Under Lock and Key is missing from this issue.--mim5@mim.org I N T E R N E T ' S M A O I S T M O N T H L Y = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = XX XX XXX XX XX X X XXX XXX XXX XXX X X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X V X X X V X X X X X X X XX XXX X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X XXX X X X V XXX X XXX XXX = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = THE MAOIST INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT MIM Notes 76 MAY, 1993 MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the world's oppressed majority, and against the imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in the service of the people. support it, struggle with it and write for it. IN THIS ISSUE: 1. LETTERS 2. WAKE UP HUD! THE PEOPLE OWN GENEVA TOWERS 3. THE SPECTRE OF COMMUNISM HAUNTS AZANIA 4. RADIOACTIVE WAVES BEAMED AT OPPRESSED NATIONALS 5. BORN CRIMINALS 6. PIGS, POLITICIANS AND LABOR JOIN FORCES 7. VIRTUAL FASCISM 8. HANNIBAL THE JUDGE 9. PUERTO RICO MOVES CLOSER TO THE HEART OF WHITENESS 10. HUNGER STRIKE FOR HAITI 11. FUJIMORI'S PROMISE: DEATH & TERROR 12. REVIEW: DUEL IN PERU: A 3-ACT ON THE SHINING PATH 13. FOOD NOT BOMBS HARASSED IN BOSTON 14. GUERILLA TEACHER TELLS IT LIKE IT IS The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is a revolutionary communist party that upholds Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comprising the collection of existing or emerging Maoist internationalist parties in the English-speaking imperialist countries and their English-speaking internal semi-colonies, as well as the existing or emerging Spanish-speaking Maoist internationalist parties of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of the U.S. Empire. MIM Notes is the newspaper of MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish- speaking parties or emerging parties of MIM. MIM is an internationalist organization that works from the vantage point of the Third World proletariat; thus, its members are not Amerikans, but world citizens. MIM struggles to end the oppression of all groups over other groups: classes, genders, nations. MIM knows this is only possible by building public opinion to seize power through armed struggle. Revolution is a reality for North America as the military becomes over-extended in the government's attempts to maintain world hegemony. MIM differs from other communist parties on three main questions: (1) MIM holds that after the proletariat seizes power in socialist revolution, the potential exists for capitalist restoration under the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within the communist party itself. In the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's death and the overthrow of the "Gang of Four" in 1976. (2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural Revolution as the farthest advance of communism in human history. (3) MIM believes the North American white-working-class is primarily a non- revolutionary worker-elite at this time; thus, it is not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in this country. MIM accepts people as members who agree on these basic principles and accept democratic centralism, the system of majority rule, on other questions of party line. "The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally applicable. We should regard it not as dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases, but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of revolution." -- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208 * * * LETTERS ISLAM IS A REVOLUTIONARY RELIGION Dear Victorious MIM, I have read your March 9 issue of MIM Notes; as usual, it is to the point and justly accurate, and sensible. However, the response to the letters by MC12 reveals some of the the rigidity of its ideologues. Now MC12 says "We urge this writer and all other religious readers not to rely on God, but on the science of revolution..." (p.8--"Amerikan Culture") We, Islamic Revolutionaries, are in solidarity with the PCP. Islam is ideal for a revolution--any pedagogy, for it gives the believer the divine permission to fight in the event of oppression and tyranny (Sirra 4:74, 75). The key to the success of the spread of any ideology or any force of change is in its ability to exist with the customs and traditions of the people or countries it seeks to spread to or in. The "radical rupture" dynamic of Marxism has caused it to be unacceptable in many cases. What MC12 doesn't realize is that Islam is a scientific religion. As a matter of fact, the so-called "liberation theology" is nothing more than Catholicism seasoned with the concepts of Marx and Lenin. We, Jihadians, do not entirely agree with Marx, but we do agree about his scientific approaches to combating capitalistic oppression and economic exploitation. This formalism, and doctrinairism is what caused the weakening of the communism of the Soviets, and the party rifts of the Maoists of China. --Maryland prisoner March 1993 MC17 & MC86 respond: This letter is a good example of the revolutionary stance many Islamics take. Just as this comrade allies with the PCP, we ally with this comrade and other Islamic revolutionaries in fighting imperialism. But while this comrade is quick to criticize the Maoists and Stalinists for their failures, s/he does not provide us with any examples of more successful Islamic revolutions. Nowhere has there been an Islamic revolution that has advanced conditions for oppressed people as the revolutions in the Soviet Union and China did. In fact, where Islamic politics has successfully seized state power--as in Iran or Libya or Iraq--the results have been the essential continuation of the rule of the ancient regime. Bowing humbly towards Mecca five times a day is but an empty gesture if, in between prayers, the worship of money and male supremacy reigns supreme. Furthermore, so-called "liberation theology" is a force for the oppression of the struggling masses; not for their liberation. It is in no way "Marxist." Liberation theology is a theological- political-economic exercise in moderating the ideologies and effects of patriarchy and capitalism. The reactionary Catholic Church seeks to keep its grip on the minds of the oppressed (and their property!) by tailoring its opportunist commandments to fool the people and water down their revolutionary aspirations to overthrow imperialism and the patriarchy. Liberation theology is just a "kinder, gentler" version of the same old lies. MIM believes that worship of any form or name of "God" does not belong in the sphere of politics. Appreciation of higher powers is best left to art, culture and leisure. Marxist revolutionaries may be personally motivated by a spiritual perception of a "higher good," or "liberation of the masses." But we base our real-world actions on rational knowledge. REVOLUTIONS LIBERATE NO ONE The following is a continuation of the debate between MIM and an FMLN supporter first printed in MIM Notes 73. Dear MIM, I wouldn't share the view that Maoist revolutions have actually liberated peoples from oppression. There is no specific example. China is not a particular example. How can it be when it has to repress students who disagree with the government's line? When it has also been supporting the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, responsible for the murder of about 2 million people. Peru is not yet free. And the revolution there is not just Maoist inspired. The ITAL Tupac Amaru END Revolutionary Movement is fighting against the regime too. Where else have Maoist revolutions been successful? True, so far there have not been much advances through elections. But in some specific examples socialists have formed governments after being voted in by the people. Salvador Allende in Chile, socialists in Guyana, The Olof Palme Government in Sweden, the Sandinistas in Nicaragua in 1984, and many local governments in India, Italy, Cyprus. More recently, the socialists won the elections in Mongolia and Lithuania, countries where capitalism had been nearly restored. Of course, the problem has always been that socialist governments have been short-lived, as the United States government has tried to get rid of them. For instance, in Chile, Allende was overthrown in a coup d'etat organized by the Chilean Armed Forces and the CIA. And there is always the risk of the left losing the elections, as in the case of the Sandinistas in 1990 and the Swedish Social Democratic Party. But they still remain the main opposition parties in parliament. The ballot box is not a guarantee for winning a revolution. But it is a ITAL form END of struggle. The FMLN is ITAL not END proposing electoral struggle as the ITAL only END form of struggle. The FMLN uses electoral struggle as one ITAL more END form of struggle, alongside the diplomatic and if necessary the military struggle including the struggle inside the Armed Forces. This has to be combined with mass struggle at every level, the people have to take power from below. Every social group must carry out their own particular struggles against the oppressive capitalist system. Their collective action is what makes it a revolution. That's why it is called a ITAL Democratic Revolution END. The FMLN does not discard ITAL armed struggle END as a legitimate form of struggle. In most cases ITAL it is necessary END. But why keep an armed