Professor Christopher Chase-Dunn
Department of Sociology
Johns Hopkins University
Baltimore, MD. 21218 USA
410 516 7633
fax 410 516 7590
email chriscd@jhunix.hcf.jhu.edu
 
---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 7 Oct 1994 02:01:33 -0400
From:lugo0001@gold.tc.umn.edu
To: Multiple recipients of list <psn@csf.colorado.edu>
Subject: A Report From Chiapas
 
 
 
 
 [ Below is a journaled report from Peter Martin Morales, a spanish
 translator who participated in the August 6-10 Chiapas convention in
 Mexico.  Mr. Morales participated as an observer for the Minneapolis
 organization, Women Against Military Madness, which has approximately
 2500 members and works on issues such as demanding accountability
 from the US government for military actions it participates in, and
 supporting women and indigineous people everywhere]
 
 Mexico's National Democratic Convention:
 
 
 No to War A Celebration of Democracy in the Jungle
 
 Barely a week before Mexico's National Democratic Convention (CND)
convoked by the EZLN was to take place itself just weeks prior to the
nationalpresidential elections Mexico (21 August) we heard about the CND.
The who, what, where and why of it, the premise for it, seemed utter
madness, irresistible, quixotic. It occurred to us that something was
happening in Chiapas that would turn out to be a major historic event of
the century, but that few people really knew about it or were
interested in its implications; little, nothing really, had been said
in the U. S. media about it with the notable exception of the Nation,
other progressive publications and some local papers.
 
: We wondered how many people would seriously respond to the invitation of
a revolutionary army, calling for delegates from all sectors of
society to a meeting, deep in the Lacandon rain forest to change
the course of history of democracy. To arrive there delegates
would need to travel 200 km through a countryside that since
January had been contested territory between two armies, where a
tenuous cease-fire held under terms of suspended peace negotiations
. There would be countless roadblocks on both sides. This was
territory where only recently serious federal army abuse toward
members of aid caravans had been documented. The response, as it
turned out, was astounding, but then we were out of the loop; very
little worthwhile information was available to us, to understand the
amount of support that the revolutionary movement had generated
through out the different sectors in every state of the Mexican nation. :
To get there, we had been told, we needed credentials. We asked a local
group that organizes at the grass-roots level against the
insanity of militarization whether we could go down in their
name, to document the situation. The perspective we would bring down
as an anti-militarization group made us particularly sensitive to the
apparent contradictions of a revolutionary army struggling for peace by
any means necessary. Contradictions that in the cou rse of the transfer of
power from the EZLN to the CND were (once again) masterf ully resolved and
clearly projected.
 
: August 4th; Getting Accredited :
 
Our trip to San Cristbal was
uneventful, there was a bizarre element however in the bus ride from
Tuxtla-GutiErrez the capital of Chiapas.  The bus was first
class, air conditioned and had rows of TV monitors overhead. Five short
movies were shown, U. S..-made, dealing with seduction, masked
vampires, prehistoric flesh eating monsters, guerrillas, and
horrible death. They were Twilight Zone type movies, appropriate
to traveling through army road blocks where id's were checked and
spirits tried. Upon arrival in San Cristbal things seemed calm. An
expectant air hung over the city. We were concerned that things
might not come out as well as might be hoped. There were too many
indicators that this Aguascalientes might go the way its namesake
of 1914 did, that is that it would fail as a convention in arriving
at resolutions that participants could agree on. Actually it seemed
impossible that in such a short span of time any resolutions
could be arrived much less even begin to vote on them. The
National Democratic Convention had been scheduled for the 6th through
9th of August. All events were originally to be held in the
Lacandon rain forest, in Zapatista liberated territory. Last minute changes
ensued and the first part of the convention, the table
discussions for the 5 points that needed to be resolved, would be
held in San Cristbal Las Casas, Chiapas, on the 6th of August.
Departure for Aguascalientes would be on the 7th with a return on
the 10th. The time frame seemed to be expanding and it seemed
probable that delegates would disperse before business was concluded
. This impression was intensified when we found out that the process
for accreditation of delegates, guests, and observers, which was to
have closed on the 2nd, was extended up to the eve, and then
morning of the events.
 
: August 6th. Five Worktables in San Cristbal Chiapas.
 
