Soviet communists raise their voices

Following is an article about the Russian Communist Workers Party.
It was sent to Workers World by Viktor Tyulkin, Secretary of the
party's Central Committee. Tyulkin was prompted to send it after a
meeting last April with Workers World Party Chairperson Sam Marcy,
where the two discussed the political situation in the USSR and the
U.S. Tyulkin and Marcy met in Pyongyang, the capital of the
Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea, during the celebration of the
80th birthday of Korean President Kim Il Sung. This article
expresses the views of Viktor Tyulkin and the RCWP. This is our
translation of the Russian original, with some minor editing for
space.

There is such a party!

The current situation within the USSR, including the Russian
Federation, is characterized by the ongoing encroachment of
combined (foreign and domestic) reactionary forces upon the
political and economic rights of workers, as well as upon the
freedom and independence of our Motherland.

Through deception and at the cost of abominable betrayal, those who
call themselves democrats, having seized power, have altered the
sociopolitical system and have restored capitalistic practices of
the very worst kind. In order to weaken the resistance of workers,
they have, through the mass media, introduced schisms and conflicts
into society and are corrupting the spirit of the people,
especially the young. ...

The kindling of nationalism and separatism, as well as of hatred
for all things Russian or Soviet, is having the most tragic of
consequences. Ethnic clashes are very rapidly escalating to the
level of local wars over the re-division of boundaries and are
producing large numbers of victims, as well as enormous
destruction.

And all this had as its main purpose the creation of conditions
under which three presidents--in the stillness of the Belovezh
Forest Preserve, in secrecy, contrary to the will of the people as
expressed by referendum, and in violation of the existing
Constitution--could hastily proclaim the liquidation of the USSR.
But, the breakdown continues and the very existence of Russian
statehood is being threatened.

The economy of the great nation that once existed as a unified
national economic complex has been fragmented by new borders and
has noticeably weakened. The most recent blow to this economy was
inflicted by the felonious policies of the Yeltsin-Gaidar
administration.

Paralysis of the financial system was artificially manufactured.
Government enterprises, collective farms, and state farms were
transformed into failures and are now being purchased for a song by
representatives of the former management cadre, the criminal
bourgeoisie, and rogues of all stripes.

The results have not been slow in showing themselves. The volume of
production as compared to 1991 has dropped 15-20 percent in
industry and 30-40 percent in agriculture. Prices have risen
tenfold and have even gone up hundreds of times for certain types
of goods.

For example, bread used to cost 0.14 rubles, but now sells for 8.00
rubles, meat--2.00 rubles as opposed to 100.00 rubles, milk--0.40
rubles as opposed to 12.00 rubles, sugar--1.00 rubles as opposed to
80.00 rubles, a suit of clothes--150.00 rubles as opposed to
3,000.00 rubles, a subway ride--0.05 rubles as opposed to 1.00
rubles, and shoes--25.00 rubles as opposed to 2,500.00 rubles.

The indexing proposed has been abandoned to neglect and wages have
only increased 3 to 8-fold. Thus, 80 percent of the populace has
fallen below the poverty level and 40 percent exists below the
limits of biological survival. Free children's facilities,
education, medicine, affordable housing, recreation, and cultural
activities are gradually being eliminated.

The number of unemployed, destitute, and homeless persons is
rapidly increasing. A wave of profiteering, crime, corruption, and
lawlessness has swept the country. The majority of the people are
disappointed, bewildered, and bitter.

Despite the efforts of authorities to prevent social unrest, the
process of bringing things into focus and gathering forces
continues. Worker resistance to the anti-popular policies
associated with the capitalization of the country is on the rise.
The nucleus around which the human forces of society are gathering
consists of those communists who united to form the Russian
Communist Workers Party following the banning of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union.

The date of birth of the RCWP is regarded to be Nov. 23, 1991,
when, at a meeting in Yekaterinburg, 525 delegates adopted a
resolution to found this party. However, as is entirely natural
given the present political situation in Russia, the party already
had its own quite expansive past history at the time of its
founding.

In the minutes of the Constituent meeting of the RCWP, it is noted
that the state of affairs within the CPSU had, for the past three
decades, been characterized by two opposing trends--a scientific
Marxist-Leninist bent and an opportunistic one.

With the advent of reorganization (perestroika), this slowly
occurring, barely noticeable process took the form of a public
clash between communist and anti-communist forces. The latter
faction, with a certain portion of the elite government-party cadre
emerging as its vehicle, prevailed in the official course followed
in the name of the party as a whole.

The communist element basically lived and fought at the party's
lowermost strata. The most highly organized and best known example
of its existence is the Communist Initiative Movement and this
movement's pioneering Meetings of the Communists of Russia
(1989-1991).

Within the CPSU, the CIM had long voiced its opinion and had
actively fought against perestroika (i.e., against changing the
existing system) and against Gorbachevism.