struggle going when you can achieve the same objectives by waging other forms of struggle? And the FMLN has a lot of accumulated experience in waging a successful ITAL armed struggle END. Even the CIA had to acknowledge that the FMLN was the most formidable guerrilla force they have ever had to contend with. I do not share the view held by the MIM that armed struggle is the ITAL only END answer. If so, why is the MIM not fighting a guerilla war in the United States? The MIM could for instance, begin attacking police headquarters and army barracks, carrying out acts of sabotage against the U.S. economy, getting rid of the Ku Klux Klan, perhaps giving Bush a heart attack, etc. The fact is that MIM is not waging an armed struggle inside the United States. You are waging a ITAL political struggle END which you combine with other forms of struggle. If you start an armed struggle in the United States you wouldn't survive for much longer. The CIA, the army, the police, the whole state apparatus would crush you and most of you would end up in jail with life sentences or in the electric chair. So you have to stick to ITAL political struggle END and give a talk here and there, organize a conference, publish a newspaper, etc. Wouldn't it make the MIM less revolutionary than it is now, does it make you a capitalist roader, how do you reconcile your theory with your practice? But you can say that the Western countries are quite a different society, that after all, armed struggle is out of context here. You know, the West is not the Third World. How could armed struggle happen here, Americans killing Americans? Australians killing Australians? No way. The American Civil War was enough; the Black Wars were enough. But in El Salvador yes, "hang out there you guys. Keep killing each other. Armed struggle is the way to go. Come on don't give in." Both Salvadoran revolutionaries and army soldiers are sentient beings made of flesh and bones. 100,000 people have died as a consequence of the civil war. Most of our dead have been from the working class and the peasantry, even if they are army soldiers they still come from the poorest classes. Most of them do not have class consciousness, therefore they are easily convinced by the military to join the social group that offers them financial security and social mobility. Could you blame them? Perhaps you could, but shooting at them won't resolve the problem. And the guerillas? Living in the mountains for 12 or even 22 years is not easy, even less if you go hungry, have no house, are ridden with tropical diseases, and are under fire all the time. Living in a TATU when A-37 aircraft are dropping cluster bombs on you everyday is not fun at all. If we as revolutionaries cannot feel that, then where is our moral ethics? Are we any different to the people in the US Military who by pushing a switch can launch a missile that kills 1,000 Iraqi people in one bombing? It is easy to say, ITAL yes armed struggle END. Fighting a war is another matter. When there is no other alternative even the church speaks of the right of the people to insurrectional violence that can only be carried out through armed struggle. But it has to be at the right time, as a mechanism of self-defence and response of the masses against ITAL state terrorism END. The MIM calls the FMLN's negotiated settlement of the armed conflict "ahistorical idealism," which indicate that the MIM disagrees with the concept of Democratic Revolution.... In El Salvador history has not finished yet. We don't know what is going to happen. Maybe the peace accords will be fully respected and implemented by each side, maybe not. But as Salvador Sanchez Ceren has said, if the Salvadoran people are deceived once more, if the government violates the peace accords and the army unleashes a new wave of repression, then there is no doubt that the Salvadoran people will rise up in armed struggle again. In 1941, Mao Tse-Tung wrote: "Without doubt, the present revolution is only the first step, and a second step--the step to socialism--will be developed in the future. It is only when China arrives at that stage, that she can be called really felicitous. But for the present, it is not the time to practise socialism. The present task of China's revolution is the task of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism, before the accomplishment of which, it is empty verbiage to talk about socialism. China's revolution must be divided into two steps, the first being that of New Democracy, the second that of socialism. Moreover, the period of the first step is by no means a short one. It is not a matter that can be achieved overnight. We are no Utopians. We cannot isolate ourselves from the actual conditions right before our eyes." (See "Politics and Culture of New Democracy," in the magazine ITAL Chinese Culture, END January 15, 1941. Reprinted as ITAL China's New Democracy END by Current Book Distributors, Sydney, Australia, August 1945, p. 27). Of course, ITAL Mao's END writings apply only to ITAL China, END her ITAL culture and reality END in a particular historical epoch, the 1940s. Is this "ahistorical idealism?" The FMLN in El Salvador moves in quite a different reality, culture, international context and historical epoch: the 1990s, a period when the Berlin wall has crumbled, the USSR no longer exists, and Japan and Germany have re-emerged as new economic empires challenging United States hegemony throughout the world. Inside El Salvador, the domestic context has changed too. There is a real opportunity for the left to engage in national politics and keep up the mass struggle at every level. The Salvadoran social structure has changed, people's experience and political awareness is different. They know what they are doing and where they are heading to. The Salvadoran people are not passive agents of history. On the contrary, they are building up their own future, struggling, smashing the old and creating their own models of socio-economic development aimed at resolving their most immediate problems and at the same time pushing a revolutionary process forward through different forms of struggle and political alliances. Is this not a dialectical materialist interpretation of history? --FMLN supporter February 1993 MC17 responds: The writer begins by suggesting that the current Chinese government under Deng Xiaoping should be considered Maoist, but MIM is clear that since the death of Mao, China has pursued capitalism, not socialism, and MIM in no way supports Deng or the current Chinese government. In addition the writer suggests that the Tupac Amaru compares with the Communist Party of Peru, ignoring that the Tupac Amaru is not a significant force in Peru because they support an ineffective, pro-Castro ideology. The writer asks what examples we give of the success of Maoism. MIM provides many books and essays detailing the success of China, the Soviet Union and other countries as well. In China after the revolution there was enough food so that no one starved to death (in stark contrast to before the revolution), everyone was provided with housing, productivity increased dramatically, health care was provided for all, and life expectancy increased. The writer attempts to demonstrate that the ballot box is a legitimate forum for struggle by recounting all the "successes" of past elections. The first problem with these examples is the author's failure to define socialism. Just because a government calls itself socialist does not mean that it is. MIM does not consider Chile under Allende or Nicaragua under the Sandinistas to have been socialist, for example. The quote that the author cites from Mao is a good example of what MIM believes is a correct practice. Mao argued that New Democracy could be achieved after military victories, not instead of them. The FMLN is making a deal to work with the imperialists who have absolutely no interest in relinquishing their power. The writer asks why it is that MIM is not actively engaging in armed struggle now if we so strongly advocate it in El Salvador. MIM does believe that it will come down to armed struggle in Amerika, as in all other countries. But it is important to know when to pick up the gun. Right now in Amerika the majority of the people are on the side of the imperialists. Without the strength of an outside army, this is not a situation that would be tactically winnable. For that reason we continue to gather strength as we fight winnable battles. In the Third World on the other hand, where the opposition is strong and well organized, oppressed people can confront and defeat imperialism now. But the question of the situation in Amerika is really a peripheral issue as the FMLN is not saying that they have to put down their arms because they can not win right now, they are saying that they put down their arms because they have won and will continue to win at the ballot box. We are not heartless to the real life conditions of the people dying in El Salvador and elsewhere. On the contrary, it is because of these deaths that MIM so strongly advocates revolution. Historically, revolutions, most importantly Maoist revolutions, have done the most to reduce the kind of suffering the author describes. * * * WAKE UP HUD! THE PEOPLE OWN GENEVA TOWERS by a comrade In March, the people of the Geneva Towers Tenant's Association (GTTA) ITAL overthrew END Geneva Tower's flunkie