I N T E R N E T ' S M A O I S T BI-M O N T H L Y = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = XX XX XXX XX XX X X XXX XXX XXX XXX X X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X V X X X V X X X X X X X XX XXX X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X XXX X X X V XXX X XXX XXX = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = THE MAOIST INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT MIM Notes 182 MARCH 15, 1999 MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the world's oppressed majority, and against the imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in the service of the people. support it, struggle with it and write for it. IN THIS ISSUE: 1. FOUR NYPD PIGS MURDER UNARMED AFRICAN IMMIGRANT 2. LETTERS 3. MICHIGAN STUDENT GOVERNMENT SIDES WITH IRAQI PEOPLE AGAINST AMERIKA 4. RAIL ARGUES WITH PACIFISTS ON IRAQ 5. NEW ECONOMIC REPORT FEEDS MIM ANALYSIS 6. PSEUDO-ENVIRONMENTALISTS CALL FOR BAN OF MIM 7. GREETINGS TO MAURITIUS COMRADES 8. GREETINGS FROM REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST YOUTH 9. EAST TIMOR FIGHT FOR INDEPENDENCE CONTINUES 10. NEW PHILIPPINES PUPPET REGIME CONTINUES HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES 11. PUERTO RICO: ONGOING STRUGGLE AGAINST COLONIALISM 12. REVIEW: INDIVIDUALIST APPROACH SINKS REFORMIST FEMINISM 13. RIGHT TO REMAIN SILENT IS LATEST CASUALTY 14. MUMIA BENEFIT SENDS MIXED MESSAGE TO MIXED CROWD 15. UNDER LOCK AND KEY: NEWS FROM PRISONS AND FROM PRISONERS The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is a revolutionary communist party that upholds Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comprising the collection of existing or emerging Maoist internationalist parties in the English-speaking imperialist countries and their English-speaking internal semi-colonies, as well as the existing or emerging Spanish-speaking Maoist internationalist parties of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of the U.S. Empire. MIM Notes is the newspaper of MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish- speaking parties or emerging parties of MIM. MIM is an internationalist organization that works from the vantage point of the Third World proletariat; thus, its members are not Amerikans, but world citizens. MIM struggles to end the oppression of all groups over other groups: classes, genders, nations. MIM knows this is only possible by building public opinion to seize power through armed struggle. Revolution is a reality for North America as the military becomes over-extended in the government's attempts to maintain world hegemony. MIM differs from other communist parties on three main questions: (1) MIM holds that after the proletariat seizes power in socialist revolution, the potential exists for capitalist restoration under the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within the communist party itself. In the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's death and the overthrow of the "Gang of Four" in 1976. (2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural Revolution as the farthest advance of communism in human history. (3) MIM believes the North American white-working-class is primarily a non- revolutionary worker-elite at this time; thus, it is not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in this country. MIM accepts people as members who agree on these basic principles and accept democratic centralism, the system of majority rule, on other questions of party line. "The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally applicable. We should regard it not as dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases, but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of revolution." -- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208 * * * FOUR NYPD PIGS MURDER UNARMED AFRICAN IMMIGRANT by MC234 On February 4, four plainclothes New York Police fired 41 shots at a West African immigrant street peddler standing in his doorway. Amadou Diallo was hit 19 times and died instantly. No gun was found.(1) The swine aren't talking and were the only witnesses so it's unclear exactly what happened. It appears that the pigs say Diallo looked suspicious (read: African) and was entering his apartment with a hand in his pocket reaching for keys. The pigs left their car, came up behind him and shouted in English for Diallo to freeze. They say Diallo didn't freeze so they killed him. Even if their self-corroborating story is true (and it's probably about as pro-police as any story that could be told at this point) there are clearly better ways for police to approach a suspect where 41 bullets wouldn't erupt. Less than a week later, Pig Commissioner Howard Safir announced a switch by N.Y. Pigs to hollow-point bullets. These bullets, which are banned by the Geneva Convention for use in war, expand on impact and cause more bodily injury. Pigs like the bullets because they "stop" the victim sooner and require less bullets. But dead is dead, as many victims of white Amerikkka's war against the oppressed Black nation can attest, including Amadou Diallo.(2) The bullets are already in used in most other major cities of the u.$. empire, including Los Angeles, Chicago, Boston, Dallas, San Francisco, Honolulu and by the FBI and the U.$. Marshall Service.(2) The swines responsible are part of the elite Street Crime Unit, publicly charged with seizing guns. The NYPD overall are 13% Black and 17% "Hispanic," but this elite unit is only about 10% oppressed nations and national minorities, with only a handful of Black comprador troops.(3) All four of the white pigs responsible for shooting Dallio were from elsewhere in New York City. At 23%, the Bronx has the smallest percentage of white people in the city.(8) The Street Crime Unit is known for its aggressive tactics. Former members of the unit described their tactics in the early 1980s to the New York Post. The Unit would "toss every mother-----r in sight" for a search, and make bogus 911 calls about armed individuals matching the description of any who complained. According to the ex-swine, the tactics have since been toned down, but clearly not enough for Amadou Diallo.(3) According to official numbers, the relatively small unit stopped and frisked 45,000 people in 1997 and 1998.(4) Official condemnation of Officers Sean Carroll, Edward McMellon, Kenneth Boss and Richard Murphy has been slow in coming. They are no longer on the streets, but still working in administrative duties. It's unclear exactly why the pigs aren't talking. Mayor Giuliani says the pigs were invoking the "48 hours rule" which gives pigs two business days to consult with their union lawyers. But police investigators say that the Bronx District Attorney asked them not to talk to the officers. Apparently, this is common practice in police shootings. Regardless of which reason is at play here, all can only serve to give them time to concoct cover stories, although they can be disciplined for permanently refusing to answer questions.(7) When the tables are reversed, no such courtesies are extended. For example, when Mumia Abu Jamal was arrested for allegedly shooting Pig Daniel Faulkner in Philadelphia, Mumia was driven around in the ambulance in the hopes he would die and also beaten in the hopes of killing him if they couldn't elicit a confession. Under socialism, the police will be held to a higher standard than the general public. Such "union rules" won't exist, and "Fifth Amendment" rights won't apply at all to government officials. This is important in order to gain and maintain the trust of the masses. The top swines responsible for overseeing the colonization of oppressed nations and national minorities in New York City are trying to play both sides. They try and protect their murderous soldiers, while also co-opting or defusing the movement to condemn extra-judicial murder by police. Giuliani and Safir made an appearance at the memorial service for Diallo, but were jeered by the masses.(5) Diallo's family has no attention of being manipulated by two-faced Giuliani, repeatedly refusing to meet with him until the pigs responsible are arrested or suspended.(6) It is correct to avoid such treachery. Only when the people of the oppressed nations themselves control their territory and police will policy brutality and murder end. Notes: 1. New York Post 6 Feb 99, p. 2. 2. New York Post 14 Feb 99, p. 2. 3. New York Post 14 Feb 99, p. 3. 4. New York Post 6 Feb 99, p. 4. 5. New York Post 13 Feb 99, p. 2 6. New York Post 14 Feb 99. p. 4 7. New York Times 5 Feb 99, p. A25 8. Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Summary Tape File 3A tables (www.census.gov). * * * LETTERS MIM too tame? Dear Maoists, You, my friends, are heading in the right direction. Why, I wonder, are you so tame? You know the truth, yet you hedge. I mean, take your December 15 issue, for example. I perused your article on the School of Assassins, which, I was pleased to note was front page and left set. That us where it should be in every fucking paper in America. But, that won't happen. Not yet, and probably, not for quite a while. Not in every paper, anyway. The papers that count? Well, that's another story. Take the New York Times, for example. Some years ago, 1993 I believe, November 18 to be exact, they published an article on Canada's payment on behalf of the Bay of Pigs. Oops! Did I say that? What kind of Freudian slip was that? Maybe it had something to do with the fact that the CIA funded the invasion of the Bay of Pigs back in 1961, assassinated Kennedy, and his brother, and then assassinated Dag Hammerskjold. No that came first. They assassinated him in 1960 or 1961? I'm not sure which. So why, I ask you, didn't you mention the CIA assholes in your article? --A reader from the northwest MIM responds: First, you are right that MIM Notes prints news the New York Times didn't see fit to print. We continually stress the importance of independent, party-led media. On the one hand, imperialist mouthpieces won't print the facts which expose the crimes of u.$. imperialism. On the other hand, we need to have a forum where we can discuss the issues which affect the proletariat the most with a proletarian perspective, instead of having to address the bourgeois media on its own terms. For example, as we discussed in a recent article ("Mumia case proves need for independent media," MN178), it is important to show that Mumia Abu-Jamal received an unfair trial even by bourgeois standards, but we also need to be able to talk about how cops occupy Black communities like a foreign army occupies territory. Second, we are not quite sure what you mean when you say that MIM Notes "hedges." Because we failed to mention CIA machinations? Consistent readers of MIM Notes that we have not shied away from exposing the CIA's crimes. MIM Notes 180 carried an article on exactly this topic. As far as the assassination of the Kennedys, MIM Notes does not report on this because we honestly do not know what to make of it. It appears to be a case of intra-bourgeois rivalry, but we do not know what the basis of that rivalry was or who actually committed the deeds, and (most importantly) we do not know how we can take advantage of this intra-bourgeois conflict. Of course, we do know that the CIA was involved in overthrowing the Arbenz government in Guatemala, overthrowing the Allende government in Chile, the Bay of Pigs adventure, etc. etc. etc. These actions are clear evidence of the CIA's main task as a tool of violence and repression against those who would go against the wishes of the u.$. imperialists. On Mumia and Iraq Dear MIM, Just a couple of questions. 