The work of
the National Democratic Convention would be based around the
discussion and acceptance of basic documents which would be presented by
the EZLN, additions and amendments would then be voted on. The
EZLN did retain the right to send 20 delegates with one vote each
(there were more than 6,000 delegates some representing hundreds
of constituents) but excluded themselves from participating as
members of the presidium which they would name on the 8th at
Aguascalientes. The thrust of the convocation to a National Democratic
Convention, we were informed, was in the spirit of a radical
redefinition of a democratic process toward the establishment of
a truly constitutive governmental body where "all sectors of
society had play, above and beyond a mere participation through vote. To do this
it would be necessary to call upon the experience of many
years of democratic and revolutionary efforts which have been
inspired by diverse strategies, heretofore considered antagonistic to
each other, but which now should be considered as equally valid
in that both have worked toward a conscientization and organization
of the people." In their statements of participation in the CND, the
EZLN called for the establishment of a government for transition
to democracy, which might in turn work to establish a new
Constitutive Congress, which would in turn work toward the writing of a
new Constitution. The discussion of these issues was subdivided
into five different tables of discussion which would meet
simultaneously on the 6th of August.
 
: The Tables :
 
 The topics of discussion at the five tables discussion were
as follows. Table 1 the need for a Government in transition toward
democracy. Such a government would be one that would be based on
a commitment towards an opening of all the spaces of legal and
peaceful participation for the different political forces, be
they partisan or not. With a government for transition, the political
participation will not be limited to the electoral aspect. Table 2; What
the peaceful means for a transition toward democracy might be;
Table 3; What might a national Project be that would respond to the
11 basic points (housing, land, work, food, health, education,
information, culture, independence, democracy, liberty, justice,
and peace) presented by the EZLN. Table 4; The need to write a new
Constitution.  And table 5;  the establishing of a new Constitutive Congress.
 We decided upon the discussion at table three which dealt with the
formation of the new National Project. It was of interest to us since it
would deal with general aspects of change and not so much with details
that we might not be familiar with. The table was scheduled to begin at 9.
but did not get started until noon, there were problems with delegates not
receiving their credentials and the presence of falsely accredited
participants of dubious objective. Table three discussions were held in a
recently opened theater. More than a thousand people were present. The two
main presiding members of table three from the Organizing Commission (CNO)
were: Fidel Robles associated with a group which name we did not get and
Antonio Hernandez PErez Secretary of CIOAC, a campesino organization in
Chiapas. On the table was the task of proposing what the new national
project would be for the transitionary government (fundamental point
stipulated by the Zapatistas at the moment of convoking the Convention, to
which they did not, as far as we know, present a statement). Some 40
people took the podium to present the proposals that their organizations
or constitutive bodies had resolved. Quite a few of the States of the
Republic had met in state conventions already (also convoked by the
Zapatistas). Along with state delegations, campesino, worker, teacher,
artist, health worker, student, gay and lesbian groups were well
represented. The workers were not as well represented as might have been
thought but one must recall that one of the major problems in this sector
is that the Unions are thoroughly controlled by the PRI. The proceedings
went on until evening when a dinner break was called. Though the spirit
for change was great it was apparent that many had not quite yet grasped
the possibilities of the event. Many were calling for a repeal to the
constitutional counter-reforms carried out in the last administration
under Salinas de Gortari, devastating effect on the disenfranchised. Table
four at that time was working on the need for a new constitution, the task
at table three was to outline in broad strokes what would be the objective
of the new government. One of the participants in the audience summarized
it well "are we going to opt for a government that is predicated on ever
increasing productivity with all the inherent negative effects we have
been so far discussing, or are we going to opt for a state that is
primarily concerned with the well-being of everyone?" his proposal was not
followed up, perhaps people took it for granted that that was what they
were working toward, and yet it seemed to us that this was something that
had to be made clear and spelled out as a basic resolution. It seemed that
many present felt they had to appear on record with their constituents'
demands, and did not realize the scope of change that was at hand. We left
early after resumption of work that evening. So much had been said and
proposed that the organizers were hard-pressed to summarize and condense,
and once they presented a summary of resolutions, many delegates did not
consider that the summary of proposals was sufficiently complete.
 