government. A mass movement to drive the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) from Geneva Towers sprang to life. Geneva Towers is a HUD-owned and government "subsidized" asbestos- filled, locked-down housing project on the edge of San Francisco. Since July 1992, MIM Notes has been covering GTTA's many battles against forced evictions and armed terror. In 1991 GTTA began issuing propaganda and agitating at great personal risk to expose The Man's plan to seize the Towers and cash in on the land. By March 1993, 11 of 16 units on many floors were vacant. People watched their neighbors disappear into the night. Slum-lord John Stewart and a collection of city employees calling themselves the Housing Conservation & Community Development Corporation had created a controlled Geneva Towers Resident Council Board that methodically signed away the civil and property rights of the tenants in secret. Suddenly ITAL $50 million END became available for a proposed three-to-five year "rehabilitation" of the Towers. Over two years, Stewart/HUD forcibly evicted more than 60% of the residents through terror and bureaucratic tricks. Quiet support from behind closed doors grew to a roar. New forces joined GTTA and created a strength that seized the time to ITAL recall and abolish END the treacherous Board. Now the people's actions may compel HUD to withdraw a $200,000 grant fraudulently awarded to (HCDC) under the HUD-approved pretense that HCDC represented tenant ownership interests. The tenants now demand that HUD recognize: ITAL "the people already own Geneva Towers." END Sensing movement, bourgeois politicians on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors jumped on GTTA's bandwagon. These pollsters in sharp suits and liberal make-up are looking to drown any sparks of real political protest with white lies and false promises of economic support. In April, a Wall Street Journal reporter visited Geneva Towers wearing a Stewart Company hard-hat. As the reporter scribbled down tenant accusations against management, John Stewart and HCDC scrambled to round up a few Black faces to tell lies and cajole and threaten the tenants. In a public meeting, Stewart cried, "We are talking about F-I-F-T-Y million dollars here!" GTTA says it has no illusions about the support it may or may not receive from the Supervisors, Wall Street Journal, and a host of other elements eager to grab a piece of the $50 million maybe-pie. But for John Stewart--his luscious dessert turned into rotten mush in front of his horrified eyes as the tenants stood up and just said no! An important battle has been won--but the war can still be lost. A milestone The people's fight to resist extinction and to build an independent power inside San Francisco's Black community has reached a milestone. Since the mid-1970s, Blacks have been systematically driven out of San Francisco by gentrification, arson, police murder, forced relocation and unemployment. Much of San Francisco's 60,000-strong Black colony now lives sandwiched between an abandoned radioactive Navy Base and the Cow Palace, an old and ugly convention center. After implementing a lock-down in June 1991, Stewart & Co. created an elaborate charade to fool the 2,500 tenants into believing that they would ultimately become "owners and managers" of Geneva Tower's 576 suffocating apartments under HUD's Homeownership and Opportunity for People Everywhere (HOPE) program. This apartheid- style master-plan is being implemented ITAL on a national level END to drive the poor out of subsidized housing and reclaim real- estate for transfer to private condominium builders and their bankers. In the last 30 years perhaps as much as ITAL $1 billion END in federal money has circulated through the fire-trapped units at Geneva Towers into the bank accounts of the rich and infamous. The Road Is Long MIM supports struggles of this sort. MIM knows that organizations created by the international proletariat learn the bitter lessons of politics and warfare from the experiences of the masses. Economic struggles transform into consciously organized political battles independently of vanguard parties whose ultimate role is to lead insurrections and build socialism. The knowledge gained by the people in these initial skirmishes leads inevitably to but one political conclusion: the destruction of capitalism is the gate to the liberation of humanity. Outbreaks against imperialism do not always take the form of spontaneous mass rebellions fueled by the people's justified anger--as at Los Angeles in May 1992. GTTA is an example of a single-issue mass organization that successfully created broad support in the community by exposing the enemy in public forums, local newspapers, community television, and in the street. GTTA's membership is all the tenants at Geneva Towers. GTTA is not ideologically uniform and it is far from communist inspired or communist-led. The people of Geneva Towers have united themselves solely out of the necessity to survive. Some tenants consider communism to be evil; some say that Black folks cannot afford to be associated with communists. Others refer to the political ferment generated by the urban rebellions of the 1960s as a step forward. GTTA based itself in the people and created public opinion inside Geneva Towers by going door-to-door with documented facts. In what became an anchor to the struggle, Africa Jr. 391st created Food For Thought--which operates on donated pennies and foodstamps to provide sandwiches to hungry children and GTTA's newsletters to information-hungry adults. In the Geneva Towers movement MIM sees the force of the oppressed people in motion. From the chaos of an economic struggle arises political consciousness and a new awareness of the nature of class enemies-- ITAL which include END the Black petty-bourgeois administrators fronting for the white banks and pirates who run HUD. When asked to share the most important lesson of this struggle one tenant said, "Never trust HUD." S/he also said that in the beginning of the struggle s/he believed in "the myth of a strong Black leadership" until s/he experienced "only betrayal" from the NAACP, the Urban League, and a legion of preachers. Some Geneva Towers tenants believe that the System can be pushed hard enough to allow Black's, "Our piece of the American pie." Others realize that the Amerikan consumer's pie has been baked from the corpses of our Third World brothers and sisters. "We ITAL can END reform the System," say a few. "But what if we ITAL can't END run the crooks out of HUD?," ask others. A youthful chorus echoes in the airless hallways: "Then it will be a civil war!" Serve The People Following the example of the Black Panther Party's revolutionary practice of striving to serve the people, MIM supports the proletariat by covering its political evolution in MIM Notes and by rendering material assistance in the form of investigation. Maoists share a determination to be with the people through thick and thin as we all learn from our experiences. Sometimes individuals make the mistake of confusing the revolutionary Party's political support with the personal support of our comrades. MIM urges all revolutionaries and politically aware people engaged in mass struggles to read and study the MIM essay "On Single-Issue Organizing."(1) MIM works ITAL with END mass organizations. We do not infiltrate or work ITAL in END them. MIM comrades carry out the political line and policies of the Party under all circumstances. MIM comrades are obligated to actively solicit criticism and analysis from the masses. One activist recently praised MIM Notes as a tool for "separating garbage from not-garbage." S/he said, "MIM has a new view of what's going on and a finger on the pulse. We have to expose what is real because we will always lose as long as the people believe the lies. As for me, I have had to re-examine the very meaning of the word 'radical.' Homeboys need to know how to dig behind every tree." Notes: 1. Available in the pamphlet "What Is Mim?" for $2 post-paid at Boxholder, P.O. Box 3576, Ann Arbor, MI, 48106-3576. * * * THE SPECTRE OF COMMUNISM HAUNTS AZANIA by a comrade In response to the April 10 assassination of Chris Hani, leader of the South African Communist Party (SACP), on April 15 20,000 Azanian youths smashed downtown store windows, set cars afire, shot a policeman, stabbed a peace monitor, threw a grenade at soldiers, derailed two commuter train cars, and assaulted a prominent African National Congress (ANC) official who tried to restore order.(1) Hani, also a member of the Executive Committee of the ANC, was murdered by a white supremacist gunman outside his home in Johannesburg. While there have been more than 9,000 political killings in Azania during the past three years alone, Hani is the first top liberation movement leader killed since Black Consciousness Movement founder Steven Biko was killed by the South African police in 1977.