___________________________________________________________________ S O M A L I A N E W S U P D A T E ____________________________________________________________________ No 28 September 30, 1992. ISSN 1103-1999 ____________________________________________________________________ Somalia News Update is published irregularly via electronic mail and fax. Questions can be directed to antbh@strix.udac.uu.se or to fax number +46-18-151160. All material is free to quote as long as the source is stated. ____________________________________________________________________ WHO IS STARVING? Famine is not an evenly spread evil that affects equally all parts of the Somali people. Worst off are members of the Rahanweyn and Digil clan-families (clusters of clans) in the so-called inter-river area of Somalia. In addition, members of the riverine communities along the Jubba river are also among the most badly affected. The reasons for this relate both to the particular standing of these groups in the Somali society, the way in which these clans are traditionally organized, and the losses of the means of subsistence that they have suffered during the course of the civil war. Rahanweyn and Digil speak a dialect of Somali language known as Af-maay. This dialect is largely uncomprehensible for most other Somalis and sounds "funny" to them. Many Somalis are ignorant about the various clans composing the Digil and Rahanweyn and often refer to them derogatory as Eeyle - "the ones with dogs". Adding to the prejudice, a common ancestor for many Rahanweyn and Digil is called Sab. That term to northern Somalis denote a particular category of artisans, held to be of lowly origins. Unlike most other Somali clans the Rahanweyn clans have always allowed strangers to settle among them, and, over time to become incorporated as clan members. In some clans the number of such incorporated members is greater than that of people born within the clans The effect is that the cooperative strength within Rahanweyn clans is not as strong as among other Somali groups. In defence, for instance, it has always been difficult for Rahanweyn clans to mobilize concertedly against armed intrusion, because many members of the local clans originally came from, and still recognize ties with, the invaders. The clans in the inter-river area are also much smaller than elsewhere in Somalia. Also, since many vital political issues traditionally have been handled by village rather than clan-institutions, the clans in the area are simply not equipped to deal with a major intrusion into their area. During the reign of Siyaad Barre, state penetration into the rural areas were not as effective anywhere as it was in the inter-river area. The government had security agents and militia palced in every major village. One of the effects of this was that, unlike many other parts of the country, Rahanweyn and Digil clans were disarmed. All forms of resistance were thus easily curbed. In fact Siyaad govermnet considered itself in such good control of the country that it placed its most vital prison - the "Labaatan Jirow" - on Rahanweyn ground. During the last year of Siyad Barre, small groups of ex- soldiers started to raid transports along the Bur Hakaba- Baydhabo road. They called themselves unu hadda koyn, "we came now". The choice of name reflects an awareness of the many other armed movements that at the time were waging war against Siyad's regime. The subsistence economy of the inter-river area is different than that of many other parts of Somalia. Technically the Rahanweyn and Digil are described as agro-pastoralists, meaning that they combine live stock breading with sedentary agriculture. This form of subsistence is viable in times of peace. However, there are features in such an economy that makes it particularly vulnerable to war conditions. Primarily this is the fact that most people will have a pronounced dependency on immobile resources like farms and granaries. Another aspect adding to the vulnerability is that mobile resources, i.e. livestock, are much less than among purely pastoral groups. Since the overthrow of Siyad Barre, the Rahanweyn and Digil have suffered enormously. Wells have been poisoned, livestock looted and granaries emptied by armies traversing their territory. One report stated that in the spring of this year it was impossible to carry out agricultural work in the vicinity of Baydhabo beacause of the shooting. The local clans have had little or nothing to put up against these invaders who really see them as second class Somalis. The organisation that Rahanweyn and Digil formed, the Somali Democratic Movement, SDM, has remained largely unarmed throughout the conflict and they have been at the mercy of more powerful groups, such as the SNF, USC and SPM. In August this year, the latter two organisations formed an alliance in which they reported that SDM was also included. A few days later the radio station of self-appointed president and chief-antagonist of USC, Ali Mahdi, proclaimed that the SDM were not included in the treaty between the other two organisations. Such conflicting claims to have the solidarity of the SDM, simply shows that they are without power and arms. Many of the refugee camps surrounding Mogadishu have a majority of Rahanweyn and Digil inhabitants. Most of these have fled to Mogadishu away from their looted villages. Unrelated to the groups that control the airports and the ports, it is not difficult to understand why it is precisely these people that are the last ones to be fed when food is scarce. It is important to remember that the problem in Somalia is not a famine that has developed into a civil war, but precisely the other way around. And it is the loosers of that war that we now see on television. Bernhard Helander -- ____________________________________________________________________________