1. Your January 15 issue criticizes Mumia's jury as not one of his peers. What would be? Am I to infer a panel of similar activists, or is this a racial question? Would you accept a panel including Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, Actor Denzel Washington, University of California Regent Ward Connerly, Los Angeles Police Chief Willie Williams, Detroit Mayor Dennis Archer, and others, or must they be black, revolutionary activists? Should a crooked Wall Street stockbroker be entitled to a jury of his peers? If not, why not? 2. Regarding Iraq. Do you bestow your benevolent support upon Hussein? Does he pursue the type of socio-political structure that you espouse? Do you want continued use on his part of chemical weapons, thus legitimizing such use for the next guy? Don't forget he gassed Iran and some Iraqi Kurds. Why don't you call for Hussein to abandon his weapons of mass destruction so the sanctions will be lifted? Doesn't it bother you that he spent so much on his military, and not so much on food? --a reader February, 1999 MIM responds: On the question of Mumia: Our definition of peer is a nation/class definition, not a "racial" one. So, no, Clarence Thomas and them wouldn't cut it. The whole bourgeois democratic concept of a jury of one's peers assumes a false sense of equality that isn't present in imperialist, capitalist Amerika. The Black nation is an internal colony of the United Snakes; the concept of peer doesn't really apply between nations under that system of hierarchy and domination. Mumia's peers are other oppressed nationals, and were not sufficiently represented on the jury that convicted him. As for a Wall St. stockbroker, his or her peers are the ruling class and the judicial establishment; the police are his or her police. We don't think such a persyn needs a proletarian internationalist communist party to advocate on his or her behalf in the bourgeois courts. On the question of Iraq: Internal oppression has always been the rhetorical justification for imperialists invading, bombing, taking over and dominating oppressed nations. "But he bombs his 'own' people!," they cry. "They need us!" MIM is most concerned with the principal contradiction: imperialism vs. oppressed nations. The worst harm to the Iraqi people since 1991 has undeniably come from the United Snakes, not Saddam Hussein. This is not an endorsement of Hussein, but neither will we get sucked into a debate of his regime that frames the issue on imperialist terms. * * * MICHIGAN STUDENT GOVERNMENT SIDES WITH IRAQI PEOPLE AGAINST AMERIKA At the end of January, the University of Michigan Student Assembly (MSA) student government passed a resolution to support lifting u.$. sanctions against Iraq. The resolution passed by a vote of 11-10, from which eight representatives, including the MSA president abstained. The president explained his abstention saying that "it takes a lot longer [than a two-hour debate] to make sure we are doing the right thing." But he had already attacked the resolution before the official debate began, questioning the relevance of a resolution on u.$. sanctions against Iraq to the student government. MIM supports the demands of students who have recognized that for as long as we live within u.$. borders we are responsible for opposing Amerikan aggression against other nations. The MSA and other student governments should attack their government's imperialist actions for several reasons: as youth, they can more clearly see the wasteful brutality of embargoing basic necessities from an entire nation; and as students they must understand that shrinking educational budgets are directly affected by increased military spending to enforce this embargo. The MSA resolution fails in one major area, by supporting some continued actions against Iraq while calling for the end of others. The resolution both allows that special conditions should be made for "military technology and machinery," and vilifies Saddam Hussein as "an unelected dictator." MIM argues that once activists have recognized that sanctions on food, medicine and commerce generally are a brutal violation of human rights, they should not recognize the authority of a government that supports such brutality to enforce any restrictions on another. The anti-sanctions resolution was brought to MSA by members of the Arab American Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) and Prevent -- the campus anti-war-on-Iraq group. Members of these same progressive organizations lobbied the MSA to pass the resolution. The party in the MSA with the votes to get the anti-sanctions resolution passed was the so-called Defend Affirmative Action Party (DAAP). This group is connected to the Coalition to Defend Affirmative Action by Any Means Necessary (BAMN) -- a front-group of the Revolutionary Workers League (RWL), a Trotskyist party. BAMN and its covert RWL leadership do sometimes voice support for progressive causes. Like other phony communist parties and their front groups, the RWL/BAMN latches onto certain progressive struggles in limited ways as a means of gaining support for their organizations. The RWL/BAMN support for affirmative action however -- as for an end to sanctions against Iraq and reduced police activity in Ann Arbor -- is deceptive. These phony communists agitate around progressive causes but in ways that champion the interests of the middle classes (including the working-class labor aristocracy) instead of the interests of the most oppressed. While it is fine for middle class organizations to openly gather support for their own class, any organization that claims communism is claiming to work in the interests of the international proletariat. The phony communists, or revisionists, are enemies of the most oppressed because they split progressive forces from proletarian interests while pretending to champion them. In the example of the MSA resolution, the DAAP/BAMN/RWL supports military and technological sanctions against Iraq. This is an abhorrent position to any genuine communist party. No true ally of the international proletariat should support the largest imperialist power in the world to continue its control of an oppressed nation's ability to sustain hospitals, transportation or national defense. While MIM does not uphold Iraq as a proletarian socialist state, we reject any u.$. claim to determine that nation's destiny. MIM looks to see more campus governments taking a stance against u.$. military actions, as the number of students recognizing the direct contradiction between public education and military spending grows. We further urge the students to directly promote the interests of education against the interests of increased militarism. Just as universities are being pitted against prisons in u.$. government budgets, Amerika must choose between spending more money on military actions overseas or spending more money educating its youth. The laissez-faire Liberals and right-wingers try to will this contradiction out of existence by arguing that MSA's place is governing the student body and advocating its narrow interests. The reactionary campus paper, the Michigan Review, wrote in response to the MSA resolution that "MSA should mediate between the student body and University administrators, and represent the student body at certain inter-collegiate conventions." But wishing will not divide education policy and spending from military policy and spending. Advocating for students includes opposing militarism and prisons because military jobs, imprisonment and education are all in competition for their claim on young adults' lives. The Michigan Review should in fact support the lifting of sanctions rather than ridiculing MSA for spending two hours discussing them. Side by side with its editorial opposing the MSA resolution, the Review ran an editorial opposing "Big Government," decrying the new u.s. Federal budget that "places the hand of Washington everywhere." If the conservatives want to be consistent, they should join MSA in arguing for Washington to get its hands off Iraq. Surely a two-hour debate among University of Michigan student representatives is less a drain on the taxpayers whose cause the Review champions than an eight-year war by starvation and now almost daily bombings waged against the Iraqi people. While people going to college are generally the petty-bourgeoisie and not the proletariat, MIM supports the demands of college students for more attention to education in arguments like that in the MSA over sanctions. In general, MIM does not rally round the demands of the privileged classes within the imperialist nations, because usually these demands come at the expense of the international proletariat. But it is better for the petty- bourgeoisie to go to college than for the military to bomb and enforce sanctions against Iraq. If the college students can successfully pit their own interests against the interests of u.$. militarism, then they are acting as true allies of the Iraqi people. Sources: Michigan Daily, 27 January 1999; Michigan Review, 10 February, 1999. * * * RAIL ARGUES WITH PACIFISTS ON IRAQ This letter was sent from RAIL to a local pacifist organization which is not named here. The arguments are pretty general, so MIM prints it here to inform others having similar debates. --ed. Dear [pacifist organization], From last week's Iraq vigil, I went home with a flyer bearing [your] name. I didn't read it at the time and don't remember from whom I got it. I was surprised to see [your] name and this text: "This [sanctions] is not foreign policy. "Sanctions do nothing to hurt Sadaam Hussein. The Iraqi people suffer because of both the US/UN policy and because of Sadaam." Is this flyer really from [you]? If you need it, I can make a copy of the whole thing for you. First, sanctions most definitely are U.$. foreign policy. Killing people to make a buck has been the Amerikan way for hundreds of years. We can disagree as to whether that aspect can be removed without destroying the whole Amerikan system, but I know from observing [your organization's] work over the years that we agree that genocide is a common occurrence. Secondly, demonizing Saddam Hussein serves U.$. interests and not those of the Iraqi people. The United Snakes is at war with the people of Iraq and its leadership. In order to personalize that conflict, Hussein is the only leader in the world commonly referred to by politicians and the more jingoist newspapers by his first name. The reactionary propagandists theorize that this will make building support for war easier. Why does [your organization] join in this trend? The question of Saddam Hussein's leadership in Iraq is a complicated one. There is a very real reason the millions of people in the Middle East support Hussein, at least compared to the support they show towards their own lackey governments. Sure, I'd like to see the exploited workers and peasants of Iraq control the country, but no more so than I'd like to see that in any other country including this one. Singling out Hussein for special criticism is inappropriate and helps to build public support for more U.$. interference in the internal affairs of Iraq. The U.$./U.N. makes many charges against Iraq and Saddam Hussein. Some of them are true, but every single one of them are things that are done in far greater fashion by the United States. I know that [your organization] knows the facts about who really uses chemical, biological and nuclear weapons, for example. We agree that sanctions are a weapon that only effects the people on the bottom of the targeted society. But would [you] would support CIA assassinations of Hussein, or the bombing of purely military facilities, or any of a myriad of other interventions in Iraq? From your past practice I know this not to be the case, but your flyer ends up supporting these very common -- and very dangerous ideas. In struggle, RAIL * * * NEW ECONOMIC REPORT FEEDS MIM ANALYSIS The 1999 Economic Report of the President, released February 4, is an annual report with use to communist political economists. Here MIM touches on three sets of findings in the report. This U.S. Government book is available many places, but one is on the Internet at http://www.gpo.ucop.edu/catalog/erp99.html. --ed U.