(2) Hani's assassination is of monumental significance to the liberation movement in Azania, and is likely to be a turning point in the struggle. Hani and the revisionist SACP have largely been the masterminds of the "powersharing" deal being worked out by the ANC and the ruling National Party. As the Deputy Commander of the ANC military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) from 1982 to 1987, Hani was "credited" with being the only ANC member to retain the respect of the militant Azanian youth--who have grown increasingly impatient with these negotiations and with the ANC leadership. The ANC youth have always been the most militant voice in the organization; they have tended toward armed struggle rather than the criminal dead-end negotiations of the past several years. Hani tried to convince the youth to patiently wait for the negotiations to bring them liberation. Now that he has been assassinated, the rage of the youth has again taken center stage. Angry masses have rebelled, causing millions of dollars in property damage. By April 12 at least 28 people were dead and 30 injured, and the Washington Post reported stonings, car burnings, shots fired at motorists, and marches on local police stations. Also, two whites were burned to death and one had his tongue cut out, after their cars were stoned and set on fire near Cape Town.(3) More than 80,000 people went to Hani's funeral on April 19 in the Soweto soccer stadium. Outside, thousands of young people engaged police in rolling combat all day. Inside, Mandela tried to disassociate the violence from the ANC, claiming that the violence was caused by agent provocateurs, rather than by the righteous anger of the masses!(4) Mandela is trying to hide the fact that his organization has been irreversibly split by the Hani assassination. When he spoke on the April 14 "day of mourning," Mandela was booed when he started to speak of reconciliation with the ruling National Party. Some in the crowd yelled, "We hate them! We hate them!" The ANC youth speaker at the rally, Sipho Mavundla, was more direct, saying, "No more peace. No more talks."(1) It is only a matter of time before they formally split from the ANC elders intent on negotiations. Other statements by ANC youth have been similar. ANC Youth League President Peter Mokaba urged protesters to acquire weapons by whatever means possible to avenge Hani's death. Coux Malik, 20, said "We'll never get anywhere negotiating, because the regime will never give up power without being forced." Thabo Morudu, 21, said "The only answer is insurrection. To combat violence, you must apply violence." Parcks Slovo, 26, said, "We understand what Mandela is saying, and we know discipline is important, but the only way we are going to take power is at the barrel of a gun."(5) Umkhonto we Sizwe never attempted to liberate territory in which the ANC and the people would wield political power. It only engaged in acts of bombings and sabotage aimed at the police and government, in order to scare them into negotiating powersharing with the ANC. It is up to the youth of Azania to forge a new course of armed struggle--the people's war. Hani's death commemorated in Amerika On April 19, the day of Hani's funeral in South Africa, more than 300 people attended a commemoration for Hani held at Howard University in Washington D.C. Speakers from revisionist parties such as the CPUSA and the Socialist Workers Party spoke, as well as African Diplomats, religious leaders and reformist single-issue groups. There was only one student speaker in the program--a representative of the Howard Student Association. He read a tract from African revolutionary Kwame Nkrumah. The only other inspiring speakers were Rev. Willie Wilson, a local Black activist minister, and Steve Mncube, representing the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania. In Washington D.C. as in Azania, the youth could not be held back by revisionist leaders. As the long and boring program was ending, one young Azanian started chanting and moving toward the front of the room. Soon all the other Azanian youth in the room followed, as they took over the microphone, and filled the room with militant chanting and dancing. The energy of the youth electrified the room, and it became clear that they are the leaders of the struggle, and the future belongs to them. Notes: 1. Washington Post 4/15/93. 2. Washington Post 4/11/93. 3. Washington Post 4/12/93. 4. UPI 4/19/93 5. Washington Post 4/18/93. * * * RADIOACTIVE WAVES BEAMED AT OPPRESSED NATIONALS by a comrade On October 28-30, 1992 the Amerikan government sponsored an International symposium on "Contraband and Cargo Inspection Technology" in Washington, D.C., reassuring us that the imperialist war on drugs continues in full force. Experts in law enforcement from 16 countries met to discuss new technological capabilities that can be used to crack down on international drug trafficking.(1) A diagnostic probe system, using ITAL neutron interrogation, END (2) will be set up at U.S.-Mexican border crossings, but can also be downsized into portable van units that will drive through oppressed neighborhoods and beam into cars and houses to detect drugs in large quantities. Neutron interrogation technology can detect drugs, explosives, and chemical and nuclear materials, but the most dangerous domestic use will likely be targeting drug dealers. The portable vanmobile unit that can zap houses will detect movement and body heat in different rooms inside the house. One coordinator of the D.C. Green Panthers! suggested that portable scaled down versions of this device might be used in inner city neighborhoods to intensify the campaign against oppressed nation dealers and users. Blacks and Latinos could yet be the targets of more advanced and systematic genocide through carcinogenic poisoning in their own neighborhoods. MIM shares the Panthers! belief that nothing is too dangerous and reactionary for this fascist government to do to continue the slaughter and oppression of oppressed nation communities. State agents plan to use this new technology to seize illegal drugs at the border and in barrios. The Green Panthers! are concerned that not only would fruits and vegetables be nuked during these searches, but so would illegal aliens trying to get to Amerika. A scientist at American Science and Engineering in Cambridge, who is not connected to the neutron project, speculated that while regular X-ray systems, such as those found in airport security checkpoints, will not change the chemical composition of fruits and vegetables carried in these trucks, the neutron system could "potentially" cause damage. The residual radiation that would affect the incoming produce would then reach the consumers, and no one would be the wiser. Even more frightening is the fact that Central and South Amerikan refugees who may be hiding in the trucks will get zapped. According to the Panthers!, cancer experts at the National Institute of Health (NIH) believe that persons exposed to this kind of radiation could show signs of cancer within 1-2 years after exposure. MIM wonders if Clinton's proposed health insurance program will cover these immigrants and others who get cancer from poisoned food? Notes: 1. E. Rhodes, Argonne National Laboratory and C.W. Peters, Nuclear Diagnostic Systems, ITAL APSTNG: Neutron Interrogation for Detection of Drugs and Other Contraband, END ITAL submitted to above-mentioned symposium. MIM extends great thanks to our friends at the Green Panthers! who sent us this information. 2. For those scientifically-minded readers, this probe is based on "a unique associate-particle sealed-tube generator (APSTNG) that interrogates the object of interest with a low-intensity beam of 14-MeV neutrons generated from the deuterium-tritium reaction and detects the alpha-particle associated with each neutron." Rhodes, et al. abstract. * * * BORN CRIMINALS Thirty-four Black youth were arrested on April 8 at a Detroit middle school after they became too "rowdy" for Detroit police lecturing the students on gangs. Before being taken to the police station, the students were lined up for photographs taken by the pigs. All of them were taken to the police station by a police bus, with their hands over their heads the entire time.(1,2) Three Detroit police gang squad officers went to the Cerveny Middle school to lecture 60 students on the dangers gang membership. The "gang-prone" students were hand-picked by the teachers, and they were taken from their classrooms to listen to the pigs babble about gangs. The school never told parents about the lecture given to their children.(2) During the lecture the students became "rowdy, challenging the officers, swearing at school staff, and shoving each other." The pigs then arrested 34 of the students, charging one for interfering with an officer in the line of duty and the rest with disorderly conduct.(1) "We told them there's no gang turf, and they wanted to tell us different," said Lt. Charles Wilson, a gang squad member. "We couldn't stand for that." Yeah, they couldn't stand Black youth standing up to the pigs' power, so they arrested the students. Wilson also said, "If they litter, if they loiter, destroy property by spray-painting gang graffiti, or if we get information they're intimidating students, we take immediate enforcement action and take a zero-tolerance approach to prosecution of those individuals." He goes on to say, "I think it's too many videos, too many Ice Cubes, Ice T's and movies glamorizing gangs."