From: RODRIGUEZ@cui.edu Date: Thu, 02 Jul 1998 08:36:07 -0700 (PDT) Subject: Class, Gender and National Identity: Puerto Rico To: smrose@exis.net Re: Rosenthal's Flint, Puerto Rico: Class, Gender and the National Question The labor struggles in Flint and the social movement developing in Puerto Rico against privatization are a great opportunity for us to concretely express international solidarity. Also, they provide an opportunity to reflect on the often called "intersection of "gender, class and ethnicity/national identity." At least in Puerto Rico's case, this is the first time, at least since the Sugar workers general strike in 1934, when workers have called a general strike. That in itself is quite unusual if it was not coupled with the fact that this is a "political" strike. Its leaders, have taken the bold step of explicitly saying this is not an economic strike but a political strike. The labor movement in the island just as in the US was experiencing a decline in membership. Less than 11% of workers belong to unions. However, the number of government and public sector (electricity, water, phone etc.) workers who are union member is triple that percentage. This group is strategic in Puerto Rico's society given the large size and impact of the state on the island's social formation. It remains to be seen whether the labor movement will be able to achieve a victory that allows it to survive into the next century. Because, and the leaders know it, this movement also may result in the destruction of many trade unions. So why have they concertedly called for this action? It is here where class become necessary but insufficient to explain this movement. While the labor movement is the vanguard of the entire struggle against privatization, the bond that is bringing national support is nationalism. While this is not a struggle for Puerto Rican independence, it is a national struggle to close the statehood option for the island. The main objective of the colonial administration privatization effort (schools, higher education, communication, electricity etc.) is to erase any economic boundaries between the U.S. and Puerto Rico. The labor movement knows it, the governor knows it. However, the main wall of contention against the statehood option for Puerto Rico, at least locally (U.S. systemic racism would be the main US factor) is the increased sense of Puerto Rican national identity that has increased in contradictory ways as the island has become more assimilated into the US social formation. Workers and their numerous supporters (professionals, students, small business persons, political parties, guerrilla groups etc) are chanting nationalist slogans while hearing Rock and Roll (in Spanish); are celebrating ecumenical religious services sometimes led by protestant ministers (US missionaries brought protestantism to the island, as part of the "civilizing" function of US colonialism). This movement is led by a skilled woman leader (the other leader, Jose Juan Hernandez is occupying a secondary position) in a supposedly "machista" culture. The first person to be injured in a brutal attack by the riot squad was a woman. The governor is a member of the assimilated white elite, educated in the metropolis, the labor leaders are working class, strongly patriotic but also class conscious. We can't ignore class, labor is the vanguard (in fact, this is what the socialist pro-independence movement has dreamed for and worked for during the last 35 years, however, this is not a product of their effort, most pro-independence groupings are for all intents and purposes social democrats now). This movement cannot be understood exclusively through one set of lenses but through the multidimensional lens of gender, class and national identity. To reduce it to class would make it unintelligible. Victor M. Rodriguez Professor, Sociology Dept. Concordia University 1530 Concordia West Irvine, CA 92612 Email: rodriguez@cui.edu Home Page: http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepages/VictorMRodriguez