$. profits up Data finalized for 1997 show that 1997 was a record year for profits and that 1998 -- for which not all data is in yet -- looks to be similar based on the first three quarters of the year. After adjustments for inventory valuation fluctuations and capital consumption, corporate profits after taxes in 1997 were $572 billion, of which $275 billion were distributed as dividends and $297 billion were kept on hand in the corporations. In 1997, the manufacturing sector earned $214 billion and private sector banks received $107 billion -- both of which are figures not counting capital consumption. A small annoyance for us Marxists is that the figures show $23.3 billion for the Federal Reserve Bank, which is an accounting device of not much interest to ordinary people or Marxist scientists. Nonetheless, whenever we use imperialist government statistics we can only use them to get a rough idea of something and we need to cross-check them with other statistics. U.$. profit statistics in general MIM has cross-checked before, and since we have no better accounting to offer our readers, we present them with this information. Profits from abroad totaled $99 billion in 1997. In 1990 the Consumer Price Index (a marker of inflation) by one calculation stood at 130.7 and in 1997 it was 160.5 -- a less than 30% growth. Meanwhile, in the same time, profits with inventory and capital consumption adjustments but before taxes more than doubled from $397 billion to $818 billion. For MIM, the $572 billion is an important figure in the question of whether or not it can be said that oppressor nation workers are exploited. We have shown elsewhere and by numerous accountings that there is no way that such a figure can be construed to mean that oppressor nation workers are exploited, given the contributions of foreign workers, immigrants and internal semi- colony workers to profits (see MIM Theory 10, for example). There is as yet not a single organization in the imperialist countries that has attempted to refute our proofs, which to MIM is an indication of the low level of scientific struggle going on in the imperialist country so-called communist movement. It is not surprising that the growth of super-profits has itself extinguished discussion of super-profits in the imperialist countries. The representatives of the petty-bourgeoisie do not like to talk about the sources of their gravy. Between 1990 and 1997, inflation was low and productivity growth was anemic. However, trade with the non-OPEC (oil producing) Third World grew to rival that with the other industrialized countries. Such imports were $159 billion in 1990 but grew to be $347 billion in 1997. Meanwhile, trade with the industrialized countries was $387 billion in 1997. Ignorant critics of the MIM line believe that imperialist country trade with the Third World is insignificant. These critics are both out-of-date and theoretically stunted. Trade with the Third World allows for a "transfer of surplus-value from the Third World productive sector to the imperialist country unproductive sector" to use precise Marxist scientific language. It is this transfer of surplus-value -- especially thanks to the former leader Deng Xiaoping in China -- that is responsible for the doubling of profits in less than seven years. Although inflation in the imperialist countries must be accounted for, productivity growth and greater employment in the imperialist countries are not significant contributors to profit growth. Indeed, so called productivity figures for U.$. workers mask the transfer of gravy from the Third World. Profit growth in the U$A reflects the growth of super-profits thanks to global conditions of the class struggle in the Third World. Labor aristocracy owns more and more bonds In September, 1998, the whole world of investors that were not federal governments combined held $3.3 trillion in U.S. government bonds. One might be surprised to learn that of that only $260 billion was held by U.$. commercial banks. Interest from these bonds would be reported as profits after expenses. The total of bonds held by individuals was $352 billion, of which we can say based on previous studies half is probably owned by the capitalist class. The rest goes to the petty-bourgeoisie. A persyn who owns enough bonds can afford not to work. Such a persyn is a capitalist -- the ultimate in parasitism. Dwarfing the U.$. banks and individual investors are various international investors, coming in at $1.2 trillion. MIM does not have a class breakdown on these investors, such as what percentage is owned by the Japanese labor aristocracy in pensions and life insurance; however, the second biggest source of investment is not the corporations, at $271 billion, but the state and local governments at $469 billion in September 1998. State and local governments hold money in bonds for the pensions of workers and sometimes for short-term accounting reasons. In any case, there is no escaping that the principal beneficiary of the interest from such bonds is the labor aristocracy and not the capitalist class. Non-U.$. imperialists invest more in U$ Foreign investors continue to invest in the United $tates faster than the United $tates invests abroad. As a result, the net investment position of U$A crossed the negative trillion dollar mark in 1997 and nearly doubled in one year. The market value of investments in the U$A made by foreigners was $167 billion more than what U$ investors held abroad in 1990. In 1996, the net figure was negative $744 billion and in 1997 it was negative $1.3 trillion. With the collapse of the Soviet social-imperialist bloc, U$ imperialism imposed its unipolar will on the world. The carrot it is currently offering to other junior imperialists is the chance to invest in the U$A. Any superprofit gravy that the U$A cooks up in the Third World, the other imperialists are being allowed to share. Occasionally we see in the newspapers nationalist alarm that this is being allowed to happen. The idea that the United $tates is being sold to other countries alarms the nationalists. One thing to watch for is the move to ice the Chinese capitalists out of business. Ultra-right organizations on the Internet are arguing Clinton should be impeached for allowing the People's Republic of China to buy ports and industrial complexes on the West Coast. The noise about Clinton's campaign funding from Indonesians and Chinese is related. However, thus far, the internationalist bourgeoisie in control of the government has managed to squelch these nationalist noises and prevent their becoming policy. We Leninists must admit that the current situation of cross- national investment by imperialists is a new twist of great significance in the current situation of inter-imperialist rivalry. In the past when a mother country owned colonies it kept other colonial powers iced out of the action. In other situations, blocs of countries would ice each other out while favoring countries within the bloc. Today, there is still trade bloc maneuvering of a very intensive sort. However, in the sense of profits, the intensity of conflict amongst the imperialists is receding. There is only one imperialist bloc at the moment. All imperialists invest in the U$A if they want to. * * * PSEUDO-ENVIRONMENTALISTS CALL FOR BAN OF MIM In mid-February, critics called for a ban of MIM from alt.politics.greens, an Internet newsgroup. The call came after posting of MIM articles titled "Earth First! martyr died for environment, proletariat," and a review of "The Natural Wealth of Nations: Harnessing the Market for the Environment." On February 15, a writer responded to the following quote: "Fox News is nothing more than a mouthpeice for the extreme right wing in. . . This [newsgroup] is just a mechanism for MIM propaganda. Please ask MIM to start alt.policics.propaganda. Yet, if all of us do this, it will still make no impact." It was a sarcastic comment paralleling a call for a boycott of Fox News. Raising the charter, one writer actually thought it could be used to ban MIM. The critic said: "Actually, alt.politics.greens has a specific charter. The following message created the group, in December 1992: 'This newsgroup is a forum for matters pertaining to Green movements worldwide. This includes the Green parties of various countries and localities, as well as less formally organized alliances and movements. This newsgroup was proposed and discussed in alt.config and other relevant forums. The newsgroup name proposed was "alt.politics.green-party," but a number of correspondents suggested "alt.politics.greens," which is more inclusive and is a more elegant name. <_Jym_>' "In retrospect, 'alt.politics.green-party' would have been a better name. Folks who don't know what Green politics is about often mistake a.p.g for talk.environment or alt.politics.liberalism. "Now, as I understand Mao, it is a central tenet of 'Maoism' that armed insurrection and revolution are a necessary step along the road to social justice. Greens reject violence as a means to achieve the social changes that will achieve the situation described in, for example, the United Nations Universal Declaration on Human Rights. We believe violence is both unethical and extremely unlikely to succeed. (Personally, I think it's just another failed "quick fix" approach to a problem with no simple, easy solution. I've been an engineer for twenty years, and all my experience says quick fixes never work.) Instead, Greens work for social change through the democratic process, nonviolent civil disobedience, and educational outreach. "Therefore, IMHO 'Maoism' (both advocacy and denunciation) are pretty much off charter here." Apparently the writer did not notice that the charter was specifically written to include discussion with people not agreeing with every single Green Party platform plank. Meanwhile, lengthy discussions of "conservatism" and subjects not about the environment pervade the newsgroup, but MIM is the only group being suggested for a ban. On February 17, 1999, out of 85 posted articles, exactly three were by MIM. Another eight were responses to MIM articles. None of the eight responses were by MIM or MIM allies. Such vicious and disproportionate anti-communism as expressed above is rooted in the middle-class nature of society, and the labor aristocracy's alliance with imperialism in particular. Articles not posted by MIM included "Secret Clinton rape evidence." Calling us "crazies" who "subvert" the green movement, an author of the Young People's Socialist League said nonetheless that we should not be banned. The critic who said we are "off-charter" is an engineer who owns a large part of the computer administration for the Green parties -- judi.greens.org and petra.greens.org. MIM's reply to the newsgroup is excerpted below: "This is a distortion of Maoism: We are for continuous revolution, not 'quick fixes.' To us, it is you who are likely proposing the 'quick fix' without a thorough mechanism of change. "Mao's revolution was literally fought over 20 years to get to power. And the process of 'Cultural Revolution' was another 10 by itself when it was proposed that we needed 'continuous revolution.' . . . "Was our first post discussing the Green Party platform 'off- charter' because we disagreed with one or two planks? Are you going to tell me everyone who is a Green Party supporter believes in all of the planks? "We probably have higher unity with the Green Party platform than the average poster on this list. Don't think I didn't notice all the stuff about conservatism, impeachment, etc. Regardless, the charter explicitly rejects that this is a group for the Green Party only, however that is certified." * * * GREETINGS TO MAURITIUS COMRADES MIM sent the following greetings to the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) of Mauritius for their Congress of February 20, 1999. The Socialist Workers Party there is unconnected to the Trotskyist and neo-Trotskyist parties of the same name in the imperialist countries. --ed. Comrades of the SWP of Mauritius: We send you greetings for your February 1999 Congress. We are delighted to introduce ourselves to any organization from the oppressed nations upholding Marx, Lenin and Stalin. In fact, we share with you a history of forming in separation from Trotskyism and crypto-Trotskyism. In the world today, the most successful