(2) No, it's not too many videos. Rather, it's inner-city oppression and alienation, of knowing that you're more likely to go to prison than to college. To pluck these students out of the classrooms and label them gang wannabes just reinforces them to think that gangs are their only source of power. And with the zero-tolerance approach, these agents of the state only instigate the formation of gangs, the birthplace for revolutionaries in inner-city Amerikkka. --MC67 Notes: 1. Detroit Free Press 4/10/93, 3A and 10A. 2. Detroit News 4/15/93, 2B. * * * PIGS, POLITICIANS AND LABOR JOIN FORCES The Illinois task force on crime and corrections recently recommended the construction of a 500-bed super maximum security prison. Illinois already has one of the most notorious prisons, Marion, in the southern part of the state. The warden of Marion, which currently is Amerika's largest control unit prison, has been quoted as saying: "the purpose of the Marion control unit is to control revolutionary attitudes in the prison system and in society at large." At a press conference called by the Illinois legislators and labor officials, prison guards whined about the violent behavior they've encountered. Mark Bushue doesn't like the idea of prisoners fighting back against inhumane treatment: "I think we need someplace to put these people. I think it would be a deterrent to other inmates that maybe they'd think twice before they assaulted another officer." The Amerikan Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees council 31 represents 7,500 prison guards in Illinois. Their spokesman Henry Bayer said: "... we will take this step to build a super-maximum facility in order to help bring our prisons under control." Thus the true interests of the white labor aristocracy are revealed: aiding the oppressive capitalist state apparatus by imprisoning oppressed nationals. What else should be expected from government-controlled unions? No matter how many concentration camps they build, they will never be able to hold back the revolutionary spirit of the people. --a MIM Associate Notes: The Catholic Worker 3-4/93, p. 3. and St. Louis Post- Dispatch 3/31/93, p. 14A. * * * VIRTUAL FASCISM Lurking inside the glossy pages of a Housing and Urban Development (HUD) manual, MIM has discovered that a San Francisco Bay Area consortium of land-pirates led by the John Stewart Company (currently on the run from the wrath of the people at Geneva Towers) has set-up a local data-base called the National Tenant Network (NTN) for convenient use by Public Housing Authorities and other HUD-subsidized scumlords. HUD is promoting this cyber-fascism as a model for Amerika. The NTN computerized "reporting service [presents] a clear picture of a potential resident: a credit report, an evictions report, and a resident performance report based on landlord information." Currently the data-base contains 600,000 names of "risky renters" from the Bay Area (10% of the total area population). "NTN staff visit Bay Area courthouses daily and record all evictions filed ... Subscribers are provided with the names and telephone numbers of the plaintiffs and attorneys in the complaints ... [The database] helps subscribers sift through the information and analyze the cash flow and historical facts regarding prospective tenants." NTN geek Lindquist says, "The report will not say that the prospective renter is a drug dealer, but there will be a notation in the report to talk to the previous landlord [who] may say that there was constant foot traffic in and out of the apartment, or that the police raided the unit, or that hypodermic needles were found there after the resident moved out." (Or that the tenant is Black or Latin ... or ITAL political END.) Lindquist estimates that "More than a third of applicants for public housing and assisted housing prove to have had recent evictions." The Oakland Housing Authority, "uses NTN as an alert system ... the managers reject [at least] 10% of applicants and the NTN information is an important part of their reasons for denial." Marie Tustin (John Stewart Company Vice-Pirate) comments, "Ultimately, ITAL the managers must be character judges. END" Corporate oinker John Stewart owns and manages 70 properties with 7,500 units in Northern California. He is notorious for using every lie and trick in the book to evict tenants-for-profit. If you are evicted from subsidized housing in 1993--for whatever reason--you will probably now be denied the opportunity to pay outrageous rents in toxic hellholes along with the chance to inhabit even a pitiable shelter. Begging these pigs for mercy will only elicit mocking laughs as they trundle the loot to the bank. The only answer is to stop them dead in their tracks and create revolutionary people's socialism. Under the dictatorship of the proletariat the people might even use databases to screen and eliminate capitalist-roaders .... --a comrade Notes: ITAL Together We Can ... Create Drug-Free Neighborhoods END Office of Policy Development and Research, HUD, August 1992, pps. 32-40. * * * HANNIBAL THE JUDGE An imprisoned Black man with AIDS was forced to wear a hockey- style mask and a blue surgical mask, leaving only his eyes unobstructed, at his appearance in district court, ordered by Judge James Justin. The prisoner, Robert Williams of Detroit, Mich, was arraigned in the district court in Michigan on charges of attempted murder of a prison employee and assault with a deadly weapon. Williams allegedly threw a cupful of urine at a prison employee in December in the Jackson State Prison. The Jackson County prosecutor, Dennis Hurst, requested the masking order because an unmasked Williams could have a "dramatic chilling effect" on witnesses, lawyers, guards and court staff. The AIDS virus is not spread through the air, spitting or biting, said Evan Wolfson, an attorney with the Lambda Legal Defense Fund. He said the masking order "shows a manifest ignorance about HIV and certainly invites a challenge based on denial of the due process [of law] and a fair hearing." Being a Black man, a "criminal" and a person with AIDS was just too much for the presiding judge, so it was not difficult to accept the prosecutor's request. By accepting the prosecutor's motion for a masking order, the judge all but decided the verdict for the jury. But then again, what else is new for the Black man? The most dramatic and chilling effect the Black nation is going to have on Euro-Amerika is yet to come. --MC67 Notes: Detroit News, 4/15/93, 2B. * * * PUERTO RICO MOVES CLOSER TO THE HEART OF WHITENESS The officialization of the English language recently passed the Puerto Rican legislature (controlled by the New Progressive Party- -which supports Puerto Rican statehood) and the governor's desk. This makes it inevitable that government documents will soon be written in English despite the fact that nearly three-fourths of Puerto Ricans speak little or no English. This means that three- fourths of Puerto Rican people will not be able to understand the language in legal, government, business, and labor transactions that govern their lives. The New Progressive Party won control of the legislature in 1991. Changing Puerto Rico's official language to English makes the colony a more eligible candidate for statehood; only a colony that speaks English can become a state. The move to English demonstrates the puppet government's willingness to push the island's population into statehood. The focus on the official language issue shows the New Progressive Party's apathy towards the real problems that face the people. The Party allows inhumane social conditions to continue and, like good running dogs for U.S. imperialism, deny every attempt to change the lives of the people. The pro-statehood administration recently signed an agreement with the FBI which places police powers on the colony in the imperialist hands, giving them a supervisory role over the local police. The leaders of the Puerto Rican Independence Movement met at the beginning of this year to call for the Second Pro-Independence Congress. The call intended to form a cohesive movement outlining the conditions for achieving the liberation of Puerto Rico. These conditions include freedom for all Puerto Rican political prisoners and prisoners of war. One hundred fifty thousand demonstrators gathered in San Juan to protest officializing English. For more information contact the Puerto Rican National Liberation Movement; 1671 N. Claremont Street; Chicago, Illinois 60647 Phone: 312-342-8027 --an associate Notes: 1. La Patria Radical, January 1993. 2. Bandera Roja (Newspaper of the Movimiento por Liberacion Nacional), February 1993. 3. Grito Cultural No. 6, 1991. * * * HUNGER STRIKE FOR HAITI by a comrade Deposed Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide spoke at Georgetown University on March 22, lavishing praise on a recent student hunger strike movement which started at Yale University and has continued at elite schools all over Amerika. Aristide's presence inspired Georgetown hunger strikers to organize, even though, as one student leader later told MIM, "I thought his actual speech was tempered to the Georgetown crowd ... I thought it was disappointing because he was so 'political.'" "Working in partnership with the U.S., Haiti's problems can be solved very quickly," Aristide said, calling for foreign business opportunities and a free and open market economy in Haiti. Of Bill Clinton, Aristide said, "There is a very deep sense of humanity in him ... We trust President Clinton. We believe with him we can restore democracy to Haiti."