: August 7: The Journey to the Heart of the Jungle
 
 Departure on the 7th of August was for 5 in the morning. Over 200 buses
and trucks were prepared to take the conventionists to Aguascalientes
where the plenary session would open, presiding members named and
resolutions would be made and voted before the entire body. We arrived
relatively early at the "depot" and found a spot on our assigned bus. We
were asked to leave the bus since too many had been assigned to that bus
and delegates should be given preference. Someone suggested the first
sit-in against the new transitionary government and someone else took it
up, lying in front of the line of vehicles for some 30 minutes, attracting
quite a vocal crowd, before the organizing commission, put him on a bus.
We were left standing. The logistical problems stemmed in great part in
that greater numbers of delegates, guests and observers than had been
foreseen by the organizing commission had come and demanded full
participation. The convoy was organized as follows: one Red Cross vehicle
and one Police vehicle for every 15 vehicles of caravan (the members of
the police force were purportedly unarmed, they didn't go into Zapatista
territory). We managed to hop aboard a truck belonging to an agricultural
cooperative where we met some unexpectedly well-read people with clear
vision, and a strong desire for change. The stowaways included ourselves
(political tourists), small business reps. (tourism), members of the PRD,
professionals, teachers, campesinos and members of the cooperative
including a competent and sleep deprived driver. We arrived at the seat of
the Convention, Aguascalientes, 26 hours later; a trip that normally would
take 6 hours. We were not sure what the army's response would be to
hundreds of vehicles traveling with obvious sympathizers of the EZLN. Most
of the vehicles were adorned with exuberant graffiti: "EZLN" written in
large bold letters, "Que viva : Zapata", "Zapata vive", banners with the
names of various popular organizations and the Mexican Flag were displayed
on some of the buses. Shortly after leaving San Cristbal we went by the
first army check point No stops a little further on we went by Rancho
Nuevo a military Headquarters that on the 2nd of January was the scene of
heavy fighting. A kilometer's length of bullet-proof olive green lined the
side of the highway No stops however. The war tourists took photo shots of
the passage and the brass took photos of the conventionists.  The vehicles
in the front of the caravan had been stopped but by the time we arrived
the army had abandoned any intentions of searching every vehicle.  The
discussions along the trip was upbeat. The sense of a collective will for
change was palpable. Talk revolved around concepts of justice, peace,
democracy, liberty which were taking new life before our eyes. Somehow we
got on the subject of love as a unifying force for change and
transformation; this within a group of apparently rugged
run-and-hop-on-to-the-back-of-a-moving-truck type of guys. Having left the
paved road after Comitn, and tired of the truck ( it was difficult to look
out from under the canvass, the only opening was at one of the doors on
the back out of which too many of us were hanging precariously). We hopped
a bus, one of those with a rack on the top. A large cushy spare tire made
a terrific seat as the bus negotiated the corkscrew descent down to a
vibrantly green valley that barely showed the effects of the hand of woman
and man. We were at the gates of the Lacandon rain forest.
 
: In Liberated Territory :
 
 Shortly after we passed the last Federal Army checkpoint, there were
signs that we were on liberated territory; the people who came out to see
us waved more vigorously and there were constant testimonies on
handwritten signs that such and such land had be appropriated as communal
or ejido land. The evidence of land invasions by communities engaged
primarily in subsistence and communal agriculture, were very much
apparent. The Zapatistas have not been the only ones engaged in the
liberation of land. There are reports that 120,000 hectares of land has
been expropriated from hundreds of latifundios (large private
land-holdings engaged primarily in cash crops for export). CEOIC, an
organization in Chiapas composed of various party (PRI and PRD) as well as
independent campesino, indigenous and worker organizations (280 in all),
has been active in the issue of legal and extra-legal land appropriation
for the formation of ejidos and communal land-holding. Given that CEOIC is
an umbrella group of popular organization including party sponsored ones,
the impulse and direction that the land invasions receive is politically
motivated. The PRI sponsored ones affect l and found in protected virgin
forest including Zapatista controlled territory, whereas that of other
groups focuses more on the land held by large landholders (latifundistas).
As we approached Zapatista territory the stops became more frequent and
long. We stopped for dinner at dusk and shared common bread, some of us
came with canned, and nicely wrapped goods carried in nylon duffel bags
while others brought burlap bags filled with not so nicely wrapped food
fresh from the market. When night came the truck bed shrank as everyone
sought space to lie down. The shrimp bag in one of the burlap bags spilled
and a large pungent puddle established itself toward the back of the
truck. Few would venture there, and those of us with water-sealed boots
and neoprene sleeping pads were able to accommodate ourselves handily in
this uncontested territory. There were good humored accusations of being
suspiciously delicate, to which others responded that it was not a matter
of delicacy but of not wanting to become distracted by the particularly
evocative smell. Some die-hard members of the truck gave up on getting a
turn at a space to lie down and went off to seek other accommodations. In
the early morning light we found that some of our companeros had tied
themselves to the top of a bus. Another returned after having spent the
night in the undercarriage luggage compartment of one of the larger buses.
 
