I N T E R N E T ' S M A O I S T BI-M O N T H L Y = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = XX XX XXX XX XX X X XXX XXX XXX XXX X X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X V X X X V X X X X X X X XX XXX X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X XXX X X X V XXX X XXX XXX = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = THE MAOIST INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT MIM Notes 85 February, 1994 MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the world's oppressed majority, and against the imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in the service of the people. support it, struggle with it and write for it. IN THIS ISSUE: 1. MEXICAN PEASANTS DECLARE; "ENOUGH IS ENOUGH!" 2. LETTERS 3. PUERTO RICO: IMPERIALISM HIDES BEHIND PLEBISCITE 4. DECLARATION OF SUPPORT 5. KURDISH STRUGGLE ADVANCES; IMPERIALISTS RESPOND WITH REPRESSION 6. ZAPATISTAS ATTACK THE MEXICAN STATE 7. CULTURE 8. USA ON TRIAL 9. THE PELICAN BRIEF 10. SCHINDLER'S LIST 11. MOVIE MONOPOLY 12. DOCUMENTS FROM THE CCP RECTIFICATION 13. AMERIKA'S HYPOCRISY EXPOSED 14. LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE'S WAR IN ECUADOR 15. D.C. COPS DEAL DRUGS 16. POLICE STATE ALERT 17. RUSSIAN FASCISM 18. MIM DISCUSSES PANTHERS 19. THE ISSUE OF BEING A WOMAN 20. STATE BLAMES PRISONERS FOR PRISON CONDITIONS The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is a revolutionary communist party that upholds Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comprising the collection of existing or emerging Maoist internationalist parties in the English-speaking imperialist countries and their English-speaking internal semi-colonies, as well as the existing or emerging Spanish-speaking Maoist internationalist parties of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of the U.S. Empire. MIM Notes is the newspaper of MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish- speaking parties or emerging parties of MIM. MIM is an internationalist organization that works from the vantage point of the Third World proletariat; thus, its members are not Amerikans, but world citizens. MIM struggles to end the oppression of all groups over other groups: classes, genders, nations. MIM knows this is only possible by building public opinion to seize power through armed struggle. Revolution is a reality for North America as the military becomes over-extended in the government's attempts to maintain world hegemony. MIM differs from other communist parties on three main questions: (1) MIM holds that after the proletariat seizes power in socialist revolution, the potential exists for capitalist restoration under the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within the communist party itself. In the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's death and the overthrow of the "Gang of Four" in 1976. (2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural Revolution as the farthest advance of communism in human history. (3) MIM believes the North American white-working-class is primarily a non- revolutionary worker-elite at this time; thus, it is not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in this country. MIM accepts people as members who agree on these basic principles and accept democratic centralism, the system of majority rule, on other questions of party line. "The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally applicable. We should regard it not as dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases, but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of revolution." -- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208 * * * MEXICAN PEASANTS DECLARE; "ENOUGH IS ENOUGH!" The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), a mostly- indigenous peasant group, ushered in the new year by giving Mexico and the world a wake-up call, seizing towns and villages in a bold insurrection, and declaring: "TODAY WE SAY ENOUGH IS ENOUGH! "We are a product of 500 years of struggle ... We have been denied the most elemental preparation so they can use us as cannon fodder and pillage the wealth of our country. They don't care that we have nothing, absolutely nothing, not even a roof over our heads, no land, no work, no health care, no food nor education. Nor are we able to freely and democratically elect our political representatives, nor is there independence from foreigners, nor is there peace nor justice for ourselves and our children. "But today, we say ENOUGH IS ENOUGH. We are the inheritors of the true builders of our nation. The dispossessed, we are millions and we thereby call upon our brothers and sisters to join this struggle as the only path, so that we will not die of hunger due to the insatiable ambition of a 70 year dictatorship led by a clique of traitors that represent the most conservative and sell- out groups. ... "To the People of Mexico: We, the men and women, full and free, are conscious that the war that we have declared is our last resort, but also a just one. The dictators are applying an undeclared genocidal war against our people for many years. Therefore we ask for your participation, your decision to support this plan that struggles for work, land, housing, food, health care, education, independence, freedom, democracy, justice and peace. ..." MIM calls on all anti-imperialists to support the rebellions of the oppressed, from Mexico to Peru and the Philippines, and to contribute to the worldwide movement by working to develop revolution in Amerika. * * * LETTERS Free Puerto Rican POWs! On Sunday, November 14, the government of Puerto Rico held a "plebiscite" to determine the Puerto Rican people's preference of the island's political status. While the vote favored current commonwealth status, what was not included or resolved in the process was the status of the 18 Puerto Rican political prisoners in the United States prisons. As votes were tallied from Sunday's "plebiscite," these men and women are serving virtual life sentences for "seditious conspiracy" arising from their opposition to U.S. control of Puerto Rico. In San Juan, on November 16, Ofensiva '92, the international campaign for the release of the prisoners, announced the submission of a formal application to President Clinton for amnesty for these 18 independence activists in prison in the U.S. According to the application, While there is no right to statehood or commonwealth, as they exist only at the will of U.S. Congress, there is a right to self-determination and independence, and the vote will occur while adherents to independence are in prison. It would be consistent with notions of justice and democracy to ensure that those in prison be released in order to permit their participation in this process. The campaign simultaneously announced that along with the Center for Constitutional Rights and the American Association of Jurists, they filed a petition for the review of the prisoners' case with the Organization of American States (OAS). In Chicago, New York, San Francisco and Hartford, those working with Ofensiva '92, including the National Committee to Free Puerto Rican Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War, held parallel conferences. The Clinton application and the OAS petition reveal a startling disparity between the sentences given to the Puerto Rican political prisoners and those given to social prisoners. While the Puerto Rican political prisoners' average sentence was over 70 years, the average sentence for homicide for the 20 years between 1966 and 1985 was 22.7 years. The sentences of 55 to 90 years given to ten of the Puerto Rican prisoners in 1981 were 19 times higher than the average sentence for all crimes that year. Another disparity exposed in the applications: most of the Puerto Rican prisoners have already served almost 14 years in prison, twice as long as the average time served by those convicted of homicide. The petitions argue that these discriminatory and punitive disparities are the result of illicit punishment of the prisoners for their role as clandestine anti-colonial combatants and their activities in support of the self-determination and independence of their nation. The petition to the president recites a history of U.S. concern for the welfare and freedom of political prisoners in other countries, to the extent of using diplomatic and trade pressures to evoke the desired result. "The government of South Africa freed its anti-apartheid political prisoners, and the government of Israel is in the process of freeing its Palestinian political prisoners, with the encouragement and the blessing of the U.S. government. We expect the U.S. will want to do the same with the Puerto Rican political prisoners, who are in prison for the same struggle for the self-determination and independence of their people. We are asking President Clinton to grant amnesty to these prisoners, just as President Carter did in 1979 for five other Puerto Rican political prisoners," observed Dr. Luis Nieves Falc—n, coordinator of Ofensiva '92. The OAS petition seeks not only an evidentiary hearing before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, but also a declaration directing the U.S. to immediately release the prisoners. "The continued imprisonment and politically punitive treatment of the Puerto Rican prisoners violate the OAS charter as well as other fundamental international human rights instruments," said Michael Deutsch, legal director of the Center for Constitutional Rights and one of the attorneys who brought the OAS petition. Accompanying both petitions were letters from numerous prominent individuals and organizations, including the Puerto Rican Bar Association; the National Conference of Black Lawyers; the National Lawyers Guild; the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, Australian