It is sufficient to recall the CIM's struggle to form the Communist
Party of the Russian Soviet Federation Socialist Republic, Teimuraz
Avaliani's opposition to Gorbachev when elections were held for the
post of secretary-general of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and
the minority petition presented (by 1,259 delegates) at the 28th
party congress, in which the people and the party were warned that
the course chosen for curing socialism with capitalism would lead
to the collapse of both the nation and the CPSU.

These predictions came true, but the fight continued. When
elections were held for the position of president of the Russian
Republic, two communists alone--General Makashov and Professor
Sergeyev--fought for a course of action to be followed in
opposition to the party line. With the disclosure of the present
day unfrockings associated with the election of the chairman of the
Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, Peoples' Deputy of Russia Yuriy
Slobodkin spoke up in the name of the communists.

These political clashes at the party's uppermost strata, which were
reported in various newspapers, bolstered the painstaking work
being performed in the area of the founding of Workers' Councils in
Moscow, Leningrad, Nizhny Novgorod, Novosibirsk and 30 other cites,
as well as in the area of the publication of the workers, and
communist newspapers "Lightning" (Molniya), "What Can Be Done?"
(Chto Delat'?), "Our Choice" (Nash Vybor), "Our Russia" (Nasha
Rossiya), "The Worker's Voice" (Golos Rabochego), and others.

Experience was acquired in fighting for the organization of a
worker's movement, of networks for the protection of the Lenin
Museum and the Lenin Mausoleum, and of mass demonstrations in Red
Square and Arena Square.

Thus, based on the information cited, one curious fact can be
pointed out--the August counter-revolutionary coup d'tat
suppressed the opportunistic CPSU. The latter's noncommunist
contingent was scattered and its complexion changed from republican
to social-democrat. And the communist contingent, having been
hardened and tempered, joined the ranks of the RCWP.

The RCWP stands today as the first communist party to be registered
in Russia. It is also the biggest of all political parties (with on
the order of 150,000 members). And it is the most active party.

Thus, the chain consisting of the following consecutive links--the
Russian Social-Democrat Workers' Party (Bolsheviks), the Russian
Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the All-Union Communist Party
(Bolsheviks), and the CPSU--continues today in the RCWP. This party
is based on Leninist principles, you can't ban it with paper alone,
and you can't break it up by decree. The party is presently
enjoying rapid growth among its ranks and is in the throes of the
organizational formation of its structural units.

The RCWP has taken upon itself the implementation of a program, the
minimum requirements of which are the removal from power of the
present-day anti-popular clique and the establishment of worker
authority through the offices of Workers' Councils--Soviet
authority!

It is the communist worker's party that is emerging as the core of
the "Working Russia" movement, which has sent 350,000 persons out
onto the squares of Moscow (March 17 and May 1, 1992) and
simultaneously held rallies in all Russian cities.

Having set its principal political goal--the transfer of power to
the workers--the party is presently founding worker self-government
councils at enterprises and in cities. The First All-Russian
Congress of Workers' Councils was held in Nizhny Novgorod on April
19 and an executive committee representing 37 of the largest cities
in Russia was selected. This is to say that the formation of the
future structural units of government authority is under way.

Feeling a uniquely real, not artificially created opposition and
the genuine threat of our policies, the Yeltsin-Bush regime has set
a repressive apparatus into motion.

The forces of the OMON [the Interior Ministry Riot
Police--according to AP] vigorously suppressed the worker
demonstrations held under anti-government banners on Feb.
23--Soviet Army Day--and June 22, the date marking the start of
Nazi aggression against the USSR.

The party has received a warning from the Russian Ministry of
Justice, while the Executive Committee of the Workers' Councils was
warned by the Office of the Public Prosecutor. The worker and
communist press is being strangled via economic means, and the
possibility of appearing on government television and radio (and we
have only the government varieties) has been precluded.

The material and financial resources of the CPSU have been
completely expropriated. But this can not keep us from fighting.
The RCWP will undertake the collection of the one million
signatures needed under the law in order to hold a referendum
concerning the resignation of Yeltsin and a number of other local
politicians.

More pressure is being exerted for the purpose of breaking into
television. Organizational unity has grown stronger, invaluable
fighting experience is being acquired, and confidence is growing
among our ranks.

In sending fraternal greetings to our American comrades from
Russian communists I assure you that, no matter how difficult, we
will not surrender, but will continue to fight for the interests of
working people. Among our platform planks are the restoration of
Soviet authority, the rebirth of the USSR, and the preservation and
continued development of socialism.

Speaking descriptively, our goal is to hoist the Red flag over the
Kremlin. The fate of the world's communist movement will be largely
dependent upon the outcome of our struggle.

We are appealing to those of a like mind abroad: support the
struggle for a Soviet Russia and help stem the onslaught of
demofascism. This is our common cause. Together, we will be
victorious.

Secretary, Central Committee,
Russian Communist Workers Party

Viktor Tyulkin

                              -30-

(Copyright Workers World Service: Permission to reprint granted if
source is cited. For more info contact Workers World,46 W. 21 St.,
New York, NY 10010; "workers@igc.apc.org".)

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