: August 8: Zapatista Territory. :
 
 We slept through the first Zapatista checkpoint, however there were
several others, one where penknives and such were confiscated. Lists of
passengers and credentials were checked and we continued on our way toward
Guadalupe Tepeyac. There were various versions of what the trip to
Aguascalientes would be like once the buses got as far as they could. One
rumor which turned out to be based on a particular news organization's
story, was that there would be a 30 km hike through mud and hilly terrain.
At no point did this diminish anybodies determination to get to
Aguascalientes. Two vehicles went off the road (considering the roads and
the need for good vehicles it could have been much worse), no serious
injuries were reported, the wounded were taken to Guadalupe
 
: Tepeyac. :
 
The buses came upon the small orderly town of Guadalupe Tepeyac and
continued several hundred meters. There we unloaded and spent an hour
standing in line along several cordons of barbed wire strung along broken
terrain. At the end of the lines there was a thorough shakedown including
frisking, metal wands and a Lacandon forest handy-person's version of a
metal detector walk-through.  It was at this point that a reporter for
Univision was escorted out of the zone when he tried to go into
Aguascalientes.  Univision is owned by the same interests that run
Televisa which is basically a PRI party-State organ and they have carried
out a campaign of misinformation about the popular movement against the
PRI-government, and that is why this person was not allowed in. When
confronted by the press about this on the next day, Subcomandante Marcos
stated that it was not the EZLN's intention to exclude anyone, on the
contrary all Mexicans were invited to participate. The only ones excluded
were the S.O.B.'s. After going through this last check point, we met
others who had arrived earlier in the morning, had staked out precious
territory in the dirt-floor hostels and had loaded up with soda pop. We
scoped the lay of the place focusing on the availability of water and
space to lie down. Once having satisfied ourselves that these needs were
more than adequately met , we ventured to marvel at the place. The heart
of Aguascalientes lay in a narrow vale snuggled within several steep
peaks. Metal cables had been stretched between two peaks and over the
cables four thousand square meters of canvass lay. One slope of one the
peaks had been cleared and covered with rough hewn seats, enough to seat
8,000 people. Members of the various organizations set up their banners.
The organizing committee made an appeal to take the banners down since
they amounted to a visual affront to the pristine heart-of-the-jungle
nature of the place. Eventually all that remained under the transoceanic
canvass were two large Mexican Flags. As we waited for the proceedings the
wind picked up and the canvass flapped. One might say that the winds of
change played impatiently with the sail of the
 ship Aguascalientes. The crew was not yet ready, much needed to
happen before the ship could set sail. The wind picked up and the
crew attempted to better trim the sails, the ties that bound the
crew were being tested, and the difficulties inherent in such a
large undertaking began to play as never before at different
levels at the real, the imaginary and the symbolic. The canvass began
to rip.
 