(1) The hunger strike The student hunger strike movement started on March 3 at Clinton's alma mater, Yale Law School. Blending Amerikan military lingo with appropriated revolutionary Black history, the law students named their campaign "Operation Harriet Tubman." Thirty students went on a hunger strike for seven days, taking shifts at a mock concentration camp they named "Camp Clinton."(2) On March 10, Yale law students passed the strike onto Harvard Law School. Harvard passed the strike to Brown University on March 17, which passed it to the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor on March 24. Nearly 200 students joined the hunger strike in Ann Arbor. On March 31, Michigan passed the strike to four schools at once: Columbia University, Penn State, Georgetown--where more than 450 students fasted--and Howard University.(2) In early April, students at the following schools went on hunger strike: New York University, American University, George Washington University, University of California at Berkeley, San Francisco State, Catholic University and University of Maine. A national meeting of students in solidarity with Haiti was planned at Columbia University in New York for May 1. Why Haiti? The U.S. government has detained more than 250 Haitian refugees in a concentration camp on Guantanamo Naval Base in Cuba for 15 months. The Haitians were forcibly brought to Guantanamo while trying to flee political and economic repression in Haiti after the military coup against President Aristide. The Haitians were picked up by U.S. Naval patrols to keep them from arriving on U.S. shores. At first thousands of Haitians were interned at Guantanamo. Most were fingerprinted, and then sent back into the hands of the Haitian military regime from which they were fleeing in the first place. Those remaining were tested for the HIV virus, believed to cause AIDS. The Haitians who tested positive for HIV--or are relatives of those who tested positive for HIV--have been interned at Guantanamo ever since. On January 29, the imprisoned Haitians went on a hunger strike to dramatize their conditions. The press largely ignored the action, showing only a moment of interest when the opportunist Jesse Jackson joined them in February. But many Amerikan law students have been working on the Haitians' legal defense since refugees began fleeing Haiti's shores following the coup. The hunger strike movement grew out of this informal network of law students sympathetic to the Haitians' plight. A hunger strike is not a revolution The students' demands are very limited and reformist in nature. Allowing the 250 Haitians at Guantanamo into the United States would not alter Amerikan dominance over Haiti, although it would be a small victory against Amerika's reactionary immigration policy barring HIV positive immigrants. MIM believes that all oppressed Third World peoples fleeing the effects of Amerikan imperialism should be allowed into Amerika. As internationalists, MIM doesn't acknowledge the borders that Amerika has erected. These borders serve to lock out oppressed peoples, and allow Amerika to artificially inflate the wages given to people inside these borders. Challenges to immigration are challenges to the system of imperialism itself. While the law student hunger strike movement is based among some of the most privileged people on the planet, MIM is happy to see First World youth organizing to support Haitian self- determination, and to allow persecuted Haitians to cross the militarily fortified U.S. border. While MIM is most interested in liberation movements of oppressed people, we work among all sectors of society to promote the interests and demands of the Third World proletariat. Students at elite Amerikan schools who are interested in the plight of oppressed Haitians should join MIM, and understand that the best way to help Haitians is to help overthrow Amerikan imperialism. "I don't know really if I agree with even the grounds that we're arguing this on," said one of the more radical students involved in the Georgetown strike. "That according to international law or according to U.S. law the Haitians should be allowed into this country. I'm really using that as an argument which people might accept ... I don't really accept that argument in other instances." The student also cited internal divisions in the movement over how broadly to focus as the reason they chose to focus only on the 250 Haitians detained at Guantanamo. The student leaders have chosen to take the pragmatic approach and argue on the lowest common denominator, rather than attempting to explain to other students the broader imperialist context. This type of organizing may get larger crowds in the short term, but will not create movements that will move beyond that lowest common denominator to actually understand and challenge imperialism. Notes: 1. Speech by Haiti's President Jean Bertrand Aristide at Georgetown University, March 22, 1993. 2. Press release from Operation Harriet Tubman: The National Student Campaign to Shut Down Guantanamo, April 2, 1993. ITAL A good source of information on Haiti's history and the current political situation is a 24-page newsletter called "Haiti: A Look at the Reality." It is available for $2.50 postpaid from the Quixote Center, P.O. Box 5206, Hyattsville, MD 20782. END * * * FUJIMORI'S PROMISE: DEATH & TERROR by MCBeta & MC12 The Peruvian government is reaching around the globe to attack revolutionary opponents of its murderous state. The Fujimori regime is asking England to extradite Adolfo Olaechea, spokesperson and head of the Committee Sol Peru, a London, England organization dedicated to defending and "explain[ing] the true character of the People's War in Peru," under Peru's 1907 treaty with England. Fujimori charges him with "apology of terrorism."(1) Olaechea has received a death threat mailed from Oakland, Cal. carrying only one word: "USTED" (Spanish for "you"). It bore a skull-and-crossbones, the signature of the organized death squads. errorism."(1) Olaechea has received a death threat mailed from Oakland, Cal. carrying only one word: "USTED" (Spanish for "you"). It bore a skull-and-crossbones, the signature of the organized death squads. ____ the extradition request in the context of the quickening pace of the People's War.Communist Party of Peru leader Abimael Guzm‡n (and the parents of a slain revolutionary in her own right), who were recently in Brussels defending the Peruvian revolution as reported in MIM Notes 75. The La Torres live in Stockholm. The extradition campaign is also extending to Chile, France, Germany and Spain. Peru is asking those governments to extradite four people, two of whom they say are in Europe raising money for the PCP. The two alleged PCP supporters are Maximilano Durand Araujo, supposed to have been in France since 1982, and Jorge Mujica Contreras, who they say is in Spain. The other two are said to be supporters of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA).(2) In a March 24 interview with London's Asian Times, Olaechea explained the extradition request in the context of the quickening pace of the People's War.(3) "In Peru, the People's War continues to develop and the tempo of the struggle has more than doubled since the capture of Chairman Gonzalo [Guzm‡n] by the regime's anti-terrorist police. Moreover the stability of the mass-murderer regime of Fujimori is more and more precarious due to deep divisions in its only local prop, the armed forces of the reactionary state ... they have resorted to demand the extradition of a number of Peruvian democrats living abroad on a variety of bogus charges ... Principally they fear that in May, June, July and August of this year, the traditional months in which the revolutionary forces go on to the offensive, their regime will finally collapse. This extradition ploy shows clearly the degree of desperation they have reached." Olaechea also explained why the British government, in collusion with Fujimori and the U.S. funded drug trade, would not "proceed with impartiality" in his extradition case. He pointed to the financial support Britain has given to the so-called war on drugs, and to a BBC report of last year which showed "the complicity and participation of the highest echelons of the Fujimori regime in the drug trade." "In fact, in the last of the Newsnight programs, Fujimori's own vice-president, Maximo San Roman characterized the current regime as 'the rule of a drugs mafia.' In my opinion, both Garel Jones [Foreign Office Minister for Latin American Affairs] and Kenneth Clarke [Home Secretary] are totally disqualified to act impartially in this case. They have hopelessly compromised themselves with the dictator and his cronies, including the drug baron Vladimiro Montesinos, the presidential 'adviser' in direct control of the regime's anti-drug program." MIM stands firmly in solidarity with Adolfo Olaechea, not because his "civil liberties" or "international law" are being violated (for MIM knows these "rights" are merely privileges granted by the bourgeoisie to itself), but because of his internationalist proletarian ideology and practice. The Committee Sol Peru is raising money for its Fighting Fund Appeal, in order to cover the legal, printing, campaigning and other costs of Olaechea's extradition. People interested in contributing to this fund, by check or international money order, can write to the Adolfo Olaechea Fighting Fund at LLoyds Bank (Walham Green Branch) account number in London: 7167762 - Olaechea A. ISA. Repression * As part of a media crackdown in Peru, the government has convicted a Peruvian reporter for compiling a television special on human rights abuses. The judge also ordered the arrest of the show's director--in Spain.