Received: from donald.uoregon.edu (donald.uoregon.edu [128.223.32.6]) by csf.Colorado.EDU (8.8.8/8.8.8/ITS-4.2/csf) with ESMTP id OAA04788 for ; Tue, 24 Nov 1998 14:52:49 -0700 (MST) Received: from DWOVMCNF.uoregon.edu (d111-206.uoregon.edu) by OREGON.UOREGON.EDU (PMDF V5.1-12 #D3397) with SMTP id <01J4JYJCY2JU8WWC11@OREGON.UOREGON.EDU> for ppn@csf.colorado.edu; Tue, 24 Nov 1998 13:52:47 PST Date: Tue, 24 Nov 1998 13:52:46 -0800 (PST) From: John Bellamy Foster Subject: established facts X-Sender: Jfoster@oregon.uoregon.edu To: ppn@csf.colorado.edu Message-id: <1.5.4.16.19981124140401.2a778680@oregon.uoregon.edu> MIME-version: 1.0 X-Mailer: Windows Eudora Light Version 1.5.4 (16) Content-type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" The Progressive Population Network appears to be inundated of late by views that are anything but progressive and the importance of the list as a forum for meaningful discussion of population issues seems therefore to be threatened. I want to try to get things back on track by listing ten well-established, incontrovertible facts that form the basis for any meaningful discussion of population issues. First, for those like myself who approach population questions primarily from the standpoint of global ecological crisis it has to be admitted that overpopulation, though a factor in this crisis, is a relatively minor one compared to the two other sources of environmental impact (according to the PAT formula): affluence and technology. World economic output is increasing much faster than population and contrary to the latter there is no expectation that it will level off. On top of this there has been a technological shift in the last half century to the production of toxic and radioactive "byproducts" that threaten the biosphere and the health of all the species within it at levels that we are only just beginning to understand. Neither of these factors--affluence or anti-ecological technology--can be attributed directly to population growth. Second, there is no direct relationship between population growth and world hunger, or between population growth and famine. This has been established in the work of Amartya Sen and in the various critiques of the agribusiness system. Third, population growth issues cannot be addressed in simple, neo-Malthusian terms (which focus simply on narrowly conceived demographic factors) but need to be viewed in terms of the theory of demographic transition, which explains this in terms of social and economic relationships. Fourth, the essential point here is that most of the third world is stuck within what Barry Commoner called a demographic trap created by colonialism/neocolonialism. Fifth, while the demographic transition theory has traditionally been conceived in terms of economic development, this is now commonly broadened to take account of social factors more generally. For example, we know that where women have greater rights and more control over their own bodies the rate of population growth decreases. We also know that some societies have been able to bring population growth under control at relatively low levels of economic development by emphasizing social redistribution, e.g. Cuba and the state of Kerala in India. Sixth, the areas of the world that have the largest "ecological footprints" and are having the most devastating effect on the environment are the rich countries that have relatively low rates of population growth (much closer to replacement level). Seventh, classical Malthusianism (i.e. the ideas of Malthus himself) had nothing to do with ecology. Modern neo-Malthusianism arose in the 1940s in the work of thinkers who came out of the eugenics tradition. Malthus was resurrected because his notion of population pressing on subsistence was more a more effective ideology for justifying the control and displacement of third world populations after the Holocaust than more traditional racist ideologies. Malthusianism thus came to be a key element in the ideology of the Cold War and the Green Revolution. It was also used to develop a conservative approach to ecological crisis that downgraded social as opposed to biological factors. Eighth, neo-Malthusianism has always tended to favor "final solutions" to population problems. For example William Vogt wrote in his classic neo-Malthusian tract, THE ROAD TO SURVIVAL (1948) that Chile's "greatest asset, is its high death rate." In an infamous passage entitled "The Dangerous Doctor" he observed: "The modern medical profession, still framing its ethics on the dubious statements of an ignorant man [Hippocrates] who lived more than two thousand years ago...continues to believe it has a duty to keep alive as many people as possible. In many parts of the world doctors apply their intelligence to one aspect of man's welfare--survival--and deny their moral right to apply it to the problem as a whole. Through medical care and improved sanitation they are responsible for more millions living more years in increasing misery. Their refusal to consider their responsibility in these matters does not seem to them to compromise their intellectual integrity....They set the stage for disaster; then, like Pilate, they wash their hands of the consequences." Ninth, neo-Malthusianism generally (there are exceptions) is associated with the peculiar "morality" of scientific racism. It denies the principle that justice is indivisible for all of humanity and is either explicitly or implicitly based on the notion that some people are more dispensable than others. In the words of Garrett Hardin, a popular neo-Malthusian thinker any attempt to help the poor would result in a situation in which: "the less provident and less able will multiply at the expense of the abler and the more provident, bringing eventual ruin upon all who share in the commons." The world of civilization and culture is thus reduced to a Hobbesian struggle of all against all (or of race against race) in which there is no room for morality properly conceived, and where "lifeboat ethics" or the principles of Malthus' "mighty feast" apply. Tenth, by definition a PROGRESSIVE approach to population--as opposed to a reactionary one--recognizes all of the above and rejects the so-called "morality" of the "final solution." This means that population stabilization can only occur within the context of democratic social planning which recognizes the values of human freedom and equality. I suggest that those who are unwilling or unable (for whatever reason) to acknowledge these elementary truths should seek out lists of a more neo-Malthusian character (I am sure there are plenty of those). Or if they cannot find anything quite to their liking, they should create their own Regressive Population Network, where all the misanthropists of the world can unite. John Bellamy Foster