and biological healing may become more and more manifest as we bring sacredness back into our life. Stuart Hill (1995, Personal Communication) had shown how the soil, plant, animal, and human physical and psychic health could be related. K.M. Munshi had also talked about the link between soil and soul in his famous lecture on Gospel of Dirty Hand (1953). Chapman (1995) describes in considerable detail the historical account of sacred groves of Britain most of which have disap peared since. He quotes Ellis to suggest that sacred groves (Sarna) were left for local deities while clearing the forest for pastor and crop cultivation. Sarnath was one such grove in India where Buddha was born. He speculates that ritual enclosures and burial mounds of the bronze age and neolithic landscapes in Europe may have evolved in the similar way. In ancient Egypt, there were sacred lakes around temples similar to Mansarovar lake in Tibet and other such lakes in Africa. The origin of rivers and streams also have been given sacred status in most cultures. Vogel (1997) lists large number of studies on sacred sites and their relationship with human rights in different parts of the world at his web site. It is interesting to see such a connec tion because the cultures which have kept sacred groves alive often (though not always) may be in minority of one kind or the other and thus may come under pressure from outsiders intending to violate the sanctity of the sacred groves for commercial rea sons. In Japan, there are traditions where people go to a particular site for communicating with the trees. The Tamaki shrine is located in a forest of ancient sacred cedars, one of which is claimed to be three thousand year old. In Kumano, there are people who are reputed to be able to communicate with trees. Just as there are also people who practice `Takigyo' under freez ing cold water falls to purify both mind and body. The sacred forest and sacred water falls provide opportunities to seek communion of human spirit with nature (Nara Web site). The Australian Aborigines have very robust tradition of sacred groves and sites particularly their burial grounds (Elkin, 1964). The sacred Kaya forest (Luke and Robertson, 1995?, Kaya Web site, 1997) have been studied not only in their historical context but also for their contemporary relevance. In coastal Kenya, there is a network of sacred Kaya forest, which are the sites of cul tural discourse, rituals and other ceremonies. The Kaya has remained the spiritual centre of several communities in the region. Despite being fragmented and patchy in nature, these forests provide many small but important watersheds located in the coastal areas. There are conflicts emerging on account of outsiders interested in using these locations for tourism and local communities trying to conserve their sacred traditions. In some cases, the elders were willing to make adjustments and allow tourists to visit so long as the sacred forest was preserved. A recent WWF study listed on WWF web site notes that more than half of Kenya's rare plants occurred at the coast, most being found within these sacred forests. Induchoodan (1988) describes ecological characteristics of a sacred grove near Perumbavoor. Like in many other temples, the origin of temple in this place is also linked with discovery of miraculous property of the local rocks leading to establishment of temple. In one-and-half hectare area, more than 2310 plants of over 10 cm gbh could be recorded. The most interesting thing about the sacred grove is that it has expanded between 1973 and 1987 to at least some extent. This is contrary to the trend witnessed by Kalam (1996) who noticed that the sacred grove he has studied had expanded from 10865 acres to 15506 acres during 1873 to 1905. However, between 1905 and 1985, it lost 9558.77 acres. Even what is left is not under uniformly thick forest. Paradoxically the attempts are being made, as he reports, to sanskritise the deities to make them vegetarian and in conformity with orthodox Hinduism. .