(4) * When Fujimori launched his coup last April, one of the things he wanted was to increase the efficiency of political repression. Now the U.S. State Department estimates that as many as 500,000 people are awaiting trial, as the backlogged sham-justice system bogs down under the weight of mass arrests.(5) * Reuters reports that: "Fujimori, who seized near-dictatorial powers last year, said on Tuesday he supported a constitutional measure empowering him to dissolve Peru's Congress in times of national crisis."(6) Resistance * On March 28, "thirty-two inmates, most of them Maoist Shining Path guerrillas, broke out of a jail near Cuzco after a car bomb exploded at the facility, and four died in a shootout that followed."(7) * The guerillas of the PCP struck at government forces in April: The PCP killed the governor of the Alto Biabo area, Hector Lopez, and seven other soldiers in an ambush.(8) Earlier, guerillas ambushed an army truck on the Santiago de Chuco-Trujillo highway, killing 10 members of the security forces and wounding eight others.(9) * Public sector workers led a wave of strikes in March, challenging government economic policies. Strikers were to include 65,000 health care workers at 2,000 clinics, and 4,500 doctors striking in sympathy with them. At the same time, 4,000 railroad employees struck, costing the mining industry alone at least $1.5 million. Then, 200,000 public school teachers planned a strike to protest falling real wages that have dropped to $75 per month.(10) And economic crisis Peru's economy officially shrank by almost 3% last year. The monthly minimum wage at the end of the year was about $42. Twelve million of Peru's 22 million people are counted below the official poverty line.(11) The oppressed in Peru have no friends in the imperialist capital business. But the government does. With no base of support among the people, the Peruvian government has no choice but to belly up at the bar of dependent addiction. The International Monetary fund has cleared $1.4 billion in new loans to Peru. Almost all of the money will have to be turned around to service existing debts, but in the process "old" debts will become "new" debts, and Peru's ability to get even more loans will improve. And so on.(12) Notes: 1. The Guardian 3/20/93. 2. Agence France Presse 3/6/93. 3. Asian Times 3/24/93. 4. UPI 3/16/93. 5. Washington Post 3/22/93. 6. Reuters 3/30/93. 7. Reuters 3/29/93. 8. UPI 4/9/93. 9. L.A. Times 4/6/93. 10. Notimex Mexican News Service 3/16/93. 11. Washington Post 3/14/93. 12. Daily Report For Executives 3/19/93. * * * REVIEW: "DUEL IN PERU: A 3-ACT ON THE SHINING PATH" S. Colman 1993 MIM applauds S. Colman's efforts in this play. While the Peruvian revolution has most anarchists these days falling to agnosticism or pacifism, Colman--a self-described anarchist--is working to popularize the fact of the revolution. "Duel in Peru" demonstrates a commitment to developing the level of debate between anarchists and communists, on the tactics and strategy of revolutions. MIM's criticism of this play includes a critique of anarchism as an ideology and a center of organization, as well as Colman's thin treatment of Marxism. This review is written as part of what we hope will be a continuing debate between anarchists and Maoists on the questions of world revolution, and towards the most effective means of organizing in the interests of the people of Peru and the world. Marxism and anarchism Colman is attempting to develop and strengthen the connections between Marxism and anarchism. Colman takes on the title of "a hyphenated anarchist--like anarcho-Marxism (along with anarcho- pacifism, anarcho-feminism, etc.)."(1) MIM calls people like Colman, who recognize the need for dialectical analysis and for the elimination of oppression, communists in ideology. Materialists, such as Colman, recognize that anarchism is an ideal at this stage, not a means of eliminating oppression. "Anarchism's strength is in its ability to provide an idealistic utopian vision. Without a vision, change cannot happen. But a vision is not enough. The communist method of materialism can get us from here to the stateless, classless society. Idealism alone will get us nowhere. Keep fighting the power--one winnable battle at a time," said one ex-anarchist turned Maoist.(3) Colman spends a lot of time playing with the tension between individualist ideology and revolutionary analysis. Individualist theory is used as a prop for capitalism and is difficult for revolutionaries to get rid of entirely. This tension becomes the principal contradiction in the play--superseding the political debate and focusing on the personal. This approach discounts the importance of revolution and political struggle. But MIM's cultural tastes dictate that people starting political projects should finish them--to do otherwise is to demean the political struggle you intend to help. The duel The plot centers on the debate between Marxism--in the form of Vera, a former student at the University of Ayacucho, and a member of the Communist Party of Peru (PCP)--and anarchism, represented by Jamil, a wealthy Jordanian anarchist slumming it in a Lima shantytown. Jamil persistently tries to pick Vera up. Vera spends much of the play arguing why political commitment is essential. Jamil, on the other hand, is happy to criticize all political movements from the standpoint of pacifist, animal-loving individualism. Representing a privileged and adventurist ideology, Jamil is the son of a formerly feudal and increasingly bourgeois family. "Duel in Peru" culminates in a saber duel between Jamil and the chief of the local anti-terrorism police precinct. The duel boils down to a combination of machismo and the remaining decadence of "honor" in the old feudal society. The chief of police (from a land-owning background himself) sees a social equal in Jamil, and calls on Jamil to help him re-live the good old days of land- owning glory. Jamil, the righteous anarchist, obliges. Synthesis The romantic backdrop muddles the debate between anarchism and Maoism. The political content suffers somewhat from the format as well--political struggle makes for less than graceful dialogue. In Act I, Vera hears out some of Jamil's idealist criticisms of the PCP, and pushes him to offer them to the party as constructive criticism. He proves to be a nihilist, unwilling to struggle or engage in principled debate. (He's been there, done that, doesn't have the energy.) Vera continues to meet with him and talk politics, while Jamil continues to use these meetings to try to get her into bed. This sexual dynamic cripples the attempt at political synthesis. The play does not hold any struggle sharp enough to demarcate between anarchism and communism. Nor does it arrive at the most correct answer on any of the strategic questions it raises (animal rights, pacifism, state capitalism, fascism, free love, individualism). Discussion of these issues amounts to bandying back and forth the stereotypes each actor has of the others' ideology. It's one thing to take this as an artistic approach to a random anarchist character--making him a composite of assorted ideologies associated with anarchism. But it's irresponsible to take the same approach to representing the PCP, a long-standing organization with a published line on many of the questions raised here.(2) Both Vera and Jamil take a disproportionate number of instances from Amerikan history as illustrations for their arguments. The examples that are not out of Amerikan history and culture were popularized enough in the U.S. to have a high recognition factor for most Amerikans. It doesn't do much for realism, but this is a nice touch in a polemic. It gives the play's most likely audience an easy frame of reference to work with so that they can concentrate on struggling with the politics at hand. "Duel in Peru" gets credit for being closer to a synthesis of Maoist and anarchist theory than many anarchist are willing to think about. It loses out in portraying both theses as less developed than they really are, lowering the level of unity it can hope to inspire. Colman has the anarchist side raising criticisms of Marxism that have been answered historically since before the Russian revolution. So while the play recognizes the need for a synthesis of theory, it has missed the boat on honestly defining the parts it is trying to synthesize. --MC45 "Duel in Peru" and a catalog of other writings by the same author are available from Dawn Press, P.O. Box 02936, Detroit, MI 48202. Notes: 1. "Marxist Communism" ("Synthesis of Anarchism and Marxism"), Freedom, Vol. 52, No. 17. Reprinted in "Duel in Peru." 2. Write to MIM for "Fundamental Documents" of the Communist Party of Peru, $5, and for a listing of other literature on the PCP and the political situation in Peru. 3. MIM Notes 62, March 1992. p.2. * * * FOOD NOT BOMBS HARASSED IN BOSTON by a comrade On April 17, Food Not Bombs of Boston rallied against an April 2 police attack on their food distribution on the Boston Common, during which the Boston police seized a folding table and a pot of hot soup. Food not Bombs in Boston has been serving these