communist parties are those waging Maoist People's War in Peru, the Philippines, Nepal, India and Bangladesh. Nonetheless, in every country there is a most advanced element -- not just in those countries with People's Wars going on. There is never an excuse not to work with the most advanced element (vanguard) in the country one is in. Thus we are glad you have formed a place to separate from social-democracy and Trotskyism -- a place where the advanced may congregate and struggle with each other. In the imperialist countries our movement has produced no revolutions since 1917, but still there is a most advanced element even in countries with weak or non-existent communist parties. We should in each country start from the material position we are in and not wait for communism to drop from heaven. This requires that we make concrete analyses of our own conditions. In addition, we have a duty to cast our scientific eye on the facts of the whole world. There are at least three reasons. One is to know the international situation affecting our own revolutions. Two is to build for harmonious international relations by understanding other peoples and their struggles. Three is that there has now been socialist experience. Surely if we cannot agree on whether something is socialist in practice we have no chance of building it from thin air. The collapse of the Soviet bloc is an important lesson paid for with blood. The key to the collapse was internal to the so-called communist parties of those countries. It was the bourgeoisie in the party that restored capitalism, not imperialist invasion or old landlord classes. In the international communist movement's history, it was only Mao who told us we would have to overthrow "the Khruschevs nestling beside us" in the communist party. Toward this end he implemented a new form of struggle called the Cultural Revolution and he considered it one of his two great achievements along with the national liberation of China. True, Mao's successors and the practitioner-leaders of the Cultural Revolution called the "Gang of Four" and others did not enjoy Mao's own immense prestige at the time of the 1949 revolution. Popularity or not though, there is never an excuse not to recognize the most advanced political leaders in any situation and failing to do so only leaves an even greater opening to reaction, often through the error of liquidationism. Already by the early 1960s, Yeltsin was a regional party leader, but revisionists all lined up to attack Mao one-by-one for his thesis on the bourgeoisie in the party. We must say frankly that Castro was one, and we find it puzzling to see a party uphold Stalin and Mao while upholding Castro who never hid his admiration for Khruschev. We urge you not to mention Castro and Mao in the same breath. We hope you will take up this question with us as well as the question of Che and Ho, whom we regard as more progressive. We hope you will agree with us that in our day, there can be no downplaying the "bourgeoisie in the party" thesis and the Cultural Revolution in China. The masses would be right not to trust any communist party that could not admit the history of our movement including its dastardly betrayal by the likes of Khruschev, Brezhnev, Alia, Hua Guofeng, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Castro, Gorbachev and Yeltsin. When we call on the masses to give their blood to fight capitalism, we can do no less. It's a very unpleasant duty to admit to capitalist restoration by the bourgeoisie in the party in Albania, China, Cuba, Korea, the USSR and Vietnam. Yet, how can we ask the masses to trust us if we do not clean house? We call on your Congress to pass resolutions repudiating Castro and upholding the Cultural Revolution and the "Gang of Four" successors to Mao. The Cultural Revolution occurred almost simultaneously with the appearance of a theory for it. A generation later it must be us who takes up this theory as Mao's successors. Maoist Internationalist Movement, February 10, 1999 Note: Speeches of Fidel Castro on the Soviet Union and China may be found at http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Senate/5973/leftover.html * * * GREETINGS FROM REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST YOUTH The MIM International Minister apologizes for the mishap that delayed publication of this greeting from the Russian comrades that was intended for our 1999 Congress Session I, just ended. Previously we received greetings from the RYCL(b) Secretary of Ideology Oleg Torbasow and the Obninsk All-Union Leninist Communist Union of Youth (VLKSM). --ed. Comrades! Our organization, Revolution Communist Youth of Ukraine, convey the warmest revolutionary greetings to MIM on the occasion your Congress! Our best wishes for its success, in your struggle for communism. We want to have contacts with MIM, shall be glad to get your publishing editions. In Ukraine we have very small information about Mao Tse-tung Thought, Great Proletarian Culture Revolution in China, liberation' struggle of Peruvian and Philippines fighters, about revolutionary struggle in USA. Down with imperialism! Long live communism! -- Bureau of Revolutionary Communist Youth (RCY) * * * EAST TIMOR FIGHT FOR INDEPENDENCE CONTINUES by MC17 After 23 years of bloody colonialism which included the murder of close to one-third of the East Timorese population, Indonesia seems to be deciding that this colony, with its population so determined to fight for independence, is not worth the trouble. Indonesia is moving closer to removing its claws from East Timor and granting the country some form of independence. Indonesian President B. J. Habibie told a business delegation at the State Palace: "We don't want to be bothered by East Timor's problem anymore by Jan. 1, 2000. We will fully concentrate on the interests of our remaining 26 provinces."(1) Indonesia has taken a strong position against independence for East Timor until recently when political uprising within Indonesia led to the resignation of the military dictator Suharto. Habibie, a former protege of Suharto, stepped in to take over and has been plagued by on-going protests as he has made only cosmetic changes to the government or military. The internal turmoil in Indonesia is clearly a factor in Habibie's move to grant East Timor independence. Indonesia has offered to withdraw from East Timor and declare it independent if the East Timorese reject an alternative autonomy deal for the half-island territory. The autonomy offer is now the subject of U.N.-sponsored negotiations between Indonesia and Portugal, East Timor's former colonial master which resulted in a plan for an "autonomous Timorese government." Conspicuously absent from these U.N. talks on the future of East Timor are representatives of East Timor itself.(2) The United Nations never recognized the Indonesian invasion of East Timor and still considers it territory of Portugal. The fact that the U.N. would go to East Timor's former colonial master before talking directly to the people of East Timor themselves reveals the imperialist mission of the U.N. East Timor rebel leader Xanana Gusmao was moved on February 10 from the prison cell he occupied for more than five years to house arrest in Jakarta.(3) His transfer was a conciliatory move by Indonesia to allow Gusmao a greater role in the independence talks and came amid mounting international pressure -- including a call by U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan -- on the Jakarta government to release him. The Indonesian government condemned Gusmao as a common criminal but now acknowledges his role in the talks although not recognizing him as a political prisoner. Another positive result of these U.N. sponsored talks is a move towards disarming thousands of militia members working for the Indonesian government, which receives significant amounts of financing from the U.$., responsible for harsh crackdowns on the Timorese people.(4) The Indonesia military currently has over 10,000 troops in East Timor and has been arming local militias, claiming that this is necessary for them to protect themselves from pro-independence rebels if Jakarta pulls out of East Timor. On January 28th Indonesia announced that it will grant immediate independence to East Timor. Shortly afterwards pro-government militias armed by the Indonesian military attacked Timorese civilians killing at least 30 people and driving more than 6,000 people into hiding. There have been reports of increased fighting between the pro-independence forces and the pro-integration militias (armed and financed by Indonesia).(4) While financing and instigating the violence, Indonesia is using this violence as an excuse to oppose a ballot on the territory's future, saying it could spark a civil war. The fact is that the civil war would not even be an issue if it were not for the funding and arms provided by the Indonesian government. One proposal being floated at the U.N. negotiations includes a U.N. peacekeeping operation in East Timor. The U.$. strongly supports this option. This is under the pretext of stopping the violence. Indonesia's on-going attacks on the Timorese people are paying off in these proposals for a new form of colonialism for East Timor. Australian Prime Minister John Howard says East Timor could lose up to 50% of its gross domestic product if Indonesia grants it full independence. Australia has a strong imperialist interest in Indonesia and so they oppose Indonesia losing this important political and economic colony. The idea that a colony might lose financially when given independence is just a myth promoted by the imperialists. In fact, capitalism survives by sucking the resources from the Third World so that the imperialist countries can get rich. This includes the U.$. and Australia, which both finance the Indonesian military dictatorship for both strategic military as well as economic benefits. In fact, Howard has admitted that East Timorese independence would be very expensive for Australia.(5) The United States has sold more than $1.1 billion in weaponry to Indonesia since its 1975 invasion of East Timor; the sales have gone on in Republican and Democratic administrations alike, regardless of the rhetoric espoused by the President at the time. According to the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, from 1992 to 1994 (the most recent years for which full data is available), Indonesia received 53% of its weapons imports from the United States.(6) Some of the East Timorese independence leaders are now saying that they are not sure East Timor is prepared for independence. ''We have been so focused on raising public awareness about our cause that we didn't seriously think about the structure of a government,'' said Constancio Pinto. ''This is what we have been fighting for, but what happens after independence?''(4) He and other independence leaders are now saying that East Timor needs a three- to five-year transition period to independence. Even Gusmao is suggesting a transition process of one to two years before cutting ties, either in the form of an autonomy plan like that proposed by Indonesia or by a U.N.-regulated authority.(2) The result of this lack of preparation for state rule by the independence forces in East Timor is an offer from Indonesia to help out, but only if the Timorese agree to surrender considerable control over police, defense and judiciary. In essence continued colonialism in exchange for "help" from Indonesia. The failure of the East Timorese independence fighters to build an organization that can lead the people to self-sufficiency demonstrates the need for a revolutionary party led by the proletariat with a firm grounding in history. Communists are not wasting our time studying history for fun, we are preparing for the day when we take state power so that we can learn from the successes and not repeat the mistakes of the past. Fighting for independence for 23 years should be more than enough time to prepare to take state power and do better than the occupying imperialist forces. Notes: 1. Philadelphia Inquirer, Feb 12, 1999. 