Under Lock and Key RAIL Radio Program for March 26, 1999
Mumia Abu Jamal writes about the Amerikan Gulag;
Lynch mob explains the death penalty in Amerika;
California and Texas prisoners send statements to the Jericho
March.
Welcome to Under Lock and Key, news and commentary about prisons
from the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League. The U.$.
incarcerates a greater percentage of its population than any other
country. The rate for imprisonment of Blacks is 4 times that of
apartheid South Africa, and the U.$. sends more Black men to
prison than college. The purpose of this program is to educate
about, and inspire activism against, the Amerikan lockdown.
This is an article by Mumia Abu Jamal entitled
GULAG AMERICA
Is it surprising that prisons resemble factories, schools, ]
barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons? --asked Michel
Foucault in Discipline & Punish,
Over a million and a half human beings arise daily in American
cages.
These people constitute "invisible populations" living in
"invisible worlds" whose lives have become cheap fodder for what
scholar/activist Angela Y. Davis has termed, the "punishment
industry"
Although the formal penitentiary can be traced to the ill-fated
"Philadelphia System" and the infamous Walnut Street Jail of the
late 18th century that spawned it, the earliest uses of
imprisonment on American shores had a nakedly political objective.
After the slaughter and betrayal that was King Philips War
thousands of 'Indians' (actually Wampanoags), including those
'loyal' 'Christian' Wampanoags who helped the whites, were
imprisoned on barren island of the New England coast where they
died of cold and hunger.
Those who survived were shipped to a savage and short life as
slaves (merely another form of imprisonment) in the West Indies.
One of the early sites of imprisonment became Deer Island Jail
(recently vacated because of its dilapidated condition) in
Winthrop, Massachusetts.
These nameless men and women were truly prisoners of war, encaged
in early American concentration camps, not for what they did, but
because of what they were--so-called Indians. Those who survived
that harrowing hell became prisoners of the political order
(political prisoners) for life--slaves.
This early nefarious usage of imprisonment by the English settlers
of Massachusetts, would influence and mark the subtextual usages
of imprisonment down through American history, and each newly
entering ethnic group found itself thrown into American gulags for
what are economic, social and political reasons, as noted by
Richard Quinney, thusly:
Prisons in this country are used mainly for those who commit
a select group of crimes, primarily burglary, robbery,
larceny, and assault. Excluded are the criminals of the
capitalist class, who cause more of an economic and social
loss to the country and the society, but who are not often
given prison sentences. This means that prisons are
institutions of control for the working class, especially the
surplus population of the working class.
While Quinney is undoubtedly correct, he doesn't go far enough,
for at the time he was writing those words, the Black Liberation
Movement was on the wane, after years of state and societal
attacks. The American prison system, back in the 1920s, showed a
Black population that did not outrageously outpace it's population
percentage. The numbers of Black imprisonment show a marked,
dramatic, and increasingly precipitous rise in the 1970s, far
outstripping the African-American population percentage.
As a Black Judge in Memphis notes, Black youth are caught up in a
"containment system" that serves white economic interests. Judge
Joseph B. Bowen, Jr., of Shelby County, Tennessee notes:
The criminal justice system makes a lot of money for
everybody, from the judge to the bailiff, from the bail
bondsmen to the police, the sheriffs deputies, everybody. The
neoslave, the young Black male, becomes the fodder, the raw
material, for this industry-like profit-making system.
The fodder is Black, and the beneficiaries--those who profit
from the system--are white.
As Black youth were becoming increasingly radical in their
struggle against the white power structure, the "containment
system" was moved into place, to bottle up, and encage the rage of
an oppressed, damned people beginning to come to grips with living
in the midst of a white supremacist domain.
Studies have consistently borne out the view that one's race, and
secondarily, one's class, is a powerful aggravating circumstance
when it comes to judgments and sentencings. Even on the
unconscious level, these powerful predictors are present, and
active:
Where unconscious racism works in the law, it perpetrates racist
harms. More than this, however, it serves to reinforce unexamined
racial beliefs, working as a sort of self-fulfilling prophecy that
maintains races by confirming the validity of racial biases.
Consider the sentencing of convicted criminals. A number of
studies document large disparities in sentencing that correlate
only to the race of the defendant and the race of the victim.
Having committed the same crime in the same jurisdiction, with the
same record of prior convictions, one is likely to receive a
higher sentence if one is non-White or if one's victim is White.
