In this issue: A MASSIVE FAILURE FOR THE UN AND POSSIBLY THE LAST CHANCE FOR SOMALIA ELIASSON'S SPEACH IN ADDIS ____________________________________________________________________ S O M A L I A N E W S U P D A T E ____________________________________________________________________ No 40 December 4, 1992. ISSN 1103-1999 ____________________________________________________________________ Somalia News Update is published irregularly via electronic mail and fax. Questions can be directed to antbh@strix.udac.uu.se or to fax number +46-18-151160. All material is free to quote as long as the source is stated. ____________________________________________________________________ A MASSIVE FAILURE FOR THE UN AND POSSIBLY THE LAST CHANCE FOR SOMALIA (SNU, Uppsala, December 4). After a hectic week of paper-shuffling between the different offices in the UN headquarters, the security council finally agreed on a resolution that goes along with the US proposal as of last Wednesday to send a contingent of 30 000 troops to Somalia. While the proposal was initially met with distrust and alarm among some of the aid organizations operating in Somalia, many of them now seem to have changed their minds and give their tacit approval of the plan. Agencies like the UK Save the Children Fund and the ICRC are to some extent victims of their own rhetoric. The ICRC in particular has long claimed that they have fully functioning distribution system set up. Internal ICRC reports, however, have described the rate of looting and the security situation as unacceptable. While most senior observers applaud the US plan, human rights activists in the US have, understandably, been preoccupied with discussing the possibility of a US hidden agenda. In the midst of this rather chaotic debate the UN secretary-general today attempted to convert the US proposal into a major victory for UN. In a BBC interview he portrayed the support from the security council as a sure sign of a new strong role for the United Nations. A spokesman for the security council added that the resolution is "a message of hope to the world" showing that the security council will not "sit on their hands" in the wake of a major man-made humanitarian crisis. Such statements are at best pathetic. The US proposal and the belated UN response are sure signs of UN's massive failure in Somalia. It took the White House a few weeks to figure out what needed to be done and to get about implementing those ideas. The UN are still "studying" what needs to be done. The civil war in Somalia began in 1988 with SNM capturing vast amounts of territory in the north from the Barre regime. At that stage the UN were busy supporting Barre. Barre was ousted in January 1991, shortly after the UN had evacuated their staff from Somalia. The UN finally got involved in crisis solving in Somalia in the beginning of 1992. However, it was not until the beginning of this summer that UN aid to Somalia reached mentionable proportions. The special envoy for Somalia, Ambassador Mohamed Sahnoun, who was appointed in late March threatened to resign already in July. The UNOSOM headquarters in Mogadishu was not operative until the beginning of September and is still busy settling its internal bureaucratic routines. When Sahnoun spoke of these grave shortcomings he became a victim of James Jonah's sharp tongue and was eventually forced to resign. It is a particularly tragic that in presenting the US proposal to the UN seceurity council, Boutro-Ghali charaded it into being one of "five optional plans" for the future of UN operations in Somalia. An even more hilarious reaction to the US proposal has been the joint support for it from the two butcherers of the Somali nation Ali Madhi and Mohamed Farah Yadiid. Both say that they "welcome it", "were so happy when they heard about it", or see it as "a support for the line they have argued for all along". In the short term perspective the deployment of the US troops is likely to generate a situation of tranquility and the stability needed to resume humanitarian operations in the interior via land- based routes. According to media reports this evening, Mogadishu is "exceptionally calm". In the long term, however, there are admittecly problem with the troops. It is particularly worrying that the US adminsitration reportedly argue that the troops will be gone before president-elect Bill Clinton is to assume his duties in the White House. It requires a minimum of imagination to see the core of the factions disappear into Ethiopia until this deadline, only to reappear in early February, rearmed and refuelled to regain whatever they consider their losses to be. For the US troops to serve a meaningful purpose, besides the obvious needs for day-to-day security and humanitarian relief, their deployment must be considered within a more generous time-frame. Time is perhaps the most crucial asset needed for any type of peace process in Somalia right now. STATEMENT BY THE UNITED NATIONS UNDER-SECRETARY-GENERAL FOR HUMANITARIAN AFFAIRS MR JAN ELIASSON FOR THE SECOND COORDINATION MEETING ON HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE FOR SOMALIA Addis Ababa, 3 December 1992 Mr. President, Distinguished Delegates, I am very honoured to co-chair this important meeting. We need to accelerate the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, which has suffered