: A Historical Transfer of Power
 
 It wasn't until dusk that the proceedings began. Comandante Tacho and
Subcomandante Marcos, along with an armed escort appeared on the podium to
name the hundred-plus members of the presidium. As they were named the
members of the presidium took their place at the transoceanic bridge which
presided over the podium.  Those named are people of moral and political
stature, Rosario Ibarra de la Piedra, politician of high repute (one time
member of the PMT) was prominent among them as was Elena Poniatowska, well
known writer and member of the group San Angel; JosE Alvarez Icaza
president of the National Center for Social Communication and member of
the organizing commission for the Convention; and Carlos Payan Velver,
editor of La Jornada, Luis Javier Garrido, Concepcin Villafuerte, Antonio
Garca de Leon, Octavio Rodriguez Araujo, Manuel Nava, Mari-Claire Acosta,
Jorge Fernandez Souza, Arnoldo Martnez Verdugo, Raul Alvarez Garin, Sergio
Zermeo, Polo de Gyves, Guillermo Briseo, Pablo Gomez, Hectoraz Polanco,
Carlota Botey, Enrique Gonzalez Rojo, Enrique Gonzlez Ruiz, Luz Rosales,
David Huerta, Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Axel Didrikson, Pablo Gonzalez
Casanova, Antonio Hernndez, Elva Macas, Juan Bauelos, Eraclio Zepeda,
Oscar Oliva, Mercedes Olivera; in short people of considerable political,
intellectual and moral standing representing long established voices of
opposition to the PRI-PAN and representing the various sectors of civil
society. There were two presiding members per state plus thirty-seven
others. Although there was criticism that there was not a sufficient
indigenous presence there were indigenous leaders named, (one name we
recognized was that of Antonio Hernandez of CIOAC who presided over table
three in San Cristbal). Once all the presiding members were named, and
accepted (unanimously and enthusiastically) Comandante Tacho made a formal
presentation of Aguascalientes as the permanent seat for the CND, to the
members of the presidium and delegates. Here, they were instructed, they
could do whatever they wished; meet, put on theatrical performances,
sports events etc. so long as they refrained from the use of drugs or
alcohol because that the Zapatistas would not appreciate. While the CND
got itself organized the Zapatistas would fade to the sidelines to watch
over them and maintain Aguascalientes sovereign. At this point there was a
presentation of arms by the Zapatista Army for National Liberation. All
Zapatistas present marched; men, women, children, old people, young people
most of them armed with wooden sticks. The ones with the "goat horns" (AK
47's) came last and to the muzzles of their guns were tied white ribbons,
signifying the intent that they had of being an army for peace; an army
that strove to disappear as an alternative, but which would remain
present, in the sidelines, at the edge of the forest, if ever the need
arose and civil society needed their presence.  While the army paraded the
audience held its breath, this was no mere symbolic gesture, the children,
men women who paraded, most only with a red bandanna as a uniform had
indeed engaged in a heroic struggle to support the EZLN, to the point of
bearing abuse from those who would have extracted the secret of their
existence from the youngest and most frail members of the base
communities. As they marched the wind stood still nothing and was heard
but the barely audible sound of the bare foot steps of an underground
army. The subterranean strength of their step could be felt through the
ground and the sturdy hand hewn benches.
 
: Embarking on Aguascalientes
 
The wind that had blown so fiercely earlier had died down and the canvass
moved not an inch. Subcomandante Marcos took the podium and addressed the
presidium, the delegates, guests, observers and eavesdroppers. He
proceeded to make a presentation in his inimitable style which both
condenses and amplifies the significance of what has happened, is
happening, and will happen within a single expression. He continued with
the allusions to Aguascalientes as a Ship, a pirate ship, but also as the
Tower of Babel, arguing that there had been nothing wrong with the idea of
constructing a Tower of Babel. The problem was that people had not tried
hard enough, all they needed was better networking and translating skills.
He reiterated the Zapatista intent of turning Aguascalientes, the
topographical and moral high ground, to the CND so that they and not the
Zapatistas may become the leaders of civil society, and be they, who
decide how to respond to the fraudulent party State and the imminently
fraudulent elections. He made a strong appeal to other armed movements in
the country to respect the leadership of the CND and to stand aside and
wait to be called if necessary for action but only by the CND. The option
for a peaceful means toward a democratic change was presented as that
which the people and the Zapatistas should take. If need be civil
insurgence should ensue but the military solution should only be a matter
of last recourse and only when called upon by the CND, who would from this
moment represent Civil society in its quest for a democratic change.
Toward the end of the presentation Marcos mentioned the flag which they
had found, forgotten in the corridors of power and of which they now made
a formal presentation to the presiding members so that they might now be
responsible for its care and for what it represented.
 