parliamentarians; the International Association Against Torture; the Argentina chapter of the Anti- Imperialist Tribunal of Our America; the mayor of the city of New York and the New York City Council; several churches, including the United Church of Christ and the United Methodist Church, and individuals from Africa, Latin America and Europe. Over 15,000 letters were signed by people throughout the U.S., Puerto Rico and the world have been sent to President Clinton and Attorney General Reno seeking immediate and unconditional amnesty. Now that the formal application has been submitted, the campaign will continue to collect letters and resolutions of support and build momentum to win the prisoners' immediate and unconditional release. --Ofensiva 92 For more information contact: National Committee to Free Puerto Rican Political Prisoners and Prisoners of War, 1112 N California, Chicago IL 60647, (312) 287 0885. Oinker baits MIM In MIM's attempt to indoctrinate our young students [see MIM gives Peru talk, MIM Notes 84, January 1993], did they perhaps mention the Sendero Luminoso, and how they have butchered thousands, nay, millions in cold blood in an attempt to install a revolutionary, communist regime? Did they mention the crazed zeal of Abimael Guzm‡n? Of course, the local ZAMPOLIT here on campus rationalized, it [was] wrong for the U.S. to use force in the Gulf. Killing innocent Iraqis (the oppressed) is wrong. Two months later, the Marxist-on-campus argued that Stalin was perfectly justified in killing millions, and a revolution sometimes requires the killing of "...200,000 people." Socialism will always fail because it always runs out of other people's money. --JP, "A capitalist pig" MIM responds: JP, you will be happy to know that MIM did a much better job revealing the facts about the PCP-Sendero Luminoso than you did. For example, MIM made it clear that PCP- led forces could not possibly have killed "millions," because at most 30,000 people have died as a result of the People's War in Peru--and Peruvian armed forces are responsible for the majority (five-sixths) of these deaths.(1) MIM also mentioned Comrade Gonzalo's (Dr. Guzm‡n's nom de guerre) "crazed zeal," i.e. his belief that Peruvian workers and peasants can smash the poverty and exploitation imposed upon them by imperialism.(2) As for MIM's supposed intellectual inconsistency: You would equate the Red Army's defense of the USSR during the civil war and its destruction of the Nazi military machine in WWII with Amerika's cynical muscle-flexing? As communists we are for the abolition of war (which requires the abolition of capitalism), but we recognize that the people who have military power and benefit from it aren't going to give it up without a fight, hence: to get rid of the gun it is necessary to take up the gun. For a discussion of the immense contradictions the USSR faced under Stalin's leadership and the merits and demerits of his policies, write for MIM's Stalin Study Pack ($5; make checks payable to "ABS"). Finally, if the only motor behind socialist economies is "other people's money," how would you explain the phenomenal growth of the Soviet Union's economy at a time when western economies were shrinking (the 30s) or the stability of China's currency at a time when inflation seemed unstoppable in the west (the early 70s)? Actually, you've got it backwards: it's imperialism that will fail because it's bound to run out of new markets to exploit. Notes: 1. New York Times 4/4/93 and 1/7/94. 2. For PCP documents, MIM essays, and histories of revolutionary movements in Peru, write for the Peru Study Pack ($15; make checks payable to "ABS"). MIM divides in hard times Are the black, hispanic and Asian flight attendants (male and female) I recall meeting on American Airlines flights an optical illusion? For the rest: I fail to see that the fact that well paid workers managed to extract something resembling a fair deal from management diminishes in any way the struggles of badly paid workers of any race or nationality. Perhaps I'm guilty of some form of deviation, but I was under the impression that those who sell their labour power are members of the working class. I was also under the related impression that their employers were engaged in extracting surplus value from their labour, just as surplus value is extracted from workers earning a lot less. I think that the attitude expressed by the article to which I'm replying is divisive, and this is particularly worrisome at a time when those of us who are on the side of the workers ought to be uniting. --Internet reader MIM replies: Of course there are flight attendants who are members of Amerika's oppressed internal nations. The flight attendants union is still largely white, however. And their pay scale puts them in the labor aristocracy, along with the majority of white (and some non-white) workers in Amerika. When the labor aristocracy extracts higher wages, benefits, stock options, etc., from imperialism, they "earn" a piece of the exploitation and super-exploitation of the international proletariat. In the process, they intensify their own parasitic relationship with the majority of the world's people. People who sell their labor power are members of a working class. Not all such people are proletarians, however. That is because not all people who work for a wage are exploited. Employers do not extract surplus value from workers who are paid more than the value of what they produce. MIM agrees that this is a "particularly worrisome" time for the world's exploited majority. And a big reason for that is the increased viciousness of imperialism's millions of labor aristocrats, who, in fear for their privileged positions, appear ready to participate in higher levels of extraction and domination from the Third World. At this time it is more important than ever that we not repeat the crime--so long practiced by imperialist- country "leftists"--of selling out the oppressed with false promises of alliances with the labor aristocracy. Write to MIM for a copy of MIM Theory 1, "A White Proletariat" ($4) or J. Sakai's Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat ($10). Please send cash or checks payable to "ABS". Prisoner letters on the net Hello. I just read the "MIM" notes--really enjoyed it, but don't know what it is! Where does it come from? Who distributes it to Usenet? Do these prisoners know they're winding up on Usenet? Can we write back to them via Usenet? --Internet reader MIM replies: Thank you for writing to inquire about MIM Notes. In brief answer to your question: Yes, the prisoners know their writing is distributed on the Internet (the larger computer system that includes Usenet). This is part of MIM's work to build public opinion for prisoners among those on the outside. What you read on the Internet was MIM Notes, the monthly newspaper that is also distributed in many prisons. MIM does all it can, wherever it can, to build public opinion for the oppressed in Amerika and abroad. This is the first task of revolutionaries in imperialist countries. The Internet is one important vehicle for politically reaching many people. While most prisoners, and most oppressed people in general, do not have access to such advanced electronic communication systems, these systems still offer several valuable opportunities. Besides struggling with those oppressed people who are on the system, revolutionaries use them to struggle with those privileged people who are determined to overthrow the very decadent, parasitic system that gave them their wealth in the first place. This includes people all over the world who are connected to the Internet. If you want to respond to letters from prisoners, send them to MIM and we will pass them along. At the same time, you should gather information and write articles about events and conditions in your area and submit them to MIM Notes for publication. The oppressed need the full effort all of their revolutionary allies. MIM Notes is distributed electronically by the New York Transfer News Collective (nyt@blythe.org), a group dedicated to distributing a wide variety of radical literature over electronic media. MIM can be reached at mim@blythe.org. Henwood keeps laughing This is a parody, right? [in reference to MIM Notes 84, January, 1994] From the model-number pseudonym to the contempt for the U.S. working class, to the amusing spelling of Amerika (only one k instead of three?--c'mon guys, you're missing a chance to make a subtle point about Amerikkkan racism!)--it's just an inept joke, right? Forget all that stuff that Marx said about capitalism laying the material groundwork for socialism--let's junk its qualified progress and embrace the cause of murderous adventurists in Peru! Workers of the world unite! You have nothing to lose but your privileges! --Doug Henwood, Left Business Observer MIM replies: Doug Henwood, editor of the Left Business Observer, periodically pipes up to criticize MIM for our position that the labor aristocracy in imperialist countries is not exploited, but in fact benefits from imperialism. In his one semi-serious attempt to challenge MIM's political economy on this question, MIM responded with a thorough refutation of his misleading and incorrect argument. To read this debate ("The 'left' tells MIM off," and "MIM trashes the myth of white exploitation"), order a copy of MIM Theory 1. * * * * * * PUERTO RICO: IMPERIALISM HIDES BEHIND PLEBISCITE On Nov. 14, a slim majority of Puerto Rican voters approved the plebiscite maintaining the islands' commonwealth status.