2. Washington Post, February 14, 1999; Page A31 3. Washington Post, February 10, 1999; Page A18. 4. Boston Globe, Feb 7, 1999, p. A3. 5. Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Sunday 14 February, 1999 6. Web site http://amadeus.inesc.pt/~jota/Timor/TimorNews/Mar97/US.arms.transf ers. to.Indo.I * * * NEW PHILIPPINES PUPPET REGIME CONTINUES HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES Joseph Estrada, the new president of the Philippines, continues his predecessors' tradition of using armed force to try to destroy the Filipino people's resistance to exploitation and oppression in order to serve u.$. military and economic interests. In particular, the u.$.-Estrada regime is resurrecting paramilitary terror groups in the countryside and flagrantly violating the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL), which it signed with the revolutionary National Democratic Front (NDF) of the Philippines last year. According to KARAPATAN (a human rights group in the Philippines) and the Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace, fanatical vigilante groups have been organized in Mindanao by the u.$.- Estrada regime to quell people's resistance to the entry of big business into ancient tribal lands. These paramilitary groups are responsible for at least five assassinations, three cases of forced evacuation, and two cases of desecration of indigenous peoples' sacred ancestral houses. Such terrorist groups -- often forcibly recruited from minority groups -- are part of the counterinsurgency plan conceived and developed by the Joint US Military Advisory Group and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).(1) In December, only five months into Estrada's tenure, KARAPATAN documented the assassinations of four other "leaders of people's organizations" by "armed goons and security guards."(2) Organizations struggling for true land reform and for workers' rights have also been harassed and attacked. The AFP has itself repeatedly taken part in summary executions and "disappearances." On December 7 of last year, Domingo Baluncio, a member of the Communist-led New People's Army (NPA), was murdered by the AFP while he was wounded and out of combat. Baluncio, also known as Ka (comrade) Mel, was wounded in his right side but very much alive when the masses brought him to the AFP for treatment. The AFP commander denied Baluncio timely treatment and he suspiciously died on the way to the next village, barely one kilometer away. An autopsy showed that none of Baluncio's internal organs had been damaged by the gunshot wound. With prompt medical treatment, Baluncio should have survived. The autopsy also found numerous severe bruises on his back. The very next day Danilo Caisip and Jayson Nieva were arrested, manacled, and brutally mauled in another village. They were turned over to the AFP and have not been heard from since, despite repeated attempts of family and friends to locate them.(3) These acts violate many of the provisions of the CARHRIHL, which explicitly forbid "violence to life and person, particularly killing and causing injury" towards those "placed hors de combat [out of combat] by sickness, wounds, or any other cause." They also violate similar provisions in the Geneva Conventions. In contrast to the AFP, the NPA has released several AFP prisoners as gestures of goodwill over the last two years. The prisoners were well treated, and were turned over in ceremonies involving officials from the NDF and the Manila government. The human rights records of the Manila government and the NDF reflect their respective class positions. From its beginning, the Manila government has been a tool of the foreign monopoly capitalists and local reactionaries. Earlier presidents suspended the writ of habeas corpus (Quirino in 1951); declared martial law (Marcos in 1974); launched "total war" in the countryside, leading to the displacement of 1.2 million Filipinos from their homes (Aquino in the late 1980s); sought to pass legislation which would return martial law in practice if not in name (Ramos in the 1990s); and on and on. The u.$.-Estrada regime is only different in that Estrada has openly declared that "national security" is his number one priority. Estrada, who is a former actor, recently used a line from one of his tough-guy characters against striking workers: "Don't test my patience." The u.$. army and government has consistently led and advised the repressive activities of the Manila government as well. Former President Ramon Magsaysay was a CIA asset. The u.$. maintains its control of the AFP through the Joint U.S. Military Advisory Group, joint training exercises, and other military aid. On the other hand, the NPA is fighting to overthrow the three mountains which oppress the vast majority of the people of the Philippines: Feudalism, bureaucrat capitalism, and imperialism. Led by the Communist Party of the Philippines, the NPA wages a protracted people's war, which can only be waged by mobilizing the masses and relying on them. Winning the support of the masses both a matter of principle -- because people's war is fought by and in the interests of the masses -- and a matter of practicality, because the support of the majority of the population enables the NPA to overcome its technological, numerical, and financial inferiority. Signing and upholding the CARHRIHL and the Geneva Conventions is just one way the NDF and the NPA demonstrates its commitment to the oppressed masses, since many of the members of the AFP are also the sons and daughters of workers and peasants. Notes: 1. Solidaridad, December 1998. 2. "The realities of the human rights situation under the Estrada administration," http://www.geocities.com/~cpp-ndf/natsi239.htm. 3. "NDFP condemns salvaging of captured NPA guerrilla and other GRP violations of human rights and international humanitarian law," http://www.geocities.com/~cpp-ndf/natsi242.htm; "KARAPATAN: Urgent action needed," http://www.geocities.com/~cpp- ndf/natsi249.htm. * * * PUERTO RICO: ONGOING STRUGGLE AGAINST COLONIALISM by a Pennsylvania prisoner December 18, 1998 Almighty King love to all my brothers and sisters and much respect and my salute to all who fight in the struggle. I am a Latin King incarcerated by the beast here in Pennsylvania. I want to take this moment and drop some knowledge and a piece of my mind on the Beloved island Borinquen, which whitey named Puerto Rico. The other night I was watching the news about Borinquen becoming a state. Then they showed people in "Puerto Rico" wanting statehood and I see that these individuals are blind. Borinquen was a peaceful Island and the Arawaks were humble people. Along came Columbus and his bastard crew and in the name of greed and power, killed, raped, robbed and took Borinquen from my ancestors. You had the young Indian warrior "Agueybana II the Brave" who killed a spaniard and seen with his own eyes that these bastards are not God and could die. He took up arms with the spanish forces. But it was too late because the spaniards were many and they had better weapons. You had "Ramos Emeteria Betances" a great revolutionary who wanted neither Spain or the US to control Borinquen. You have "Don Pedro Albizo Campos" who did all he could for the independence of Borinquen. The government saw him as a threat and killed him. On October 30, 1950, five armed nationalists attacked La Fortoleza, the governor's mansion in San Juan. There were already bloody uprisings in other towns on the Island. You have Griseleo Torresola and Oscar Collayo who tried to kill president Truman in Washington. In 1954, you had Lolita Lebron, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Andres Fiqueroa Codero and Irving Flores Rodriquez go inside the Congress and opened fire on the Yankee imperialist. You have los Macheteros who delivered a blow on Munoz airport when the nine national guard planes were destroyed. On April 21, 1981, four individuals robbed a Well Fargo armored car in Puerto Rico. They escaped with $348,000 in cash. Los Macheteros soon announced they would use the expropriation for revolution in Puerto Rico. On May 16, 1982 four United States navy enlisted men assigned to the USS Pensacola were attacked while returning to their ship which was docked in Old San Juan. On January 25, 1975, an explosion occurred at the US courthouse in old San Juan. Los Macheteros took credit for it. They did it for the memorial to the late Albizo Campos. In 1983, Los Macheteros robbed $7 million from a Wells Fargo armored car in Connecticut. The money was used to fund their organization and to continue to promote independence in the island. When Antonio Camacho Negron was released from Whitedeer federal penitentiary in Pennsylvania for the $7 million armored car robbery, he said, "I am willing to die for Puerto Rico's independence -- to serve as an offering if it is necessary for the liberty and dignity of my people." These are the people who gave their lives and sacrificed themselves for the Boriquen. We have to recognize these people. In 1889, the yankee imperialist invaded Puerto Rico and took it from the Spaniard imperialists. 500 years and we and our island are still being oppressed by the yankee bastards. I was born in the united fucking states, but fuck if I am American. I am Boriquen and proud of it. This ain't no united states. Every state here was taken from the Native Indians. The American flag had 13 stars, now it has 51. 51 stars for every country they conquered. And if Borinquen becomes the 52nd star, then it will be 52 countries the yankee bastards took. If my peoples make it statehood, then you have no respect for the ones who have sacrificed their lives for your freedom and liberty. For my Boriquen peoples, think twice before supporting statehood. If it becomes a state, then it will be an open market for many. These yankee imperialists do not give a damn about you or me and what ever little bit we have will be lost. To the governor of Puerto Rico, you are not Boriqua, you are a fucking sell out, sucking up to the Yankee Imperialist... I will end this scribe for now. My King Love to my brothers and sisters and a salute to all who fight in the struggle against oppression. For my peoples, I will die and for the struggle I will die. I am a true revolutionary warrior for the cause. Fuck the Yankee imperialist! MIM responds: We join this comrade in celebrating the revolutionary history of Puerto Rico and we add to this list of individuals the important legacy of the Young Lords Party which furthered the struggle for national liberation and Maoism for Puerto Ricans both here within u.s. borders and on the island of Puerto Rico. It is true that statehood for Puerto Rico represents a further sell-out of the island's already lacking independence. But it's important not to be fooled by the current status of "freely- associated state," which represents a form of colonialism where the u.s. is able to control Puerto Rico without integrating the country entirely into the u.s. Recently Governor Rossello has been hyping a plebiscite or vote on the status of Puerto Rico as the "self determination process," which allows the people of Puerto Rico to decide what they want. But this so-called self determination is not real democracy. It is not possible to talk about the Puerto Rican people exercising their right to self determination with u.s. troops occupying their island and the u.s. government controlling the country. At this time, the plebiscite simply shows what the Puerto Rican people will say with the bribery and arm-twisting of Uncle Sam. Only the people themselves in Puerto Rico can establish a true plebiscite of the people for self-determination. After a stage of revolutionary nationalism, the Puerto Rican people will be able to decide their future without the influence of imperialist power. Anti-imperialists must use this opportunity to expose the lie of self-determination at every turn. We must remain strong in our demand for complete u.s. withdrawal from the island of Puerto Rico. At the same time we must be honest with the people that a