: The Winds of Change Come Soon and Hard :
 
Once the presiding members took charge and began their business, the wind
picked up and it began to rain. One could say that the winds of change
came early, could barely wait for the transfer of power to be made before
it came ripping through the vale. There was not enough time to make all
the connections that were needed to be made between the presiding members
and the delegates. In other words, the crew was not yet organized, not yet
ready for change, and the hurricane that would blow the sails clean off
the ship. We can not say we saw it coming but we were concerned about our
tent getting blown off and we abandoned ship, before the top blew off. We
were digging trenches when hundred square meter sections of canvas went
flapping across the vale.
 
: August 9: Minor Shipwreck :
 
  The sun came up through the fog. Although the Aguascalientes was mired
in a sea of mud, spirits were up and the site got cleaned up and squared
away within the hour. We found a used juice can, we found some water and
we found some coffee grounds and headed for the kitchen fires. I saw a
well dressed man who under normal circumstances needed a cane to get
about, walking across the sea of mud to the kitchen with all the
determination in the world, answering to concerned onlookers that he would
get there even if he had to crawl. We found the back door to
Aguascalientes and skipped over to Guadalupe Tepeyac for some more coffee
and tamales. We never really saw the Zapatista sentries who were right
next to the path when they challenged and allowed our passage. The
presiding members read the resolutions from the five tables on the 6th and
asked for a unanimous vote for these resolutions. They were agreed to in
general terms, the details were left to be ironed out; after all this is
the first session. Although there were some differences of opinion, all
business was dispatched quickly. Significantly some of the proposals that
were contentious had to do with the endorsement of the PRD and the
rejection of the PRI-PAN. Perspectives on the Elections and Party Politics
At the CND we found two major tendencies toward the question of parties
and the upcoming elections. An endorsement of the PRD meant that the
process of democratic change as it was set up in the CND would in all
likelihood progress rapidly. Therefore some felt that all must be done to
ensure that the PRD wins the elections fairly. Another tendency was less
enthusiastic about the possibility of a popular election (among this
tendency it was felt that fraud was imminent) and that focus should be
brought on civil insurgence to bring about a government in transition to
democracy. As we struck camp, a last minute press conference was held with
Subcomandan te Marcos. And something happened which showed the extent to
which those present understood the Zapatista position and their
relationship with civil society. Members of the press asked Marcos when he
would be disposed to take off his mask. Without a pause he answered "right
now" to which the few thousand people gathered round sent up an immediate
chorus of "no". He then said " let's do this democratically, those in
favor that I remove the mask say aye" few responded "Those in favor that I
keep the mask on respond aye" there was a thunderous response.
 
: The Return: A Celebration
 
 The return to San Cristbal was faster, it only took us eight hours. We
looked for our original truck but did not find it and decided not to take
any chances. The first buses leaving were the press buses. We hopped two
but the organizers came around checking credentials and booted us out each
time. Then luck struck, a bus sat waiting for the last couple riders who
would not appear, we were traveling light by now (one small duffel
carrying some food water and some newspapers). The people in the bus
motioned to me to get in, they were eager to get going, so they let us in,
and promptly arranged the bus list so that when the organizers came around
there would be no hold ups. It turned out that we got on the party bus,
and we were persuaded to dance practically all the way back to San
Cristbal. We only attenuated the mood of celebration, and the volume of
the sticky salsa and merengue music, when we passed army and police
checkpoints for fear of provocation. As we approached Comitn we were
forced to take a long detour by the local police. It turn s out that the
people of Comitn had organized a reception and the police were doing their
best to sabotage it. Some of the buses behind us, we found out later,
turned around on the detour and created such havoc that they were
eventually let through to the reception.
 
: The Day After
 
 The next day of August 10 we spent making phone calls and buying up
material at the bookstore. Back issues of la Jornada were available and we
were able to complete our collection for the month of August. At night
when that days La Jornada came out in the Zcalo it sold like hot bread.
The air in San Cristbal was electric, we hated to go but our time was up
and we could no longer afford to loll around, we needed to go back to
other commitments. As we moved further and further away from
Aguascalientes, San Cristbal, and Chiapas we felt as if we were falling
further and further into a soft amorphous world of sleep. Back home now we
pine for the stately Ceibas and the love we found amidst the mud and
snails. Would that we too had the clarity of vision and were inspired by
divine madness to build a jungleship.
 
 
 Observer for WAMM (Women Against Military Madness).
 Peter Mart=92n Morales
 e-mail moral004@maroon.tc.umn.edu