(1) Amerika's military, political and economic domination make such a vote a ridiculous proposal that could never represent the true will of the people. Only a small number of people voted for independence (4%) because they know that the occupation will continue regardless of the outcome of the vote. A supporter of Ofensiva '92 told MIM that only 15-20% of the Puerto Rican people support independence, because independence is not yet a viable option. There currently does not exist a revolutionary organization capable of leading Puerto Rico to independence, says the Puerto Rican National Liberation Movement (MLN). The United Nations is currently under economic pressure from the United States to remove Puerto Rico from its list of colonies.(2) The U.N. is expected to see the vote for commonwealth status as evidence that the people support inclusion in the United States and not national liberation. An oppressed country's listing as an official colony earns the colonizer international condemnation. Being listed as a colony is a political aid for the Puerto Rican revolution; but it is a serious thorn in Amerika's side. Puerto Rico was put on the list in 1972, during a brief period when Third World countries, especially China and Cuba, held considerable power in the U.N. At that time, the U.N. decolonization committee voted 12-0 that Puerto Rico had the right to self-determination and independence.(3) Military occupation Thirteen Amerikan military bases in Puerto Rico occupy 20% of the land. Seventy-six percent of the Puerto Rican island of Vieques is occupied by the marines. Mislaunched missiles demolish the homes in remaining residential areas and ruin the island's number one source of income--fishing. In 1975, Nixon withdrew the naval forces from Culebra because of the united front against the Amerika's presence.(4) The successful resistance to the occupation serves as an example that liberation can only be achieved by forcing the Amerikan military out, not by asking politely through an imperialist-backed vote. Economic oppression The economic oppression of the island is another way to coerce the people of Puerto Rico into a colonial relationship. The 1990 Census report admits that 63.3% of the 3.16 million Puerto Ricans on the island are below the poverty line(5) while in the United States, 14.2% are below the poverty level.(6) Puerto Rico's per capita income is $6,200 per year.(1) Inflation increased by 55% between 1980 and 1990, but Puerto Rican per capita income increased by only 17%--two and-a-half times less than in the US during the same period.(7) Puerto Rico is not allowed to import food from any other country but Amerika. "Almost all our food products are imported despite the fact that we have nearly one million acres of arable land sitting idly," the MLN stated, "one goal is to break the dependence on the United States which currently treats us like a captive market."(8) Without paying taxes to Puerto Rico, 400 Amerikan corporations operate on the island and bring the profits back to the United States.(2) In the 1980s, U.S. drug manufacturers received $8.5 billion in tax credits alone, which is more than double the amount that those corporations spent on Puerto Rican payrolls.(9) Much of the drinking water is polluted as a result of the large amounts of toxic waste dumped in rivers and brooks by waste- producing corporations.(5) Multi-national pharmaceutical companies contribute 72% of all toxic discharge in Puerto Rico.(2) Imperialist patriarchy In Puerto Rico, 48.3% of the women are employed by manufacturing as opposed to 25% in the United States. Although the proportion of women in each country by industry is the same, the number of manufacturing sites in Puerto Rico is higher.(10) The restructuring of the world economy has changed the role of Puerto Rico into a major manufacturing site. The industries attracted by Amerikan export-oriented incentives, i.e. clothing, electronics and textiles, require cheap, unskilled labor--women workers. The unemployment rate for women is 12.7% and for men is 18.8%.(11) Since the 1960s, the Puerto Rican government has been interested in controlling the relative surplus population--unemployed Puerto Ricans whose discontent serves as a social base for rebellion. They accomplished this in part by aiding the migration of many Puerto Ricans to Amerika, and in part by implementing programs aimed at sterilizing poor Puerto Rican women. In 1965, 34% of women between the ages of 20 and 49 were sterilized.(12) The sterilization rate for lesser educated women was much higher.(13) Repression of political activists In 1979, Angel Rodriguez Cristobal was arrested with 20 others demonstrating against the naval occupation of Vieques. Following his misdemeanor conviction, he was taken to a Florida prison where they forcibly injected him with Thorazine. He died unexpectedly several hours after he told his lawyer of his plans to continue the independence struggle.(14) In 1985, hundreds of FBI agents made an island round-up through more than 50 homes and establishments to arrest 12 independentistas for alleged participation in a clandestine independence movement--Los Macheteros.(5) In defense of his capture, Col—n Osorio persisted that colonialism is a crime against humanity and violation of international law. The Amerikan judge stated that "international law does not apply here." Osorio was not allowed to submit evidence to the jury that proved Los Macheteros complied with international law. There are 18 Puerto Rican nationalists serving sentences of up to 98 years in Amerika's gulags for membership and activities related to the Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN) and Los Macheteros. Two years ago, the Puerto Rican Supreme Court ruled that the 150,000 files that the Puerto Rican police held on independence supporters were illegal means intended to incite fear. Nearly every family had one member who received a file detailing their activities in the independence struggle. The incarceration of Puerto Rican nationalists, along with the military and economic domination of the island, are political tactics to disarm the people and deny their right to self- determination. A viable plebiscite on independence will only be a possibility when the Puerto Rican people have the political and military power to make independence a reality. Notes: 1. New York Times 11/11/93, p. A13. 2. La Patria Radical June 1993, pp. 3, 5-6. 3. Palante 9/1/72, p. 3. 4. Edwin MelŽndez ed., Colonial Dilemma, Boston: South End Press, 1993, p. 61. 5. La Patria Radical 2/93, pp. 3-4. 6. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. 7. El Nueva D’a 2/23/93. 8. La Patria Radical 1/93, pp. 2-3. 9. Chemical Marketing Reporter 8/3/92, pp. 7-8. 10. Edwin MelŽndez, op. cit. pp. 97-98. 11. Puerto Rican Department of Labor and Human Resources, Bureaus of Labor Statistics. 12. Harriet B. Presser, Sterilization and Fertility Decline in Puerto Rico, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1976, p. 61. 13. Ibid., p. 129. 14. Human Rights Held Hostage Sept./Oct 1993, pp. 22-23. * * * DECLARATION OF SUPPORT A Project of Prison Legal News We, the undersigned, are political prisoners, prisoners of war and progressive social prisoners held captive throughout the imperialist countries. We extend our solidarity through the walls that hold our bodies in captivity to the Peruvian people, the PCP (the Communist Party of Peru, AKA the Shining Path) and the prisoners of war of the Peruvian revolution. Over 500 years have passed since Columbus arrived in the Western Hemisphere. Since then the indigenous and working class people of the Americas have known only hunger, misery, exploitation, oppression and death at the hands of foreign and local ruling classes. This has been the only legacy of 500 years of capitalist "development." Since 1980 the PCP with the Peruvian people has been in the vanguard of a far reaching social revolution in Peru. Thirteen years later we have seen the revolution reach a state of strategic equilibrium with the U.S. supported government. The indigenous people of Peru are an integral part of this revolutionary struggle. The fascist dictatorship of Peru holds hundreds of PCP prisoners of war, including Abimael Guzm‡n, the Chairman of the PCP, and many other militants and cadre of the party. We denounce the torture and murder of these political prisoners by the fascist government. The silence from the Peruvian government's imperialist backers exposes the hypocrisy of their so-called "human rights policy." As we well know from personal experience, those same international and human rights laws are a dead letter even inside the imperialist countries when it comes to dealing with revolutionary prisoners. The heroic example of struggle and sacrifice by PCP prisoners is an inspiration to revolutionary prisoners everywhere. It continues the long tradition of struggle and resistance of progressive prisoners throughout history. Revolutionary struggle continues on all fronts and under all conditions, even within the deepest and darkest dungeons of capitalism. Imperialism has long sought to criminalize all resistance to its policies of misery and death by denying the political status of revolutionary prisoners. This takes place in Peru today as well as the imperialist countries. Revolution is not a crime! It is the highest calling of every citizen. The fascist regime in Peru, with its bloody record of torture, murder and "disappearances," is brazenly seeking "legal" reasons to execute Chairman Guzm‡n and other PCP prisoners based on the fact they are communists and revolutionaries. We must oppose this and we do. We call on our sisters and brothers, inside and out, to make our voice heard in opposing this vile move. The imperialists are closing ranks on an international scale in order to isolate and crush the revolution in Peru. The revolution challenges their New World Order and exposes its clay feet and gives us a living example of the people in arms. We support the Peruvian revolution as a