Under Lock and Key and the Paper Tigers are not available for this issue.--mim5@mim.org I N T E R N E T ' S M A O I S T M O N T H L Y = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = XX XX XXX XX XX X X XXX XXX XXX XXX X X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X V X X X V X X X X X X X XX XXX X X X X X X XX X X X X X X X XXX X X X V XXX X XXX XXX = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = THE MAOIST INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT MIM Notes 71 DECEMBER, 1992 MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the world's oppressed majority, and against the imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in the service of the people. support it, struggle with it and write for it. IN THIS ISSUE: 1. EL SALVADOR: MASSES RESIST SURRENDER 2. LETTERS 3. ERITREA, A VICTORIOUS PEOPLES REVOLUTION 4. D.C. STATEHOOD IS NOT ENOUGH 5. CANADA REFERENDUM POSES MEANINGLESS QUESTION 6. REVIEW: SNEAKERS REFLECTS HACKER LIBERALISM 7. REMEMBER THE FILLMORE! 8. WHITE TRUCKERS TRASH PUBLIC HOUSING; COPS SUPPORT THE ACTION 9. RACISTS REWARDED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is a revolutionary communist party that upholds Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comprising the collection of existing or emerging Maoist internationalist parties in the English-speaking imperialist countries and their English-speaking internal semi-colonies, as well as the existing or emerging Spanish-speaking Maoist internationalist parties of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of the U.S. Empire. MIM Notes is the newspaper of MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish-speaking parties or emerging parties of MIM. MIM is an internationalist organization that works from the vantage point of the Third World proletariat; thus, its members are not Amerikans, but world citizens. MIM struggles to end the oppression of all groups over other groups: classes, genders, nations. MIM knows this is only possible by building public opinion to seize power through armed struggle. Revolution is a reality for North America as the military becomes over-extended in the government's attempts to maintain world hegemony. MIM differs from other communist parties on three main questions: (1) MIM holds that after the proletariat seizes power in socialist revolution, the potential exists for capitalist restoration under the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within the communist party itself. In the case of the USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's death and the overthrow of the "Gang of Four" in 1976. (2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural Revolution as the farthest advance of communism in human history. (3) MIM believes the North American white-working-class is primarily a non-revolutionary worker-elite at this time; thus, it is not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in this country. MIM accepts people as members who agree on these basic principles and accept democratic centralism, the system of majority rule, on other questions of party line. "The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is universally applicable. We should regard it not as dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases, but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of revolution." -- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208 * * * EL SALVADOR: MASSES RESIST SURRENDER Despite the efforts of the Farabundo Mart’ National Liberation Front (FMLN) to surrender, pressure from above and below is holding up the process. The people are reluctant to give up their arms with nothing to show for it, and the military is poised to massacre disarmed combatants. FMLN leaders say they are "full of optimism" at the prospect of surrender followed by bourgeois elections under military rule, but one guerilla sums up a popular feeling as he is told to surrender his gun: "I do not have any land, and the army is still full of people who want to kill me." Meanwhile, the demoralized Amerikan solidarity movement, which watched helplessly as Soviet-backed movements failed in Nicaragua and El Salvador, clings to the U.N.'s absurd claim that "this is the closest that any process has ever come to a negotiated revolution." Well, if this is as close as it gets, then we're not interested. The people of El Salvador have shed enough blood to deserve victory. FMLN NEGOTIATES SURRENDER by MC251 In late October, negotiators rushed back to El Salvador to save the U.N.-sponsored peace agreement agreement between the Farabundo Mart’ National Liberation Front (FMLN) and the Salvadoran government, pushing back the final date for compliance with the accords from the previous October 31 to December 15. Due to the Salvadoran military's refusal to comply with the agreements and reform itself, the FMLN refused to totally disarm by the end of October. The "peace" agreement went into effect in February, ending El Salvador's 12-year civil war. In an attempt to portray the accords as a victory for the FMLN and the people of El Salvador, supporters of the FMLN have repeated U.N. mediator Alvaro de Soto's twisted refrain: "this is the closest that any process has ever come to a negotiated revolution."(1) October was very tense in El Salvador. The agreements had called for purging notorious human rights abusers in the Salvadoran military, cutting the military in half, dismantling the U.S.- trained elite battalions responsible for the largest massacres in the war, forming a new civilian police force containing both ex- military and ex-FMLN combatants, as well as some Constitutional reforms, human rights agreements, and legalizing the FMLN as a political party to run in elections.(2) This is the same fascist military which has ruthlessly dominated the country-in the interests of the 14-family oligarchy which owns almost all the land in El Salvador-since drowning a peasant uprising in blood in 1932, and the same military which is responsible for the vast majority of the 75,000 deaths in the last 12 years. Reforms don't come easy. Rumors of a military coup to replace President Alfredo Cristiani, who has been instrumental in the negotiations, with the more obedient Vice President Francisco Medino began to surface in October,(3) along with a sharp rise in death threats and attempted assassinations of FMLN and popular organization leaders from right wing death squads.(4) Advertisements have appeared daily in El Salvador's newspapers threatening the lives of FMLN fighters. At least four death-squad-style assassination attempts against FMLN members have been reported since mid-October, as well as numerous threats against union leaders.