Maoist revolution is necessary to achieve true self-determination and national liberation. And for this we call on our comrades both within u.s. borders and in Puerto Rico to strengthen the Maoist pole and build forces as a part of the United Front against imperialism led by MIM. * * * REVIEW: INDIVIDUALIST APPROACH SINKS REFORMIST FEMINISM Unwanted Sex: The Culture of Intimidation and the Failure of Law by Stephen J. Schulhofer Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998 reviewed by MC5 There is so much wrong with this book that it would take another book to cover all its political errors and factual distortions. Here we will focus on just three areas: communism versus reformism, subjectivism and law, and rape as theft. Communism versus reformism Schulhofer is familiar with our arguments about gender and we would not be surprised to learn that he had read our MIM Theory 2/3. "If any disparity of economic or social power is sufficient to establish coercion, then unacceptable force is pervasive in sexual relationships and in all human affairs" (p. 53). His response to radical and revolutionary feminism is aggressive liberal individualist reform. He proposes a huge array of reforms to sexual assault law and its interpretation in the United $tates -- for everything in every possible individual scenario to be argued in court. He acknowledges that men have more power than wimmin and talks about this problem -- the problem of starving wimmin exchanging sex for humyn needs at one extreme and supermodels sleeping with photographers and movie directors at the other extreme. Schulhofer considers but rejects the idea of communism. He considers but rejects the idea that the physical act of intercourse is itself rape (see Andrea Dworkin) -- with notable exceptions discussed later. Furthermore, "if sexual interaction is ruled legally out of bounds every time one of the parties has any possible source of power over the other, our opportunities to find companionship and sexual intimacy will shrink drastically. To create a legal barrier to every relationship not formed on the purely neutral ground of the singles bar or the church social would be pathetic and absurd" (p. 14). MIM would go further: there are no relationships that escape the dynamics of power in our society; yet, as revolutionaries, we do not tell the workers simply to give up working. That is not our solution. Neither do we think that revolutionary feminism means giving up sexual intimacy just because all sex is currently rape. Giving up intimacy is a real option for people right now, especially in the imperialist countries -- but the only complete answer is eliminating the underlying power structure. The bottom line is that Schulhofer finds it unfortunate that starving wimmin with children might need to find a male to sexually service to survive, but he concludes there should be nothing illegal about that situation, especially in a short-term relationship where there is no divorce. In fact, in Schulhofer's individualist way of thinking, the use of power by professors interfering with wimmin's petty-bourgeois careers is worse than the use of food for the starving! (p. 110). He spends pages and pages talking about various situations in the workplace ranging from harassment for sexual favors to bribery of superiors by wimmin seeking unjustified promotions -- where there are both spoken and unspoken threats and promises. The simple solution that exists under socialism -- the guarantee of a job -- eliminates the possibility that career power can be used to obtain sexual services the way it is now. Also, with the removal of the profit motive and the creations of a different socialist ethos, the aspiration to "climb the ladder" for persynal benefit will be sharply reduced. Under socialism, there would be no reason a womyn would keep quiet about threats for fear of her career, because business will no longer be run by private interests. Her job and geographic job mobility would be guaranteed no matter what one particular persyn thought or wanted. In one swoop of socialism, we eliminate what is probably more than a million cases per year in the U$A. Under communism we would go a step further and eliminate the power of people over people completely. That is the simplest and most enforceable answer to the sexual harassment in the workplace problem. Subjectivism and the law Law professor Schulhofer has found a gold mine for attorneys in describing how unwanted sex should be tackled -- subjectivism and individualism. The backlog of cases he wants to create will fill the courts' dockets and lawyers' pockets. After consciously rejecting simple and revolutionary answers to unwanted sex, Schulhofer seeks to refocus the law on consent (p. 22) and figuring out how to determine if consent is given -- case by ponderous case. This means that he wants courts to enter into the subjective mind-frame of accuser and accused. The reason he gives is that too many rape cases depend on proving the use of violence, when there is also non-violent theft -- as when a thief sneaks in and out of a house undetected. Once we accept this premise of Schulhofer, we are free to conclude that the same set of actions may result in marriage in one case and a rape case in court in another situation. He fully admits: "Physically assertive conduct that seems alluring to one woman may seem terrifying to another" (p. 49). That is what we mean by subjectivism. The fact that Schulhofer wants each case considered in all its details demonstrates both the hopeless principle of individualist reformism and the nature of legal discourse as pornography. Schulhofer opposes corroboration requirements (medical examination or witnesses), which existed in the law until the 1970s, that made it impossible for a womyn to convict her rapist based on just her word against his (pp. 18, 19, 26). He claims that such did not exist in other areas of law; although he never deals with the fact that in murders there is usually a dead body or at least testimony to its existence by the accused in rare cases. If someone is shot dead in most cases it won't be because the victim wanted it. Contrary to consistent anti-Liberals like MIM, according to Schulhofer's view, most sex is consensual, so he has no business drawing an analogy with murder. In thefts there can be recovery of the wallet. So in sex there is no consistent Liberal reason to leave it to the womyn's word in court. Apparently Schulhofer believes that a womyn's word may be so credible that no reasonable doubt could be raised by a man so accused. Marxists are familiar with such reasoning. Under feudalism in Europe, there were many cases where no standard of proof by the peasant was sufficient to overturn the word of the lord. This is a hypocritical and selective introduction of non-Liberal ideas into the court system, ideas that leave 100% discretionary power to the ruling class to convict when it sees fit, case by hypocritical case. Such discretionary power does not get used to eliminate rape. It only gets used to make people think something is done about rape when in fact the ruling class has an agenda of using rape for oppression. Some examples of what Schulhofer thought should be counted as evidence of force -- the flexing of muscles (p. 76), an unspecified threat made after sex (p. 44) and the difference in age between a 15-year-old and a 20-year-old (p. 111). Perhaps the best subjective move made by the courts and backed by Schulhofer was to consider the act of penetration itself force worthy of conviction. Here is Dworkin being used against one man in a New Jersey case of 1992. Schulhofer admits that it was not a case where there was any "tearing of tissue, bleeding, or severe abrasions"(p. 95). There was no damage. "The requirements for a felony conviction -- penetration and physical force -- would be met by the physical thrusting involved in every act of mutually desired intercourse"(p. 95). He applauds because he believes there was no consent, and the law be damned for having to prove force. There were many disgusting cases in the book, from both the defendant's and the accuser's point of view, but this one may be the worst, because it proves that courts will take Dworkin-like arguments and apply them only when they feel like it. A similar case that Schulhofer wanted raised was one involving a size differential. He was 6 foot 2 and 185 pounds and she was 5 foot 2 and 100 pounds. She did not utter any objections (pp. 268- 9). After conviction he only won on appeal. Once again, if size is the fact of force, then we have just condemned the vast majority of relationships, but the court typically employs this kind of reasoning to go after one persyn. In other words, it is yet another discretionary tool of the ruling class available at almost all times when the court needs it. Not all lawyers agree with Schulhofer. Michigan tried to get out of the interpretation of consent problem, but like others, it failed with its legal reform. A law passed that said any intercourse that occurred while armed was non-consensual by definition. That stood until someone got a life sentence for having a gun in his car and having intercourse with a womyn (pp. 35-6). So then it was back to case-by-case review. For MIM it is back to why communism is the only real solution -- an elimination of the causes of violence. Individualists have taken on an impossible job -- determining individual consent in sexual relations case-by-case. Rape as theft In arguing for "sexual autonomy" as a humyn right, Schulhofer derives much inspiration from looking at sex as a type of property. He argues that theft of wallets is more protected against by the law than theft of sexual autonomy (p. 13). MIM considered this idea of rape as theft in place of the idea that all sex is rape. We rejected it almost a decade before this book and Schulhofer's flawed analogies do nothing to persuade us to further build the police-state of Amerikkka. As a matter of fact, if someone chops off a body part of another persyn, that in itself is evidence like losing a wallet. There is no failure in seeing the body as the same as a wallet within the existing legal system. What happens in contract negotiations between business partners -- that is more like the situation of rape in the United $tates. The problem lies in determining whether a transaction was lawful or not or whether it involved extortion. Just as courts are filled with difficulties determining whether contracts have been met or existed in the first place, so too rape is a question of examining something that could be "mutual" or could be illegal by Liberal ideas. Schulhofer does admit that some court cases and laws have gone too far in the paternalist direction of over-regulation and thus treating wimmin as permanently frail victims. Yet he considers a simple answer consistent with his own property type arguments and he rejects it -- consent forms. He admits that defense lawyers in some situations are being forced to prove consent, instead of prosecutors having to prove guilt. In one particularly backward case, a court used the "crush" of the accuser on the accused and the romantic setting as evidence of the alleged rapist's guilt (p. 92). It just goes to show that courts mired in Liberal individualism do not apply any consistent logic except that which happens to serve the ruling class. Spreading confusion case-by- case guarantees that the public will never come to a common understanding. Such division benefits the patriarchy and ensures its survival. Schulhofer ridiculed the idea of requiring signed consent forms for sex, presumably because they would inconvenience the majority and break up spontaneity. In the name of spontaneity and subjectivity, Schulhofer goes so far as wanting the public to adopt universal ideas of "body language" (p. 272), in cases where the word "yes" can't be obtained. We can just see all the lawyers' bucks that will be made on that one! From MIM's point of view, the rejection of consent forms is typical of what is wrong with people lacking a collective spirit. We see no reason why some