just war of liberation. The Peruvian peoples' struggle is our struggle. It is vitally important that we come together, across political lines, to support this struggle. As prisoners we daily confront the reality of rule by capital without the trappings of bourgeois democracy. We long ago learned that unity is essential to effectively struggle under these conditions. In Peru the facts on the ground are that the Peruvian people, led by the PCP, have risen in revolt against a 500 year legacy of colonialism, misery, hunger, exploitation, racism, and imperialism. As revolutionaries our duty is to support this struggle as best we can under our material circumstances. The New World Order, drunk with its military hegemony, has already begun to intervene in Peru. As the struggle intensifies that intervention will increase. We must denounce and expose this intervention for what it is: a continuation of the imperialist domination that has plagued Latin America for 500 years. A socialist victory in Peru will be a victory for the working class everywhere. The anti-imperialism we sow in our communities today will be the harvest we reap tomorrow when the revolutionary day of reckoning comes to the heartland of imperialism. Signed by 69 prisoners from across the United States, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Belgium, Germany, and France This article was a project of Prison Legal News, PO Box 1684, Lake Worth, FL 33460. * * * KURDISH STRUGGLE ADVANCES; IMPERIALISTS RESPOND WITH REPRESSION by MC206 Recent advances toward the liberation of the Kurdish people in Turkey-controlled Kurdistan have provoked domestic counter- offensives and foreign repression. The Turkish government has placed more troops in Kurdistan and is preparing a "war of annihilation" against the Worker's Party of Kurdistan (PKK).(1) On Nov. 26 the German government banned 35 organizations affiliated with the PKK (the PKK itself does not exist in Germany). Twenty-nine of the 35 organizations banned were Kurdish cultural centers. German police immediately raided Kurdish clubs, businesses, and apartments, confiscating the organizations' assets. According to Chancellor Kohl the organizations were banned "because they use violent means to reach their goal."(2) Germany and Amerika support fascism Germany doesn't complain about the violence of the Turkish state against the Kurds. In the last three years the Turkish armed forces have destroyed more than 850 Kurdish villages, attacked Kurdish civilians inside northern Iraqi borders, and ignored a cease fire which the PKK honored.(1,3) The Kurdistan National Liberation front (ERNK) has called Germany "enemy number two"--the Turkish state being "enemy number one"--because of the economic and military support it gives Turkey.(2) Germany is Turkey's largest trading partner, accounting for 15% of Turkey's exports and 18% of its imports. German tourists alone account for almost 1% of Turkey's GDP.(4) In 1988 Germany gave Turkey $45 million in military aid.(5) The Amerikan government spent about $500 million in military aid to Turkey each year from 1988 to 1991. That's on top of Turkey's own military budget of $2-3.5 billion per year. Turkey has one of the highest military spending rates of the countries in NATO, despite being one of the poorest.(4,5) NATO likes to think of the Turkish armed forces as "buffers" (read: cannon fodder). Germany has even entertained plans to pay the Turkish state for giving the German military its own Turkish brigade.(5) Turkey occupies an important strategic position close to both the Middle East and the ex-Soviet Union. During the "Cold War," the United States stationed nuclear weapons in Turkey and based much of its intelligence services there. There are listening posts near the center of Turkey-occupied Kurdistan, for example.(5) Now these military facilities are used to enforce the "new world order" in the Middle East. Both Germany and the United States used eastern Turkey as an airbase during the Gulf War. Neither said or did anything when Turkey stepped up its war against the Kurds following the Gulf war--even though the United States was cynically protecting Kurds in Iraq-controlled Kurdistan against Iraqi repression with "Operation Provide Comfort." Turkish fascism and militarism have been alternately encouraged and overlooked by these imperialist powers seeking to protect their interests. Counter-revolutionary espionage The Turkish government enthusiastically greeted the recent ban of Kurdish organizations in Germany. Turkish president Tansu Ciller said she was pleased that Turkey had finally convinced the international community that the PKK was an organization with "terrorist characteristics."(2) One of the more immediate reasons given for the ban was a spree of firebombings across Germany attributed to PKK sympathizers. A representative of the PKK expressed suspicions that these bombings were performed by agent provocateurs. Turkish consulates are also known to contain large stockpiles of weapons.(3) The German government has not seen it fit to ban this counter-revolutionary espionage, however. PKK confidence The latest offensive of the People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK), launched in June after a unilateral cease fire, has been very successful. There are many areas where the power of the Turkish state has been restricted to isolated and fortified barracks--and these barracks are the targets of continued ARGK attacks. Turkish President Ciller has increased the Turkish military strength in Kurdistan by 50,000 to 200,000 troops.(1) This number does not include the 30,000 member state-financed Kurdish militia.(6) The PKK has approximately 10,000 guerrillas in the area.(1) The PKK and ARGK have begun to move from their traditional strongholds in the countryside into the cities. In Diyarbakir, the largest city in Turkish-controlled Kurdistan, "Turkish sovereignty vanishes with the sun." Under pressure from the PKK, leading Turkish parties have closed their offices in Kurdistan. State-owned businesses, such as the Turkish airlines, can only operate under the protection of the police.(1) The PKK has banned the Turkish bourgeois press in the area, as it had been echoing the Turkish state's propaganda. The PKK has also had a hand in deciding which construction projects can be completed in Kurdistan. In late 1992, the ARGK halted the construction of an asphalt road which would have increased the mobility of government troops. Guerrillas told the Kurdish workers to stay in their trailer while trucks and other items were being firebombed. When asked whether the guerrillas conducted propaganda among the workers during this attack, one worker said, "No, it isn't necessary." The workers already knew why the PKK would target the road.(6) These victories, along with the election of a Kurdish national assembly and steps towards the formation of a national front unifying the PKK and other national forces, led PKK representative Kani Yilmaz to say, "From now on, the national liberation movement in Kurdistan will go from victory to victory." "If they [Kohl's Government] insist on cracking down on the Kurdish people and its organizations, they will lose a lot and our people will resist all the more and become more determined."(3) Notes: 1. Der Spiegel #49, 1993, pp. 170-174. 2. Sueddeutsche Zeitung 11/27/93. 3. Kurdistan Report #15, 1993. 4. World Economic Data, Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 1991, pp. 206- 207. 5. Turkey Newsletter 3/89. 6. Aliza Marcus, Turkey's Kurds after the Gulf War: A Report from the Southeast, in: Gerard Chaliand, ed., A People Without a Country: The Kurds & Kurdistan, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1993, pp. 238-246. * * * ZAPATISTAS ATTACK THE MEXICAN STATE The Mexican government found itself on the ropes at the turn of the year, as an insurrection led by indigenous peasants under the banner of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) declared war against the Mexican government, seizing six towns and surrounding villages in the southern state of Chiapas. The rebels issued a statement declaring, "we have nothing, absolutely nothing, not even a roof over our heads, no land, no work, no health care, no food nor education. Nor are we able to freely and democratically elect our political representatives, nor is there independence from foreigners, nor is there peace nor justice for ourselves and our children."(1) Under a clause in the Mexican constitution that says, "The people have, at all times, the inalienable right to alter or modify their form of government," the rebels called for autonomy and demanded the resignation of the government.(1) Group members also charged the Mexican government with genocide against the indigenous nations and called on the poor to join their struggle.(2,3) In the second week of January, a number of bombs were planted in Mexico city and elsewhere, and graffiti appeared all over the country supporting the insurrection.(4) The government, unable to defeat the EZLN once they beat a tactical retreat into the countryside, and smarting from international outcry at the (televised) indiscriminate massacre by government troops and aircraft, declared a unilateral cease-fire and sent in a government negotiator. But the government wouldn't grant a key EZLN precondition for negotiation: the withdrawal of government troops.(5) Zapatistas identify the enemy The Zapatistas took over the municipal buildings in Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, Altamirano and San Cristobal, which are located within 50 miles of each other in central Chiapas. The guerrillas held a meeting in San Cristobal on Jan. 1 and were supported by 300 applauding people. They also seized a police station.