far too long. We have all - and most of all the Somali people - been through difficult times. And we all know there are no easy solutions to Somalia's tragedy. At the outset, I would like to express our deep appreciation to H. E. President Meles Zenawi, for all the support that he and his Government has extended to the United Nations in the preparation of this conference. It is most fitting for us to hold this meeting in Addis Ababa, where the historical Summit of the Heads of States of the Horn of Africa this April agreed on a set of important principles for the provision of humanitarian assistance. And here, in one of Somalia's neighbours, we hope to see an even greater involvement of the countries of the Horn in helping Somalia back on its feet again. At the Addis Ababa Summit, the humanitarian duty to serve people in need was clearly recognized. The participants solemnly committed themselves to the unimpeded access by relief organizations to affected areas and populations. Our meeting today offers a unique opportunity to combine the efforts of the international community, regional leaders, and above all, the many representatives of the Somali people, to lay the foundations of a better life for the suffering people in Somalia. As we are all aware, international attention is now focused in a dramatic way on Somalia. Now is the time to merge this political attention with practical arrangements for making the 100 Day Action Programme a reality, in spite of all the difficulties that have been encountered. But this meeting also offers us an opportunity to set our sights beyond the next 100 days. We must send a message of hope for the future to the Somali people. Mr President, Distinguished Delegates, Fifty days have passed since the 100-Day Action Programme was launched in Geneva. The international community responded quickly and generously to the requirements of the Programme. Of the $83 million requested, $53 million has either been received or pledged. Traditional donors, as well as many developing countries, have supported humanitarian efforts in Somalia. The participation of regional and international organizations such as the World Bank, the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab States has been welcomed and should be expanded. We must make sure that this support carries on, not just for the next fifty days, but also beyond. Emergency relief is an exercise in futility unless it is part of a process leading to rehabilitation, development and political reconciliation. In all these stages of our work I am certain that my friend and colleague, Ambassador Ismat Kittani, the Secretary- General's Special Representative, will enjoy the full cooperation of all concerned in the coming months. In the next two and a half days, we will examine the progress of the 100-day plan, the whole gamut of issues from food to water, from tools to fuel, from shelter to seeds. We need to see what has been achieved, identify the obstacles and determine areas to which we must give greater priority. There is no doubt that where aid gets through, the positive results can be dramatic. Death rates can be reduced by a factor of ten in a remarkably short time. However, in spite of exceptional efforts made by the UN organizations, the ICRC and NGOs, hundreds and hundreds of people still die of starvation and disease in Somalia every day. And when relief is disrupted, the graves start to multiply again immediately. More than a million people are still urgently in need of emergency assistance or else they will succumb to the same fate. While the World Food Programme (WFP) of the UN has twelve thousand tons of food in the warehouses of the Mogadishu port, with another eighty thousand in the pipeline, relief organizations have had to reduce children's feeding and food distribution programmes. Why? The answer is: the lack of protection. Ships carrying food are shelled, planes with medical supplies are looted, and food convoys are attacked. And relief organizations are forced to pay extortionate fees for getting relief supplies through airports, seaports, and numerous road blocks. Mr President, Distinguished Delegates, It is almost impossible to disentangle protection and humanitarian issues in Somalia. If there is no security, there will be no food, but without food, there cannot be security. Can we condemn a million Somalis to die on the horns of this fatal dilemma? Or will we, in the next few days, be able to allow the aid agencies, literally and figuratively, to deliver? This is why the Secretary-General, Dr Boutros Boutros Ghali, has presented to the Security Council some new approaches to the protection of humanitarian assistance in Somalia. The Secretary-General has emphasized at the same time that this is only part, though the most urgent part, of the problem in Somalia. The introduction of a new protection formula is not an end in itself. On the contrary, the proposed operation is an instrument to allow relief supplies to be delivered to those in need. It should be precisely defined and limited in time, in order to prepare the way for a return of peace keeping and post-conflict peace building. On this we shall know more at the end of the current Security Council deliberations in New York. Today, we have a unique gathering of Somali community leaders, representatives of political movements, and voluntary