From: "Clayton Bagwell" To: Subject: Re: The Manifesto and Eurocentrism Date: Sun, 8 Mar 1998 00:38:14 -0800 charset="iso-8859-1" Karim wries:>I find Bagwell's statement "the story of capitalism as told in the >Manifesto would have the same essential character regradless from >which continent it might spring, for it is the story of the conflict >beween labor and capital, the dialectic of capital" quite >undialectical. Marx never saw capitalism as a transhistorical, >transspatial phenomenon. Marx's understanding of capitalism is >nothing if not historicized. I regret a poor sentence structure that gave rise to this misinterpretation of what I tried to say. I recognize and fully agree that capitalism has a history and that its emergence depends upon a pre-existing set of historical conditions; further I agree that culture places its stamp on institutions and structures. What I meant to say more clearly is that capitalism has, as a distinguishing feature, the conflict between the wage earner and the owner of the means of production, and that whether the pre-conditions for a capitalist revolution existed in Europe or Africa, the result of a successful bourgeois revolution would still contain the struggle between the wage earner and the owner of the means of production. Therefore, the proletariat is not a Euro-centric invention. But Kairm goes on to say: However, >"the general principles laid down in this Manifesto are not "on the >whole as correct today as ever" either, as M/E argued .... Any careful look at the structural reality of late >capitalism will show that. Of course, that does not mean that the >Manifesto is irrelevant. It only shows, like any other philosophy, >Marxism is defined by its own timespace, and >historicizing/terrritorializing of Marxism is probably the most >Marxist act that we can undertake." I think Marxism is not "like any other philosophy," to be taken from the shelf, dusted off for an argument, and placed back on the shelf. It is far too relevant and far too alive for that, far more vibrant than the bourgeoisie would wish. As Marxists we should feel joy in that. I suspect non-Marxist will not feel such joy. So Marxism is different. My understanding is that this difference comes because marxism is a dialetical materialist concept of history. It uses the high standards of dialectical reasoning of Hegelian idealism but with a materialist rather than idealist epistemology. In case I'm using the big words wrong I mean that humankind's thinking and beliefs spring from our material relationships. The ability to produce the conditions for capitalism had to exist prior to the existence of capitalism. Capitalism could not be thought of until certain material pre-conditions were met. In my interpretation, when M&E applied dialectical materialism to history they uncovered the political-economic concept of class struggle and used this to understand the driving force of history. This is a central theme in the Manifesto, for when the authors turned their critical eye upon capitalism they elucidated a set of contradictions peculiar to capitalist mode of production and distribution predicated upon the class struggle between the proletariat and bourgeoisie. Using the tool they had discovered, M&E thoroughly described the era of the bourgeoisie. If they missed on this date, or that structure, or some final form, so be it. The pushing of all other classes down into the background by the bourgeoisie is real. The collapse of the size of the bourgeoisie at the same time their wealth grows greater is real. The unstoppable munching of resources and increasing exploitation is real. Later Karim says: " Even in Western societies, the nature of class conflict was not like >the way Marx described it in the opening sentences of the Manifesto. >As the Polish Marxist Leszek Nowak pointed out, whether it is in the >transition from slavery to feudalism or a transition from feudalism to >capitalism, the slave and serf revolts were only secondary to >intraclass conflicts beween the old and new rulling classes." If Nowak is saying that there is no distinction between the old ruling class of feudalism and the new ruling class of capitalism, that that was merely an intraclass rivalry I have a problem with that. Once again the attempt is made to minimize the effect of class struggle on the movement of history. Then Karim says: >"Class politics needs to be priveleged, but not as a manifestation of >an intrinsic essence of some metahistory, but as a historicized, >dialectically ( discursively/ concretely), pragmatically constituted >project." I think he means that class struggle is not an intrinsic aspect of history and should be thought of as a concept that was constructed at a point in time and should be left there as any other museum piece. That is a direct assault on the basic premise of the maifesto. I would love to hear the words of Engles in rebuffing this attack! Karim backs off in the next sentence (I don't blame him.) He says, "we need to recognize the processes through >which class is continuously structured and destructured in relation to >other frames of beings and identitities, such as race, gender, >experince of coloniality, and so on." (I would like to include the class difference arising from the relations of production.-cb) So now we have classes, but somehow in an imagined setting devoid of class struggle. I want to read other proscribed papers in the forum. Perhaps I will find a marxist submission that accepts the existence of the proletariat and its struggle with the bourgeoisie. If not, then perhaps something about the new technology of communications and production and whether capitalism can contain them or will they be the changes in the means of production that burst asunder the existing relations of production. Even so, as the emergent bourgeoisie recognized its interests being opposed by the ruling class of the time, so must the proletariat in order that society as a whole may take advantage of the historical advances it has created. Respectfully, Clayton Bagwell