(6) The group stormed a military base at Rancho Nuevo and continued efforts to demolish it even as airborne assaults began. In Altamirano the EZLN literally dismantled City Hall by hand--using sledge hammers--a pointed action clarifying their opposition to the state.(7) A young participant was quoted: "Our thinking is we have to build socialism. ... There is no work, no land, no education. There is no way to change that in elections. This is not going to be a war of two or three years. This could be a war of 25 or 30 years."(8) Maoism recognizes that armed struggle is the direct process of taking political power away from the imperialists. The actions of the EZLN demonstrate that the level of exploitation in Chiapas is so extreme that gestures of reform, such as petty farm subsidies and land reform legislation that never materializes or becomes reversed, are nothing but false aid that may buy off a few peasants, but more importantly protect the status quo. Before leaving San Cristobal the Zapatistas broke into the penitentiary and released 179 prisoners.(9) Such bold action indicates that the peasants of the EZLN realize that their support, and their future, will be brought into being by those most experienced with the brutality of capitalist society. The EZLN, according to local reporters, number at least 2,000, mostly young Indian men and women. The Liberation army is also organized across language barriers, containing speakers of all the major Mayan linguistic groups.(7,10) The EZLN is said to have been training in the nearby mountains for years. "Our army was formed in 1983 and in the past 10 years we structured it to have a military organization not of the bourgeoisie, but of the people"(11) Free trade means genocide The EZLN declaration criticizes the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the ongoing imperialist privatization of Mexican industry and resources.(6) The peasants from poor regions of the country are the hardest hit by escalating foreign investment. Their traditional economy in part depends on farming, particularly corn. Corn is Chiapas' major crop. Such livelihoods are no longer viable because of the dominant role that Amerikan agribusiness is playing in the Mexican economy. NAFTA in particular will destroy the corn farmer because corn will be imported from Amerika and be sold at a lower price than the peasants are able to sell it. By identifying themselves as part of a 500-year struggle of indigenous peoples against colonialism, capitalism and imperialism, the EZLN struck a chord that extends beyond the national border of Mexico. An EZLN leader told the press: "The indigenous people have always lived in a state of war because war has been waged against them and today the war will be in their favor. Whatever the case, we will have the opportunity to die in battle fighting instead of dying of dysentery, as the indigenous people of Chiapas usually die."(12) Chiapas, home to 1 million Indians, is Mexico's poorest state: literacy is only 35%. The EZLN says 15,000 people per year die there from curable diseases.(12) Land-owning profiteers in Chiapas are decreasing their agricultural production and turning toward cattle exporting, a more lucrative industry. This trend is leaving many local peasants out of work, with nothing to lose and everything to gain. The state's cowardly massacre The day after the uprising began Mexican army troops poured into San Cristobal, driving trucks with mounted guns.(7) On Jan. 3 the Mexican government intensified its attack, sending one-fifth of the army to Chiapas, employing tanks, planes and helicopters. Much of the retaliation took place in a small peasant town with a population of no more than 300, just south of San Cristobal. From this strategy it appears the military wanted to save the tourist town of San Cristobal, and kill as many peasants as possible while chipping away at the EZLN. In Ocosingo five Zapatista soldiers were found lined up inside a market with their hands by their sides and bullet holes in their heads. Journalists looked closely at the bodies and discovered that their hands had been tied.(13) The army also gunned down three people in a car that simply did not stop at a check point, among the passengers was a child. The car was riddled by hundreds of bullets. A local resident called the Mexican army cowards, saying, "They are using planes because they don't have the courage to fight these people."(10) Sound familiar? Maybe all imperialists fight alike. The EZLN, according to one of its military leaders, does not have "an ideology perfectly defined, in the sense of being communist or Marxist-Leninist." But they do have "a common point of connection with the great national problems, which coincide always, for one or the other sector, in a lack of liberty and democracy."(12) The EZLN knows its enemies are not all in Mexico, as the quoted leader points out: "The people in the U.S. have a great deal to do with the reality which you can observe here, with the conditions of misery of the Indians and the great hunger for justice."(12) Notes: 1. IGC News Desk 1/11/94. 2. UPI 1/1/93. 3. San Francisco Chronicle 1/3/94, p. A9. 4. BBS World Service, 1/X/94 5. UPI 1/13/94. 6. Los Angeles Times 1/3/94, p.1. 7. San Francisco Examiner 1/4/94, p. A16. 8. San Francisco Chronicle 1/4/94, p. A8. 9. UPI 1/2/93. 10. San Francisco Chronicle 1/6/94, p. A13. 11. UPI 1/5/93. 12. Unofficial translation of Mexican press reports, distributed by Weekly News Update on Nicaragua and the Americas, via New York Transfer. 13. San Francisco Chronicle 1/5/94, p. A10. * * * CULTURE: USA ON TRIAL (Parts I and II) A 60-minute video about the International Tribunal of Indigenous Peoples and Oppressed Nations in the USA had its premier showing in Boston, Mass. in December, sponsored by the Freedom Now Coalition, the National Committee to Free Puerto Rican Prisoners of War and Political Prisoners, New African Freedom Fighters, Puerto Rican Women's Committee in Support of Political Prisoners and the Roxbury Community College's Caribbean Focus. The documentary, produced for Deep Dish Television Network by Carla Leshne and Alejandro L. Molina, covered a tribunal held in October 1992 in San Francisco during which the USA was put on trial for crimes such as genocide, colonialism and the holding of political prisoners. It was part of the 500 Years of Resistance Movement. Part I consists mostly of footage from the hearing, featuring testimony by national liberation organizations from Mexico, Puerto Rico, Blacks in the United States, Hawai'i, and various Indigenous Nations in the United States. Statements from the prosecuting witnesses highlighted many important facts about the continued U.S. war on the oppressed nations, detailing its 500 year campaign to destroy health and culture, take the land, and imprison all opponents of this genocide. The speeches encouraged resistance and unity between the oppressed nations. As the Lead Prosecutor said "The beginning of the end of the American empire starts today and it is in your hands." Part II of the video includes interviews with a number of the witnesses for the prosecution, clips of pigs working with the government to steal the land of indigenous people, and scenes of demonstrations against Amerikan imperialism. Among the important topics touched on were the multinational corporations' attack on native land, the incarceration of Puerto Ricans in Amerikan prisons for seditious conspiracy, the COINTELPRO work by the FBI to destroy the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement, the forced dependency of Mexico and the persecution of Mexicans on the border. Most importantly, stressed throughout, was the need for and right of all oppressed nations to self-determination. On Oct. 4, 1992 the United States government was found guilty of genocide, colonialism and many other crimes against the oppressed nations of the world. While this trial was not covered in the national or international press, this profound truth is already known by oppressed peoples as a part of daily reality. The video is a good overview of the historical and ongoing crimes of the Amerikan government. MIM encourages comrades and friends to obtain copies for public showings. For more information or for a copy of the film write to Mission Creek Video, P.O. Box 411271, San Francisco, CA, 94141-1271. Copies can be ordered for $20. Ask for a catalogue of video works by Paper Tiger Television, too. * * * THE PELICAN BRIEF 1993 This movie almost had some good messages for the public. It sort of portrays the government as corrupt, with a puppet fool president. In addition, big corporations were shown as corrupt, conspiring with the government to make a profit--not far from reality. Unfortunately, the FBI and CIA turn out to be on the side of the people, along with the mainstream press. The messages taken from the movie include the correct point that environmentalists can't win against the multinationals in court. But people are also asked to walk away thinking the government is stupid and can be defeated by smart individuals. If MIM made this movie it would have ended with the people winning through the strength of the masses, not through the ingenuity of one individual with the help of a few friends. But what did we expect from Hollywood.... --MAt2 and a comrade * * * SCHINDLER'S LIST Steven Spielberg, 1993 In the years leading up to World War II, the majority of Europeans actively created or passively consented to fascism. Bourgeois historians have written this era as an aberration, something fundamentally different than capitalism and imperialism. But to proletarian internationalists, Hitler's notorious call for more "living space" for the German nation does not sound so different from its kindred historical incarnations, including Manifest Destiny and the conquest of the New World, the scramble