free meals for the hungry for 13 years and this was the first such police attack. Apparently the city recently decided this activity is against the law. In response to the police action, the Boston Globe ran an editorial defending the right of "people of all races and classes" to enjoy the parks. The Globe was really defending those races and classes (all the nice white businesspeople and tourists) who would like to be spared the sight of homelessness. The city park commissioner made this position clear, saying that food distribution "must not impinge on the rights of other people." This is the message from our government: the hungry should be left to go hungry if feeding them is going to make a stroll in the public park less pleasant for the wealthy. At the April 17 rally, which had about 50 people in attendance, MIM spoke with a few of the Food not Bombs supporters. "I understand that people don't want to see homelessness," one person explained, "It is upsetting to see others in a state of destitution. But if you don't want to see homelessness, please don't shove us off in a corner, do something about it. We can quench peoples hunger by feeding them and that in itself is a tremendous act. But if we ever want to solve the problem on a large scale we need to make it visible." Another participant in the rally explained that they think this harassment is related to other poverty-related problems in Amerikan society such as the mental health industry. "I'm involved in the movement for survivors of the mental health system. When I've been short of dollars I've eaten at Boston Common. The right to food is so basic and the mental health system enslaves people because they are poor. Mental health and psychiatry are calling people ill because of things that have to do with poverty." The city of Boston does not like Food not Bombs because their mission is "feeding people in the most public way, keeping the problem of homelessness in the public eye."(1) This group in Boston attracts a lot of youth with energy and interest. The members of Food not Bombs are learning about the way society is set up and teaching others about the problems inherent to this structure. MIM agrees that feeding people is an important task, and we applaud those who do this in a more political way than the soup kitchens set up by the state to keep people dependent. But MIM would take this model a step further and looks to the Black Panther Party for an example. They set up breakfast programs that provided food as well as political education and a structure through which the people could take control of their lives. MIM does not agree with the inherently pacifist message of Food not Bombs. While we would like to solve society's problems without violence, history has already demonstrated that the imperialists will not step down without a fight. If we truly want to eliminate hunger first we have to eliminate the structure that keeps some people poor and hungry in order to keep others wealthy. MIM calls on Food not Bombs and all other people interested in real equality and justice to study history and take the most successful road forward towards a society where no one ever goes hungry: the revolutionary road. Notes: Food not Bombs member quoted in the Boston Globe. * * * GUERILLA TEACHER TELLS IT LIKE IT IS by a correspondent Not all is bleak for the prisoners of Amerika's miseducation system. Recently, a group of mostly Black and Latino junior high school students got their hands on a revolutionary history lesson- -and they ran with it. Schools in oppressed communities have been turned into holding pens for the jails and prisons. "Educators" deliberately define oppressed people right out of existence. Curriculum designers attempt to brainwash the youth into believing that the only way out of poverty and national oppression is to join ranks with their colonial oppressors. Fortunately, the youth are much smarter than their teachers. Real world history Recently a revolutionary "guerrilla teacher" taught World History in a locked-down junior-high school on the West Coast. Ninety percent of the students trapped inside this leaking and filthy facility are Black and Latino. Ninety-five percent of the staff and teachers are white and unionized. The students' history textbook features one of Columbus' ships on the cover. The youth had just been graded on this test: 1. On average 1 out of 8 blacks died along the middle passage. Determine what percentage of slaves made it to the New World and what percentage died along the way. Show your work! 2. In your opinion, was the percentage who died along the middle passage a large number? If so, why? 3. As a captain of a slave ship, what dangers would cause you to worry about the health of the slaves? 4. What methods could the slave traders come up with to prevent so many slaves from dying along the trip? 5. Every ship captain had to answer whether to loosely pack his ship or to pack it tightly. Choose one method for your ship and explain why you chose that method. The guerrilla teacher began by tearing up this test--and the seating charts--in front of the classes, and freewheeling discussion ensued. The youth produced these brief (unedited) essays in response to questions of their own choosing: "What would you do if you in Africa and someone tried to capture you to make you a slave?" *If I was a person trying not to get caught by people and if it was a man, I'd kick him in his balls and run like fuck. Now if it was a woman I'd grab her by her hair and fuck that bitch up. I ain't gonna be a slave. Fuck that shit, if I did get put a slave, I'd have them kill me because I'm not having that. *If somebody came and try to take over my country, I'd beat them down. *I would have tried to fight back and say bad words to them. If they would kill me I would be happy. I'd rather die then be a slave for the whites and suffer with no food, no water and not that much sleep. *If someone made me or tried to make me a slave I'd probably escape and go somewhere where no one could find me. I would never be a slave and be forced to do something I don't want to do. I don't even do the things my older brothers tell me to do. *The thing I would do if I was a slave in Africa would be escaping out of Africa. I would never work for the white man. I don't think that will be fair and it is cruel for white people to treat blacks as dogs and walk all over them and spit on them. I wish it would be other way around when the blacks walked all over the white people and spit on them and make them work. *If there were some people trying to take me as a slave I would get a boat and go to a far away country where they could not find me. I wouldn't want them to take me as a slave and they wouldn't want me to take them as a slave. *I would be very very angry at the people who took me there which is the white man. I would make shore that my children and my grandchildren would not have to go threw what I had to go threw wich was slavery. I would make shore my children would be free. *If I was in Africa in the 1500s and someone tried to make me a slave I would fight hard as I could to get away. Even if I died trying to get away. If they did get me on the boat I would try as hard as I could to kill those MothaFuckers. If I could they would have to kill my ass. *I would not listen to them and use profanity. I would run away from them and take a weapon and try to defend myself. If I had to become a slave I would just kill myself. They would come to my house I would try to kill them. I would use a spear to stab him on the throat until they would die. If they took me then I would just let them kill me. *If I was about to get taken to slavery I would throw my spear at the man's head. If he would fight back I would pull out my trusty sword and shoot them. If the swine has 3 people come to fight me, I know the blind guy saw it all and will tell the rest of the tribe. *If they try to make me a slave I'm going to scape and I go in the other country or I will tell the president or governor that they tried to make me a slave. *I would have tried to run away at night to a far away land so that I can't become a slave but if they still try to catch me I guess I would have a disguise and start to kill soldiers with my bow and arrow when the others are not looking. *I will say bitch you better not. If you do I will kill you. Chop off your head. *I would scream and holer for my mom and dad and almost die. *If they would turn me into a slave I would scape before they got near me or I would die first before they catch me. I would rather be dead than be a slave. No guy would take me alive, nobody. If they turn me into a slave I will disguise myself to be a white men. *I think that if I was a slave I wouldn't scape because when you scape you have like 80% that you are going to die. So when you are a slave you have where to sleep once you get to eat. *But for another part, I would try to escape because being a slave you don't have a life. The people just use you. *In my part of me I think that that was wrong to treat slaves like they did. I think that when a female slave had a kid, the kid would turn out to be a slave too. So that would never stop. That's why they had alot of maids. *I think that when people talk about Africa they shouldn't get mad because some people want to know more about Africa. Nobody makes fun of them because there black. * * *