organizations together with governments, UN agencies, NGOs, and regional organizations. It would be of great value if at this meeting we could support and encourage UN action for unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance to the starving people in Somalia. And let us recall that all UN efforts in this area will be based on impartiality and neutrality. Our focus should remain on the end result, not the means. How can we help a family get home, lead a productive life and stay healthy? So how are relief operations going? Mr President, Distinguished Delegates, Since October, our food aid appeal has been fully funded. However, agencies involved in emergency recovery and rehabilitation have received relatively little support. Up to now, there has been no funding provided for new FAO projects. WHO has received no resources for the repair of health infrastructure or even surveys of epidemic diseases. This pattern of response to UN appeals reflects a disturbing trend, not just in Somalia. While the Department of Humanitarian Affairs has provided $3.6 million from the Central Emergency Relief Fund (CERF) to FAO and WHO to initiate their projects, this is no substitute for contributions by the donor community. Donors should also, in this perspective, make every effort to narrow the time gap between pledges and the actual delivery of their contributions. I hope this meeting can get to grips with the nuts and bolts of humanitarian assistance. How can we increase truck deliveries? How can monetization get off the ground? Can we immunize children and save them from diseases we know are epidemic? These concrete discussions with our Somali friends and colleagues can have a major impact on the day-to-day work of UN agencies and NGOs working throughout Somalia. The attention of the world has - rightly, and finally - been focused on Somalia for some months now. How long this attention will last, nobody knows. Our opportunity is now, not only to do what is needed for 100 days but lay the foundations for the next 100 months. How can the turbulent internal forces of Somalia be channelled towards reconstruction and reconciliation? We have here in Addis Ababa the widest possible representation of all groups concerned with the situation in Somalia. I believe we can find common ground in the realm of accepted humanitarian principles. The nations of the Horn of Africa came together earlier this year and asserted, in their Declaration of Humanitarian Principles, that the people come first. Action in Somalia does not aim to square the circle and impose a temporary and false stability. Humanitarian aid, as well as politics, is the art of the possible. But it should also be the bridge to sustainable development. Our aim is not just a well-oiled relief machine. It is peace and development. It will take a very long time before Somalia recovers fully from its current turmoil. No outsider could hope to be anything other than an assistant midwife to the new Somalia. However many United Nations blue helmets there are, however much relief and rehabilitation aid arrives from the outside, there will be no real stability unless Somalis co- operate in the process and assume, in the end, responsibilities for peace and internal stability. Community leaders and local NGOs, including the influential women's groups, can play a crucial role in starting development processes. There is an undeniable link between the internal strength and the international standing of Somalia. This is also why it is so important to listen to the Somali participants in this meeting on how Somalia can recover and develop. Mr President, Distinguished Delegates, When we are confronted with a complex and near anarchic situation as in Somalia today, it is far too easy to succumb to feelings of powerlessness and frustration. This must not happen. We must all rise to the challenge and establish common goals. For a better future for humanity, not just in Somalia, we must be faithful to humanitarian principles and do everything to reach the people who now desperately need our help. The United Nations has been called upon to provide humanitarian assistance, to provide protection, and to promote national reconciliation at the same time in Somalia. We cannot do this alone. All of us represented here today need to cooperate in this common task. Let me in closing, tell you a Somali story about a bird. She had travelled for days looking for water. Finally she found water in a faraway place. Never had she seen so much water - she drank and drank. But she was never happy. She had everything that she had been looking for - and still she was not happy. The bird decided to go home. She again travelled for days, and when she arrived there was no water, no food. But she searched in the desert and found drops of water between the rocks. There was not much, but it was sweet. She lifted her wings, content and satisfied; she soared into the sky and sang: "In thirst or in hunger, O Allah, content am I to suffer and die in the land and skies of my ancestors. There is nothing like home." Hope in Somalia today is like the water between the rocks, scarce but sweeter than honey. This unique meeting at this time can - if we all contribute - give us all hope. Nabad. ____________________________________________________________________ Posted by Bernhard Helander in Uppsala, Sweden.