for Africa, etc. Not to mention Amerika's own expansionism during World War II itself, into Korea, Vietnam, and so on. Amidst various levels of enthusiasm for the Nazi Party and its genocide against Jews and communists, Roma ("Gypsies"), homosexuals, mentally and physically disabled people, and other religious minorities, there was one Nazi businessman who saved 1,100 Jewish merchants and intellectuals-turned-factory-workers from the Auschwitz ovens. Oskar Schindler's was a heroic act. It stands out not for its absolute heroism, however, but for the pathetic context of acquiescence before which it appears so good. Given how little most Germans helped any of the victims of the Nazi war machine, Schindler's actions seem incredible. But he did what any moral human being would have done. Schindler's List does a good job of showing the gradual implementation of Hitler's "Final Solution." The seizure of property, the ghettoization, the forced labor camps, and eventual systematic extermination. At each stage, the film's Jewish characters think the worst is now surely behind them. Even on their way to Auschwitz, they simply do not believe what we now know the worst in fact was. Spielberg creates an atmosphere that emotionally depicts the horror experienced in Jewish ghettos and Nazi concentration camps. For the masses of Amerikans who do not know what the Holocaust was, Schindler's List may be a powerful education. On the other hand, those same masses have and continue to participate in a system of violent, global subjugation, including genocide. Amerikans supported the mass slaughter of Vietnamese citizens, Iraqis, and many others, while hypocritically gasping at Nazi atrocities. The fundamental error in Schindler's List is the presentation of Oskar Schindler as a man who "saved" 1,100 Jews (who now have 6,000 living descendants). All those Jews would have died anyway if millions of people (principally from the Soviet Red Army and allied armies) had not died stopping Hitler's Eastern conquest and defeating the German Army. In Amerika, it is fitting to eulogize one benevolent capitalist who saved people by putting them to work in his factory. This film shows exactly the wisdom and folly of relying on friendly capitalists. In all of the imperialist mayhem of World War II, with capitalists reaping obscene profits from slave labor and their armies scrapping for territory at the expense of millions of lives, one capitalist saved 1,100 lives while a socialist country (the USSR) saved the world from fascist conquest, and another (China) used the war to liberate hundreds of millions of people from feudalism and imperialism. --MC12 & MC44 * * * MOVIE MONOPOLY Producing films is expensive. So is distributing them. But that's not all. Both production and distribution are oligopolies: industries that are controlled by so few companies which collaborate financially (and ideologically, in this case) making them virtually monopolies. So, even as more movies are produced and directed toward more targeted audiences, there is less and less possibility of counter-hegemonic movies reaching mass audiences. Four companies--Sony, Time Warner, Disney and Universal Pictures--together controlled 72% of the Amerikan industry in 1993, measured in gross income. Most of the rest was controlled by a few others. Sony (Columbia, TriStar, Sony Classics, Triumph), Warner and Disney (Disney, Buena Vista, Miramax) between them released 109 movies last year, with an average gross of about $22-35 million each. Universal Pictures is owned by Matsushita. When MIM Notes reviews movies, we know we're not reviewing expressions of organic popular culture. Instead, we are watching the efforts of some of the world's biggest multinational corporations, as they try to shape popular ideas and culture--while keeping people satisfied by reacting to, and sometimes co-opting, popular trends. In the process, the movie companies make a killing in cash and attempt to make the world safer for imperialism. --MC12 Notes: Economist 1/8/94, p. 74. * * * DOCUMENTS FROM THE CCP RECTIFICATION Excerpts from speeches delivered at the forum on the "25 Years of the Communist Party of the Philippines: Evaluation, Rectification and Further Advance" held on December 19, 1993 Utrecht, The Netherlands. Excerpted from: Message on the 25th anniversary of the Communist Party of the Philippines by Manuel Romero National Democratic Front, Chairman ... It is well that ... the Party is conducting a rectification campaign to cast away the deviations from the Party's basic principles which had caused major setbacks in the last more than ten years. It is also noteworthy that this rectification campaign is taking root throughout the Party and movement even as December 31, 1993--the deadline set by the U.S.-Ramos fascist regime to win "strategic victory" over us--is almost upon us. But this should be one of our least worries for as long as all honest and loyal cadres and members persevere in the rectification campaign and ideological consolidation. ... Excerpted from: Rectification Movement Strikes Deep Roots, Grows With Clear Direction by Luis Jalandoni NDF Vice Chairperson for International Affairs ... The deep-rooted character of the rectification movement is demonstrated by the firm support of the revolutionary masses and the summings-up, study and criticism and self-criticism being undertaken by the different regional Party organizations. ... The revolutionary masses and the revolutionary leadership indeed breathe new life and vigor into the Philippine revolutionary movement. The rectification movement is winning the participation and commitment of many new forces. Among the most inspiring is the enthusiasm of the youth. The rectification movement lays the firm foundation for the bright future of the Philippine revolutionary movement. It is striking deep roots. It shows the clear direction of the Philippine revolution towards the victory of national-democratic revolution and further towards socialism. Excerpted from: The Critical and Creative Tasks of the Rectification Movement in the Communist Party of the Philippines by Jose Maria Sison Founding Chairman, CPP 1. Uphold the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought! The rectification movement is first of all a movement of theoretical education in Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. It stresses the integration of the revolutionary theory of the proletariat with concrete revolutionary practice. It promotes the study and application of the basic Marxist-Leninist principles and raises to the level of Marxist-Leninist theory the rich revolutionary experience of the Communist Party of the Philippines and the revolutionary mass movement. It seeks to develop the Marxist-Leninist stand, viewpoint and method of the revolutionary proletariat. Party cadres and members must learn to grasp the law of contradiction and handle it well in class analysis and revolutionary struggle. The rectification movement criticizes and combats the subjectivism that has given rise to the "Left" and Right opportunist errors that have in turn caused great damage to the party and the revolutionary movement. It repudiates the eclecticism, empiricism and dogmatism that have afflicted the Party for a considerably long period of time. It combats the depreciation of Marxism- Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and of the Philippine revolution, the deviations from the anti-revisionist line through the adoption of Brezhnevite and Gorbachovite revisionism, the depreciation of the two-stage Philippine revolution through the uncritical adulation of movements without proletarian leadership and the dishonest practice of quoting the great Lenin out of context to attack the line of the Party. ... 2. Pursue the anti-revisionist line consistently! ... Although modern revisionism has been discredited through the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Soviet revisionist party and the accomplished disintegration of revisionist ruling parties and regimes in some countries and the continuing degeneration of those in other countries, the exponents of modern revisionism, neo- revisionism and social democracy are still trying to extend their influence by combining with the ideological and political offensive of the imperialists and their retinue of anticommunist petty bourgeois camp followers in misrepresenting modern revisionism of the last more than three decades as "flawed socialism" or "Stalinism." The rectification movement criticizes and repudiates all the deviations from the antirevisionist line. The first major deviation started in the early 1980s and involved the subjectivist expectation that the Soviet Union and its allies would provide military and financial assistance in order to accelerate the victory of the Philippine revolution. This opportunism took the appearance of being "Left" but the content was Rightist because it led to the Party's shift to regard the CPSU and similar parties as no longer revisionists, the Soviet Union as no longer social imperialist and the satellites as no longer neocolonies of Soviet social imperialism. The second major deviation infected some key cadres in the late 1980s. They adopted and spread Gorbachovite revisionism in certain parts of the Party. Ultimately, the worst of these opportunists would become like Gorbachov, blatant anticommunist, using anti-Stalin slogans to attack the Party. ... 