people should suffer the trauma of rape or unjust conviction just because the allegedly normal and free majority would be inconvenienced by consent forms. It's obvious that within property-obsessed societies, consent forms are just one more type of contract. Hence we back this idea that Schulhofer considers extremist; even though we do not agree with the "rape as theft" line. We still think consent forms would be better and more consistent than what we have now. * * * RIGHT TO REMAIN SILENT IS LATEST CASUALTY by MC12 Since 1966, the police have been legally required to read people their "rights" before interrogating them or using their statements against them. The point was that many people do not know that they are legally allowed not to say anything until they have a lawyer around to warn them about the dangers of confessing, by accident, on purpose, or under duress. Now a federal court with jurisdiction in Virginia, West Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina and South Carolina has said that if a confession is "voluntary" then it's OK if the person arrested wasn't read his or her rights before confessing. That is: "You have the right to remain silent. Anything you say can and will be used against you..." and all that. This sets the stage for an appeal to the Supreme Court, which may very well overturn the 1966 "Miranda" case. Contrary to popular opinion, this was a recently won "right" and not something given in the Constitution. In the case, Charles Dickerson confessed to the police on a bank robbery and named an accomplice. His accomplice then confessed that the two of them had robbed many banks. But he confessed before anyone read him his rights. The point of the "Miranda" rule is that a lawyer looking after his interests might have talked him out of the confession. Of all the injustices in the system, coerced confessions is just one. By the time poverty and oppression, racism and patriarchy, unequal and inadequate education, and bourgeois conceptions of morality lead to some people getting arrested while others are given medals, it's really too late. But even at that late date, the "Miranda" rule helps protect some victims of the injustice system. And it was a victory won by the struggles of the oppressed against arbitrary abuses of power. To lose this rule doesn't make the difference between a fair system and an unfair one, but it does represent the erosion of "rights" won in previous popular struggles, and highlight the need for revolutionary organizing to take the world back from the pigs who design and run this system. Notes: Washington Post, February 10, 1999. p. A1. * * * MUMIA BENEFIT SENDS MIXED MESSAGE TO MIXED CROWD by RC93 On January 28, Rage Against the Machine(RATM) brought together popular acts including the Beastie Boys, Bad Religion, Black Star, and Public Enemy's Chuck D and Professor Riff for a show in New Jersey.(1) The concert was organized to raise money for the legal battle of Mumia Abul-Jamal, who was framed for the murder of a Philadelphia pig, Daniel Faulkner. There was great controversy over this concert among government officials and the mainstream media. Radio talk-show host Howard Stern and Faulkner's widow, Maureen, were among those to express their outrage, resulting in New York's K-ROCK to drop its endorsement of the concert.(2) The controversy surrounding the concert led K-ROCK to offer refunds to those who did not wish to support Mumia's case. Mainstream media reported that 2,000 of the 19,000 tickets were returned in protest of Mumia, while Zack de la Rocha of RATM quoted the number at 567.(1) Nonetheless, the tickets were quickly resold. But it is interesting to ask how many of the 19,000, mostly young, mostly white people attending the concert did support Mumia's case. From previous experience RAIL can assume that a majority of the people attending the mainstream concert were not concerned with the case. One informed reviewer wrote, "I wasn't the only one though; every single person that I saw get interviewed was well informed about the case and to my surprise all gave solid answers."(1) It is good to hear that young people are aware of Mumia's case, and that others were informed by the controversy surrounding this concert. Unfortunately, organizers of the show downplayed the political importance of Mumia's case, misleading the mass of young fans. In a press release Zack stated, "Let me say straight up that tonight's benefit is not to support cop killers, or any other kind of killers, and if there were no question about the guilt of Mumia Abu-Jamal, we would not be holding this concert. But whether Jamal is guilty, or is himself the victim of an outrageous miscarriage of justice, is precisely what is at issue."(3) The Beastie Boys made similar statements. This only gives credence to the Amerikkkan injustice system, which has the goal of eliminating activists such as Mumia, and has no interest in giving him a fair trial. Young activists who want to create a truly just society should work with MIM and RAIL, who actively oppose police brutality as well as the repression carried out by other sectors of the injustice system, with goal of replacing it. While MIM does not encourage the killing of individual police as a means of obtaining revolutionary goals, we would support Mumia whether he did it or not. The fact is that Mumia's brother was being beaten by Faulkner prior to the shooting, and if Mumia had been the one to shoot the pig (which is very unlikely) it would have been in defense of a violent attack. The reviewer quoted above was disappointed that RATM did not open with their cover of NWA's "Fuck tha Police" as they had at their Mumia benefit in 1995. In this song Zack raps, "and when I'm finished/bring tha yellow tape/ to mark off the scene of tha slaughter... A young nigger on a warpath/ and when I'm finished there's gonna be a bloodbath/ All cops dying in L.A./ Yo, I got sumfin' to say/ FUCK THA POLICE!" MIM prefers this message to the reformist ideas Zack preached at the recent concert. This goes to show the wishy-washy line that can result from anarchist ways of thinking, which also led RATM to work with the reformist group Amnesty International on this concert. Notes: 1. Rage benefit concert for Mumia. Review by J. Moreno. http://www.musicfanclubs.org/rage/mumiabenefit.htm 2. Morello, widow of slain police officer debate Rage/ Beasties benefit. http://www.mtv.com/news/headlines/990121/story10.html 3. Zack de la Rocha's complete press conference statement regarding the Mumia Abu-Jamal benefit concert in New Jersey on January 28th, 1999. http://www.musicfanclubs.org/rage/zackbenefit.htm * * * UNDER LOCK AND KEY: NEWS FROM PRISONS AND FROM PRISONERS TORTURE FOR REVOLUTIONARIES Northern C.I. was open in Connecticut in 1995 with the usual fan fare of housing the worst of the worst, but the reality of whom you find here are revolutionaries, jail house lawyers, leaders of different organizations. The institution is a very closed setting, with a mission of total and absolute control. There are cameras and speakers and microphones everywhere, nothing can be said without you being heard. Your family ties are curtailed and destroyed when ever, and wherever possible. Some of the treatment amounts to torture. I live in a cell that I have to be fully dressed at all time if I am not under the covers. I am hungry all of the time, because since I have been here my food consumption has been cut back. No sooner that I eat a meal I'm hungry. Then I am made to wait 15 to 16 hours after the evening meal to eat again... the cold and hunger amount to torture. You are always under threat of the use of force, being maced and chained down to your bed. In phase one you have mental patients living in the cells next door. You are shackled hand and foot anytime you are moved out of your cell. Mail is constantly tampered with and censored. If you make complaints to the commissioner he does nothing but revert back to the same administration which caused the problem. The grievance system, is a joke...using trickology and lies to answer grievances never willing to admit they are wrong. We have just completed a lock down, that resulted in prisoners jumping on a c/o in Phase III because he was telling prisoners to suck his dick and grabbed another prisoner. Instead of correcting, the officer they would rather try to repress us more. Pigs use shakedowns of your cell as chances to harass you. I have had my legal books ripped, my clean clothes found on the floor upon returning to my cell. Upon moving me from one unit to another last year, they took and mixed together a number of my legal files consisting of thousands and thousands of documents only to harass me. One pig recently came down the tier with a mask over his face symbolic of the k.k.k., instead of chastising the officer they white washed it, and covered it up. There have been 3 to 4 deaths of prisoners here that would not have died had they been elsewhere. You are basically isolated from other prisoners, you cannot even pass each other a piece of paper or a book. -- A Connecticut Prisoner, November 1998 ILLINOIS PRISONS FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS Tamms which opened for "business" in February 1998, was initially lauded virtually non-stop by Illinois legislators, spin doctors and the media as the "last stop" and punishment for the "worst of the worst" blah blah blah. Tamms is a $90 million, 500 bed facility... It is currently housing many non-violent, short-term, mentally impaired, and event protective custody inmates while operating under the guise of public safety and justice. The majority of these inmates were "kidnapped" from general population in the middle of the night from various maximum, medium and minimum security facilities and brought here (for no legitimate reason) and placed under Administrative Detention Status. The conditions of confinement are dehumanizing, degenerative and psychologically toxic, to say the least. Certainly our individual horror stories are similar to those from other "Supermax" facilities from around the country. For most of us, the obvious question is "why are we here?" Although the majority of us may not have been imprisoned for "political" reasons, circumstance has thrown us into the political arena. The political motivation behind the actions of the I.D.O.C., state legislators and media have effectively "transformed" each and every man doing time here at Tamms into a political prisoner. And as such, we are seeking strong support from the outside and look to form a grass roots coalition that will give a voice to our issues. To bring you up to speed, we must go back to 1996... On January 13, an inmate named Florencio Pecina was shot (in the back) and killed by a catwalk officer at the Pontiac Corr. Center (one of the four max joints in Illinois, along with Joliet, Stateville and Menard.) It has been established from eye-witness testimony that this was at least a "bad shot" and quite possibly a criminal act as inmate Pecina was alone, unarmed and merely walking down a gallery when he was shot and killed. Pontiac was immediately locked down and later re-classified as a total segregation facility, never to re-open again. This, allegedly because the IDOC claimed that Pecina was an influential member of an organization which would seek retaliation. Within months of the Pontiac incident, the other three max facilities followed suit and were locked down for 1-1/2 years. During this time, inmates were stripped of everything that the Supreme Court and the riots of the 70s provided when the State would not. It was also during this time that a Chicago reporter named Bill Kurtis mysteriously came forward with the 5 year-old, now infamous "Richard Speck" tapes. These showed convicted mass murdered Speck apparently using drugs and engaging in homosexual activities while locked up at Stateville. Needless to say, the IDOC had a bad day and Director Odie Washington was taking hits from all sides as an old political monster was re-born. Within days, IDOC spin doctors were on every station trying to clean up the