These disparities are particularly evident in capital cases. One
study [by Professor Haney and published by the NYU Press in 1996]
shows that in otherwise similar situations prosecutors seek the
death penalty against Latinos four times more often than against
Whites, and are fourteen times more likely to seek the death
penalty against those who murder Whites than against those who
murder Latinos.
Professor Haney argues that this is so, not only at trial, but at
plea bargains, at probation and parole, and at every stop in
between.
To these arguments there will no doubt be many who suggest it be
dismissed, for those in prison surely deserve to be there. But
prisons are political constructions, built to meet political ends
and objectives, such as the containment of the oppressed. They are
thus agents of a legalized form of violence, and warped
beneficiaries of violence. This is seen clearest in the context of
what is laughable called the 'War on Drugs', which as former
Massachusetts Prison Psychiatrist, Dr. James Gilligan, M.D.
explained, is anything but;
In short--and this is by far the most important finding of all
that is known on the subject: "For illegal psychoactive drugs,
the illegal market itself accounts for far more violence than
pharmacological effects." Thus, the "war on drugs" appears to be
a self-generating war. Outlawing drugs, with the consequent
decrease in their supply, followed by the increase in their
cost, generates the illegal market--and all the violence that
follows from that.
Since the war on drugs victimizes mostly those who are young,
poor and/or black, and benefits mostly organized crime, it
might be said to be a war on the young, the poor, and on
blacks, a method of stimulating violence, and a very expensive
means of subsidizing organized crime, boosting the employment
of police and correction officers and border guards, and
subsidizing the construction industry by promoting the
building of more prisons. One could also wonder whether it is
not, wittingly or unwittingly, a means of distracting the
white middle class voting public from recognizing and
ameliorating the real poverty and misery that are epidemic in
the central-city ghettos.
Across a nation that claims to be the 'Land of the Free', over a
million souls sleep tonight in cages, consigned there by an
improper process, kept there by political expediency, and destined
to do so tomorrow because of the willing blindness of a sated and
jaded citizenry.
And the gulags continue to swell.
That was Mumia Abu Jamal, written on September 6, 1998. Mumai is
on death row in Pennsylvania, framed for the murder of a police
officer.
[Play track one of "Lynch Mob". This
is 1:54 long and there is no gap between this and the 2nd track.
Some white dude says "The mob was totally unruly--mob was totally
unruly--mob was totally unruly" and it's over and we cut. There
is an explosision right during the 3rd time he says it.]
The Jericho March is an annual event designed to draw attention to
the cases of the hundreds of people incarcerated by the United
Snakes for their political beliefs and actions. The Maoist
Internationalist Movement and the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist
League solicited statements from politically concious prisoners to
read at Jericho events. We present two of these statements here.
Greetings comrades, freedom fighters and all others participating
in the struggle against imperialist Amerikka,
I'm currently a prisoner in California. I'm a young black who has
seen personally the unjust of the criminal justice system. And I want to
first thank MIM Distributors and RAIL for all of the hard work and making
it possible for me and others like me to see what's really going on in the
U$. I also want to encourage everyone that's able to participate in the
struggle to free all political prisoners around the U$ who have seen no
justice. We want to see Mumia Abu Jamal free, we want Geronimo Pratt to
remain free, we want the brothers in Angola who started the BPP down there
free. These people did nothing
but stood as an opposing threat against the U$ imperialist structure.
By me being in prison I can speak personally about the
mistreatment of the prisoners. The slave work that we're forced to
participate in or face disciplinary action. They are over sentencing the
people, then employing them for free with no means of acquiring articles
of personal hygiene. Then they have the nerve to call these places
Correctional facilities. But, there's no measure of correction being
provided. There's not any way to prepare for a return to society except
through you the anti-imperialist [movement].
All of you are our hope! We need support, education and a
physical presence or a voice to be heard on our behalf. Education needs
to be addressed, they are keeping our people in prisons illiterate
teaching junior high school material. And that's not acceptable if we are
to be counted as comrades in this people's struggle. So I'm calling on
the people in position and with opportunity to aid educational development
of prisoners.
Thank you and peace out!
- A prisoner in Texas
This has been Under Lock and Key, a weekly Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist
League program about prisons. For more information, contact: RAIL PO Box
712 Amherst MA 01004, or email RAILRadio@mim.org.
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