3. Confront the semifeudal and semicolonial character of Philippine society! The persistence of the semicolonial and semifeudal character of Philippine society is obvious. This is a society ruled by the comprador big bourgeoisie and the landlord class in the service of foreign monopoly capitalism. It has an economy that is agrarian and without basic industries.... The rectification movement repudiates and rectifies the line pushed by the "Left" and Right opportunists since the late 1970s, crediting the U.S-Marcos regime, the IMF-World Bank and the foreign multinational firms with having industrialized and urbanized the Philippines to the extent, as the opportunists claimed, that the theory and strategic line of protracted people's war had become outdated and needed refinements, adjustments and innovations. The misrepresentation of Philippine society laid the basis for the "Left" opportunist line of the "strategic counteroffensive" and "regularization" combining both urban insurrectionism and military adventurism; as well as the Right opportunist line of urban-based reformism. 4. Carry out the general line of new democratic revolution! The general line of new-democratic revolution aims to complete the Filipino people's struggle for national liberation and democracy. It is new because it is under the leadership of the proletariat and no longer the bourgeoisie. It is the first stage in the Philippine revolution, leading to the next stage of socialist revolution. The revolutionary forces required to achieve the first stage are the same forces that can begin the socialist revolution under the leadership of the working class. ... 5. Build the Party as the vanguard force of the proletariat and the people! In this era of modern imperialism and proletarian revolution, the working class is indubitably the most productive and most progressive force in the Philippines and in the world. ... The advance detachment of the proletariat is the Communist Party of the Philippines. ... The rectification movement completely rejects the notion that the revolutionary struggle for national liberation and democracy against imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism can be won without the class leadership of the proletariat. ... 6. Wage the protracted people's war and carry out extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare based on an ever widening and deepening mass base! The theory and strategic line of protracted people's war means that the people's army must encircle the cities from the countryside and accumulate strength in the countryside until it can seize political power in the cities. The protracted people's war is the revolutionary process of seizing power along the new- democratic line. It is a revolutionary mass undertaking. In the course of people's war, the Party builds the worker-peasant alliance. It carries out land reform and builds the mass base in the form of mass organizations and the organs of political power. The people's army cannot preserve and accumulate strength without the strong foundation in the people's participation and support, realized through painstaking mass work and solid mass organization under the absolute leadership of the Party. ... 7. Pursue the revolutionary class line in the united front! ... The rectification movement vigorously condemns and opposes the attempt of the former "Left" and Right opportunists within the Party who are now openly counterrevolutionary Rightists to liquidate the class leadership of the proletariat and destroy the basic worker-peasant alliance which is the foundation of the revolutionary united front. The rectification movement criticizes and repudiates the series of Right opportunist attempts to liquidate the leading role of the working class in the united front, starting with the 1980 concept of the "vanguard front" to replace the vanguard party, proceeding to the 1985 and 1987 decisions to convert the NDF [National Democratic Front] into a "federation" or "confederation" in which the Party is made to relinquish its role as center of the revolution and further proceeding to the 1990 attempt to convert the NDF into a confused federation of member-organizations and of individuals, in which the Party gives up its leading role in the revolution and its independence and initiative and is subordinated through a voting system to a ready-made majority of petty-bourgeois groups and individuals that imposes on it a program of bourgeois nationalism, pluralism and mixed economy. ... 8. Follow the principle of democratic centralism! Democratic centralism is the basic organizational principle of the Party. It is centralism based on democracy and democracy based on centralized leadership. ... [D]emocratic centralism is not just about the democratic and collective process of decision making. Were it simply so, there would be no difference between the Party and a business or even a religious corporation. The essence of centralism in the Party is the commitment to the basic Marxist- Leninist principles and policies ... . Democracy is the method by which the essence of centralism is integrated with the concrete practice of the revolution, and by which the dialectical relationship or interaction is realized between the central leadership and the general membership of the Party through the elected representative organs of leadership. ... Within the Party there is a dialectical relationship between discipline and freedom. 9. Look forward to the socialist revolution! ... [T]he national-democratic revolution cannot be won if the factors that make for socialist revolution do not prevail in the course of the national-democratic revolution. ... In brief, there is power in the hands of the working class and its revolutionary party to start the socialist transformation. ... The theoretical education promoted by the rectification movement necessarily extends to the understanding that national-democratic and socialist revolutions will surely resurge and that Mao's theory and practice of continuing revolution under proletarian dictatorship is a great resource for consolidating socialism, combating revisionism and preventing the restoration of capitalism the next time that socialist societies arise once more on a wider scale on the face of the earth. 10. Carry out the Philippine revolution in the spirit of proletarian internationalism! The new-democratic revolution in the Philippines ... is one of the few revolutionary movements now that are led by a Marxist-Leninist party, have some significant strength and, most important of all, are engaged in the revolutionary armed process of overthrowing the imperialists and the local reactionaries. ... At the same time, the Party is actively cooperating with other Marxist-Leninist parties and pre-party formations in the world to propagate the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and with all the other entities that are opposed to imperialism and all reaction to bring about the resurgence of the anti-imperialist and socialist movement on a global scale. ... * * * AMERIKA'S HYPOCRISY EXPOSED On December 20, it was reported on both the CBS Television Evening News and National Public Radio news that the United States government once again clearly demonstrated its racist refugee policy when it comes to Cuban and Haitian refugees. Seventeen Cubans and Haitians who got to the Bahamas separately joined their resources to buy a boat to bring them all to the United States. When they arrived recently in the United States the Haitians were immediately taken to a detention camp. The Cubans were welcomed and automatically given temporary resident status. The Haitians are considered economic refugees until they can prove that they qualify for political asylum. The Cubans do not have to prove anything and are immediately released to the Cuban community. The CBS report also pointed out that Haitians at sea are stopped by the U.S. Coast Guard and sent back to Haiti when they are caught, while Cubans are rescued by a well organized rescue operation. While Cubans who die at sea receive martyr status, Haitians die in silence; a hijacker from Cuba was greeted as a hero while a Haitian hijacker was met by the SWAT team. One Haitian refugee was quoted as saying the Haitians do not want to see a change in the policy toward Cubans, they just want to receive the same reception as the Cubans. --Toby Mailman, for NY Transfer News Collective Notes: CBS Television Evening News 12/20/93. National Public Radio News 12/20/93. * * * LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE'S WAR IN ECUADOR Sol Perœ reported in December that the Communist Party of Ecuador (a Maoist party) has made the historic move to develop and fight a people's war against bureaucratic capitalism, semi-feudalism and imperialism. Notes: Sol Perœ, December 1993 * * * D.C. COPS DEAL DRUGS On Tuesday, Dec. 14, 12 Washington, D.C. cops were arrested for conspiracy to traffic drugs, and using their badges and state- issued guns to protect drug dealers who were transporting 100 kilograms of cocaine from Miami to D.C every month. The drug dealers were in fact FBI agents who had the police under investigation for eighteen months.(1) The FBI had recorded the illegal activities on videotape and wiretaps.(2) The twelve officers each received from $2,000 to $25,000 to guarantee their assistance in making sure the cocaine shipments arrived safely in Washington. The "conspiracy to distribute cocaine" charge could mean a maximum of life in prison without parole for those convicted.(2) While the D.C. police department acknowledges individual corruption, it continues to deny that this kind of police activity is widespread or systemic. The police officials and others blame the previous Marion Barry city administration for the hasty hiring procedures that these cops underwent. Most of the 12 officers are young, in their 20s, and have been on the force for less than four years.(2) The Washington Times, posited that the hiring process was hasty in order to quickly fulfill affirmative-action policies, and background checks that would have detected problems were not used.