mess. While at the same time, mid-level correctional officers were smuggling prison surveillance tapes (showing inmate banquets) to Oprah Winfrey and complaining that Director Washington had to go because the inmates ran all the joints. Illinois State legislators paraded in front of the cameras nightly sounding off that heads must roll at the IDOC. But in the end, it was business as usual. The timing of these incidents was suspicious indeed, along with the fact that no one lost their job or was even reassigned. When IDOC unveiled its solution (Tamms) it should have become crystal clear to any reasonable person that this entire ordeal was a political masquerade, with a $90 million bill. The public was hoodwinked by these shysters and we must bear the brunt of the blow. As political prisoners, our focus is on the emerging movement against prisons and other social movement which fight for political, economic and social justice. As "Supermax" prisoners, our focus is on relief from the dehumanizing, degenerative and psychologically toxic conditions of confinement here at Tamms. At this date, we have no known voice in Illinois and the communication between inmates here is virtually impossible due to the structure of the facility. We need to establish a dialogue amongst ourselves and also on a national level to establish our positions on various issues. We need strong outside support and request any and all assistance that you may provide in this matter. --an Illinois prisoner, 4 February 1999 MIM responds: It was for comrades like this one that United Struggle from Within (USW) was formed. This organization of prisoners fighting the criminal injustice system works closely with the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League (RAIL) on the outside to establish these links between prisoners and to activists on the outside to coordinate our united struggle. DIVIDE AND CONQUER TACTICS All the prison jobs are given to agent provocateurs -- they lie on you and set you up for the KKK police just to get things done. These agent provocateurs are allowed to have contact visits in private with outsiders... The administration or the police will sanction these agent provocateurs to lie on brothers who are political conscious and prisoners who are fed up with the administration injustice. When you become rebellious about the plight around here, you'll end up in the dungeon all because you're a decent human being with courage to let the oppressors know about the bad treatment around here. --an Indiana prisoner, 3 February 1999 DEHUMANIZING TACTICS My name is King Celestial. I am a loyal member of the ALKQN. Today, I received last months breath taking notes, it never fails to take me into higher levels of understanding. I'm locked down in New Jersey's Department of KKKilruptions at their ad seg/STGMU. The system just recently opened this so-called gang unit. We are placed in this unit until we denounce our ideologies. Once that takes place, the individual starts a nine month program. After completion, they are transferred back into general population. Would that make us a lesser threat? They just can't stand to see us united as one whole. They limit our phone calls, visits, showers and recreation. They dehumanize us in every way trying to constantly break us down. This system is very wicked. But I blame the prisoners more. They stand up for nothing and fall for all the tactics the oppressor pushes out. The oppressor wants us to submit to his savage way of life -- to live oppressed, in lies, in poverty and senile to every thing they underhand around us. Once the administration knows that one is a member of affiliated with an organization you are discriminated against and denied status and parole and access to programs. For examples, I was given a 16 month parole hit because I was a Latin King. I've been 2 years charge free with educational programs under my belt, but because "I am a King" Here I am maxing out. I've been abusively transferred to prisons around the state on a "just because"! ... Struggle is forever and as long. -- a New Jersey prisoner, 2 February 1999 IMPRISONED FOR NOT SETTING UP FRIENDS When I first read the MIM Notes, I thought, finally I have found someone who sees the crookedness of the stars and stripes and everything associated with it. I applaud and admire your integrity. ... I would like to still receive MIM Notes. The truth printed in them fuels my ambition. I didn't break any laws to call for a prison sentence. The DEA scum stepped to me and offered me material things if I set up my people. They wanted me to wear a wire and give them information on some alleged drug dealers I know. I refused and was jailed on 1st degree assault on a pig and fleeing the pigs. I managed to break out of the jail, but I later was snitched out by an unknown rat. I received an 80 month sentence for the crimes I was accused of. I get out [soon], 5 years of my life spent in these concrete hells. I am very interested in keeping in contact with the MIM and RAIL. This joint is just like any other which has the average Joe 6-pack turning keys and counting for 25 bucks an hour. The way pigs advance to sergeant or lieutenant depends on how many discipline reports they write. So you can imagine they make life hell in here. -- a Minnesota prisoner, 11 January 1999 ANTI-CENSORSHIP VICTORY I am writing this to let you know that once again I am receiving MIM Notes without (apparent) interference. I had to submit multiple grievances over the paper's confiscation. And it seems that these complaints have finally resulted in the paper getting through to me without censorship. --an Illinois prisoner, 19 December 1998. A CALL FOR UNITY To all the Florida POWs: Be on alert. Former SCDC Director Mike Moore has just been kicked out of South Carolina and is coming down your way. Moore is a king Ku Klux Klan from Texas who has fucked up every state that lets him in. I don't know how Florida prisons are, but I know there's no such things as a 'good' prison. So if it's bad down there, Moore will try to make it worse. My advice is simple and nothing new. Stand together and do it firmly because this pig will only implement rules and policies that benefit the economic concerns of him and those like him. I close this missive with hopes that everyone continues to struggle and don't ever give up. -- a South Carolina prisoner, 7 January 1999 KNOWLEDGE IS POWER MIM, I am writing to thank you and inform you that I have been receiving all the MIM Notes and letters you've sent to me. I want to remain on your mailing list. MIM Notes is a very powerful paper and has opened my mind to a lot throughout the world. I will pass the material around so others may see it. In this current prison (a super max) I am locked up 23 hours a day Monday to Friday, and 24 Saturday-Sunday so all I am able to do is read. I've come to know, understand and accept now is the time for change and in this day in time change must come with revolution. I am a Five Percenter (5%er) and understand the duty of righteous to spread the word of truth. -- A Connecticut Prisoner, October 1998 DENIED LIBRARY ACCESS The Cell Block unit I'm in does not allow us to go to the library. We Black brothers have no way of getting Black cultural reading materials. We are not even allowed to go to the law library. Even though we are a part of the general population, we are treated as though we are in a discipline unit. The whole general population is allowed the things we are not, they call this unit the release violator unit. Most people in this unit have come back on a parole violation and being treated like they're in segregation 23 hour lock up. -- a Minnesota prisoner, 18 December 1998 EDUCATION IS THE KEY In regards to your latest communication dated November 23, 1998, we, a small group of dedicated individuals, believe that education is the key to success. The Department of Corrections in Tennessee has cut back drastically in the educational/vocational opportunities that were available on this particular institution, citing lack of funds. We believe the focus of corrections has shifted from rehabilitation to warehousing many of the under- class, with an eye towards profits. Most of the true education is self taught, with books being passed from hand to hand. In particular we are interested in a paralegal correspondence course that would be recognized in the free society (outside of prison walls) which would be paid from our own funds. We are in complete agreement with MIM's objections in the pursuit of an higher education. -- A Tennessee Prisoner, December, 1998 EXPOSE THE TRUTH I am a 48 year old Moorish-American male. I've been imprisoned since 1975, paroled from Soledad prison into the federal BOP in 1980 and have been in the system since then. Back in the days in Soledad, we used to read the Guardian and Burning Spear, prison newspapers, but none match the tenacity of MIM. On my tear or range there, Maoism was an important part of our group education. And we soldiers studied it with much enthusiasm and respect. I am amazed to discover this regenerated consciousness towards one of the world's greatest teachers. Plus I explode with joy on how you expose the raw cruelty of Amerikkka's prisons. As a struggling jailhouse lawyer and rival of the BOP, I know that everything that you are printing is oh! so true. And there's much, much more that I know needs exposing to the world. -- a Federal prisoner in Colorado, 5 January 1999 TEXAS: STATE OF PRISONS Greetings! I write to you from a Maximum Security Segregation cell in the Texas Gulag System of Injustice. I wish to extend my sincerest respect to you. A fellow revolutionary shot me a few of your newspapers, and let me say, I was deeply impressed. 95% of the issues brought up in the articles rang a bell of Truth in my heart. Finally. I have found what I've been looking for. An organization dedicated to righting the wrongs of our country! And in a manner that I agree with. Let me say that Texas is getting out of control. By the year 2000, we will have over 150 prisons. "Super-Seg" control units are popping up like weeds after a storm. Parole grants are less than 8%. If you ask me, they should just erect a fence around the whole state! Everyday I witness my comrades being beaten and gassed. And I'm no exception. And as I write this, a fellow convict three doors down is lying in his cell with his hands handcuffed. He's been like that for four hours! He's tried unsuccessfully to hang himself. Actually, he's tried three times in two days to hang himself. Yesterday he cut his throat. They took him to the infirmary and brought him back to his cage. Early this morning he hung himself again. They didn't even take him to the infirmary this time! Last week another Black killed himself. They knew he was going to do it, and did nothing to prevent it. Racist pigs! -- a Texas prisoner, 30 January 1999. PIGS DON'T BENEFIT FROM PAROLE I know of two parole hearings in which a total of 47 inmates went up for parole, only four inmates made parole. I all parole hearings are consistent with this, then roughly 9% of SC inmates get parole. South Carolina Department of Corrections policy OP21-04 (OP) Inmate Classification Plan states: nonviolent offenders must do 1/4 of their sentence, and violent offenders 1/3 before eligibility for parole. Almost all inmates are turned down parole their first time up for it. They are given no specific reasons other than: "Due to the seriousness of your crime, we feel you need to do more time." Apparently, there's no objective, relevant criteria used. It doesn't seem to matter whether or not the inmate has been a model prisoner. Anyone with factual answers on how to make parole, please let us know! I have another request of fellow SC inmates or any inmates with some answers: Pass on to MIM any information on the following policies: OP22.19(OP) Searches of inmates and OP22.01(OP) Restraint Chair. Both policies are conveniently restricted! I believe both policies violate our rights. The screws are not lettings us know for obvious reasons. -- A South Carolina prisoner, 25 January 1999