(3) The hasty hiring theory is flawed in seeking to pin the corruption on the officers and ignoring the fact that any police, whether white, Latino, or Asian, are working for and protected by the state, which operates to oppress and exploit the internal nations. MIM knows that police officers in every city help drug dealers traffic drugs into inner city neighborhoods where oppressed youth pay money they don't have to get some temporary relief from their exploitative conditions. In addition to this most recent group of arrests, dozens more D.C. officers from the 1989 and 1990 recruitment classes have been arrested for everything from robbery to murder.(3) On a related note, a ring of Lorton correctional officials were busted in November for trafficking drugs into the D.C. prison. The prison guards have pleaded guilty to charges of bribery and introducing drugs into the Lorton prison complex.(4) MIM offers examples like these to show that the state has an interest in funneling drugs into the inner cities, and that the so-called "war on drugs" is a manufactured means for the state to justify more arrests, more surveillance, and more overall repression of these neighborhoods. --MC31 Notes: 1. Reuter Library Report 12/16/93. 2. The Washington Post 12/15/93, p. A1. 3. The Washington Times 12/15/93, p. C4. 4. The Washington Times 12/22/93, p. C6. * * * POLICE STATE ALERT The beginning of 1994 brought a host of repressive new laws, some of them reflecting the work of beefing up the Amerikan state apparatus and further persecuting the oppressed. These new laws represent the popular Amerikan desire for fascism in the face of perceived declining world power and encroaching deviants, especially poor immigrants and inner-city Blacks. California will now prosecute any drive-by shooting that results in death as first-degree murder, punishable by death, effectively creating a new class of murder defined by crimes by members of oppressed nations. California also allowed schools to ban gang- affiliated clothing, and banned carrying passengers in the back of pickup trucks. Georgia requires waged work by people on welfare. Unmarried women under 18 in Georgia who are pregnant or mothers must live with a parent or guardian to collect welfare. Mothers on welfare who have another child will have their benefits frozen for two years. The middle class and labor aristocracy tax revolt won victories in Mississippi, where pensions will no longer be subject to income tax, and Michigan, where property taxes will no longer support public schools. New laws came into effect to extend the exclusion of "criminals" from mainstream society and jobs. In New Hampshire, background checks for school workers are allowed. In Oregon, teacher and childcare applicants can now be fingerprinted for FBI background checks. Tennessee passed a similar law. --MC12 Notes: Washington Post 12/30/93, p. A6. * * * RUSSIAN FASCISM A Russian public opinion research center has released preliminary data on the election that brought fascist Vladimir Zhirinovsky 22.8% of the vote late last year. Their results prompt comparison to fascist growth in Amerika and Europe. According to the All-Russian Center for Public Opinion and Market Research, the two main groups that supported Zhirinovsky's party were older working class men in state-run industries. They were "not jobless poor ... but they work in a vulnerable sector of the economy that is already shrinking and is widely expected to shrink further." The second group was young urban men, alienated from politics and attracted to the raw nationalism, "action and force," who had previously not participated in politics. These two groups appear to politically mirror the aging industrial labor aristocracy and new-right youth in Amerika, both important sources of Amerikan fascism--anti-crime, anti-welfare, and pro- state repression. --MC12 Note: NYT 12/30/93. * * * MIM DISCUSSES PANTHERS Boston, MA--In the middle of December, MIM showed a film on the Black Panther Party extracted from the Eyes on the Prize series. This film outlines the history of the BPP and their destruction by the FBI, and discusses the idea that Black people are a colonized nation within the United States. The audience discussion after the film sprung from that point to an interesting discussion of the nature of nationality in the United States. MIM began the discussion by pointing out that on the front page of Dec. 20, 1993 USA Today there was an article saying that segregation in schools in 1993 is back up to rates equal to or higher than they were before the desegregation movement. MIM sees this as just one more piece of evidence for the definition of Blacks, Latinos, Indigenous peoples, and other oppressed minorities within the United States as separate nations. One person put forth the view that all people in the U.S. are bought off, including Blacks, and so no one in this country has an interest in revolution and revolution will only happen from people in the Third World. This person said that this has been true for Blacks since the civil rights movements of the 60s and 70s brought some crumbs of success and advancement. MIM agreed that while the overall standard of living is higher for all in this country, the distinction between nations in this country is important because national oppression is a material basis for interest in revolution. Some argued that the white working class, and in fact most of the white nation is exploited but when pressed on the definition of exploitation they agreed that most of what they considered exploitation was not economic but rather social conditions of oppression. MIM agrees that capitalism leaves some people with less than others and presents some people with less than perfect conditions relative to what is possible, but this does not negate the fact that the white nation has an economic and national interest in perpetuating Amerikan imperialism. Whatever small discomforts they endure, these are not a basis for interest in revolution, and historically this has been demonstrated to be true. Another person questioned why MIM would say that only the white nation is bought off, why not all people in the U.S.? MIM has left the question of the exploitation of oppressed nationalities in the United States. open, but stands clear on the distinction of the white nation because they are both not exploited, and benefiting from their status as a part of the dominant ruling nation. Others in the audience agreed with MIM on this distinction and raised such evidence as the selling of drugs to Blacks, the advertising geared at selling Blacks unhealthy products, and the racism throughout our culture. One person pointed out that the recent movie Demolition Man carried the slogan "this place isn't big enough for both of us" under the plot of a white man fighting to eliminate a Black man. This was just one example of the sometimes subtle and even subliminal effects of white Amerikan culture that several people raised. When discussing what to do about this, one individual suggested that we had to create an alternative culture. MIM agrees with this, and to that end reviews movies and music, creates poetry publications and art, tries to work in radio and TV, and does whatever else we can to advance this struggle. But MIM pointed out that this struggle can not be won while the dominant structure exists that creates this reactionary culture. Revolutionary culture should be created, but it should also recognize the need to eliminate the structure that perpetuates the reactionary culture. Several people agreed with this and talked about the importance of education as a tool for change. Discussions such as these are crucial for people to have as we attempt to sort out the best way forward. Many people are frustrated with the Amerikan system but do not see anything they can do. MIM has many avenues to channel this energy and encourages all who are interested or even just curious to talk to us, write to us, and get involved. For a list of films MIM recommends showing in your area write to P.O. Box 3576, Ann Arbor, MI, 48106 * * * THE ISSUE OF BEING A WOMAN [Translation from Tagalog in International Liberation, a publication of the International Office of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines May-August 1993] This topic is a continuation of jest and irritation, of rebuke and indifference, of a glance, shaking of heads and nods, of arms akimbo and legs crossed. The debate here is like crying for the moon, a whisper in the wind a wade on water a leveling of mountains. The consequence of the conflict is a kiss or a kick. No argument would be won even if Sisa goes mad, callous the knees of old women be even if the breasts of all this society's Salomes sag and their vaginas ripped. For the issue of being a woman is presented with arms and fists persevered with love and consciousness fought steadfastly with guns and bullets. --Zelda Soriano [Zelda Soriano is working full-time in a guerrilla zone. She was arrested in May 1992 but was able to escape with the help of comrades. The poem above, freely translated into English by LI's Fina Jose, is included in Soriano's first book, Kung Saan Ako Pupunta (To Where I Am Going), a collection of revolutionary short stories and poems.] * * * STATE BLAMES PRISONERS FOR PRISON CONDITIONS Six hundred prisoners have died--and six thousand have been injured--inside the walls of Venezuelan prisons in the last 12 months. The death of 123 prisoners during a riot on Jan. 3 brought Venezuela "to the record level" for Latin America. "Many were burned in fires in two prison cellblocks, others drowned in water tanks where they sought to avoid the flames." Venezuelan prison "expert" Mario Maduro Martinez blamed "drug trafficking, corruption, overcrowding, idleness among prisoners and administrative delays in handling cases" for the violence. --MC234 Notes: UPI 1/6/93