(4) MIM shudders to think of the killing spree that the military and death squads may launch against the people once the FMLN is fully disarmed. In return for very limited reforms of the government and military, and in the face of heightened death squad activity, the FMLN has agreed to completely dismantle its own military structure, give up its weapons, and join the bourgeois political process as an electoral party. Far from a "negotiated revolution," this is a simple negotiated surrender by FMLN leaders. While FMLN General Command member Shafik Handal says, "We're full of optimism that things will turn out well,"(5) FMLN members don't all agree. "I do not have any land, and the army is still full of people who want to kill me," said Miguel Angel, a 26-year-old guerrilla scheduled to turn in his machine gun on October 30.(6) It appears that Angel's uncertainty is not isolated either. On the contrary, "Angel, who was wounded fighting in San Salvador during the FMLN's spectacular 1989 offensive there, is typical of the many guerrilla combatants who do not trust the fragile peace agreements. They believe their leaders may not have gotten enough in return for the only thing they have to offer under the U.N.- backed accord-disarmament."(6) "In this hamlet [Guarjila], an FMLN stronghold throughout the war, the rebels turned in their guns with little sense of triumph or emotion." Commander Douglas Santamaria, who spent more than 20 years fighting, said "The people understand what we are doing, but of course they are scared."(6) While FMLN leaders seem, at least since the mid-1980s, to have viewed their military power mainly as a bargaining chip to be negotiated away for some reforms at the first opportunity, the rank-and-file FMLN comrades were fighting to win military victory and overthrow capitalist rule in El Salvador. No significant strides have been made around what most agree is the main cause of the war-the struggle over land. As one pro-FMLN source states, "Land ownership in formerly conflictive zones has become the most disputed and volatile issue of the cease-fire period."(7) No significant land reform agreements were included in the accords. Of course, any "land reform" agreement that leaves the land under control of the oligarchy to be used to grow cash crops primarily for export will not solve El Salvador's problems. Rather than championing the peasants' struggle for land, the leaders of the FMLN and the Democratic Campesino Alliance (ADC), have promised the government to cease land takeovers in the countryside, in an attempt to induce the National Association of Private Enterprise (ANEP) to join them in the peace process! Peasants in El Salvador's countryside see more clearly than their so-called leaders who their enemies are; they don't need this dead-end road of talking peace with exploitative landlord capitalists. "Despite government threats, denunciations by landowners, and commitments made by the FMLN and the ADC, the takeovers have continued to occur. In an interview with Rosario Acosta published in the July 14 issue of Envio, she said 'the land takeovers are not being promoted by the ADC, but have rather escaped its control.' The campesino rank-and-file of the popular movement has shown a high level of mobilization and a great ability to take actions in support of its demands, and to do so somewhat independently of the movement's leadership."(8) The objectives of U.S. imperialism have still been achieved in El Salvador, due to blatant accommodation to imperialism by the FMLN. "Senior rebel officials say they now want the United States Embassy, and especially American military advisors, to remain in El Salvador. 'Our attitude has changed,' admits Ana Guadalupe Martinez, a rebel official. 'We think the U.S. military group can help in the transition to peace."(9) The FMLN is also joining in the call for "humanitarian aid" from imperialist lending institutions such as the IMF, World Bank and the U.N. Many now predict that the FMLN, in coalition with other Social Democratic electoral parties, will be victorious in the 1994 elections. But MIM has learned from history that winning bourgeois elections, while the military is still the strongest institution in country, is not going to fundamentally change El Salvador. This is what the five groups comprising the FMLN said during the 1970s and early 1980s. MIM wonders, what is different now, other than FMLN accommodation to imperialism spurred by the collapse of the state-capitalist the USSR? Even if the FMLN gains power through elections, they are sure to face military coup attempts backed by the CIA, such as those that occurred to elected leftist governments in Chile in 1973 and in Haiti in 1991. While the FMLN leaders celebrate the peace accords and look forward to their seats in the government, the people of El Salvador only have before them more misery caused by capitalism. While MIM celebrates the 12-year heroic struggle of the Salvadoran people, we are saddened that the current phase of struggle is ending in capitulation rather than victory. Notes: 1. Alert! January 1992, p. 1. 2. El Rescate Human Rights Report January 1-13, 1992. 3. UPI 11/6/92. 4. Committee In Solidarity with the People of El Salvador 10/23/92. 5. El Rescate Human Rights Report October 26-November 2, 1992. 6. Washington Post 11/1/92. 7. Voices on the Border Update Spring 1992, p. 5. 8. N.Y. Transfer News Service 10/92. 9. New York Times Magazine 2/9/92, p. 27. * * * LETTERS "THIS IS BULLSHIT! FASCISTS GET OUT!" AND "FASCIST PROPAGANDA!" Two of MIM's fliers received the previous responses at an East Coast college. For the record, MIM strongly opposes fascism. In fact, we believe that history shows Maoism to be the ideology best capable of relegating fascism to the dustbin of history. Since its inception in Italy, fascism has been a reaction against socialism. Whether you look at Fascist Italy's occupation of Ethiopia, or Nazi Germany's expansion in Europe, you will find that fascists pursue a policy of imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism. Communists have been decisive in defeating fascism. Stalinism, which MIM upholds, was a policy of building socialism in the USSR. Thanks to Stalinism, the USSR quickly moved from feudal backwardness to become the world's second-largest industrial power. With its new strength, the USSR was able to play the most decisive role in defeating Hitler's army. This success was also partly due to Stalin's purges of reactionary Party members, which ensured the USSR's role as the only Allied power with no pro-Hitler Fifth Column. It is the anti-Stalinists who fail to defend successful struggle against fascism. A BRIEF ON U.S. EVIL & GRANDPAPA AFRICA FROM 1492-1992 We, the 466 innocent families at Geneva Towers, were all found to be guilty of letting the previous management company let the Towers become uninhabitable. For our neglect we were all stripped of our Constitutional rights by the new owner of Geneva Towers: the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). There has been no consideration of our citizenship; although we all are American citizens and as such we thought that the Constitution of the United States of America extended to us 466 American families who reside in the Towers. How wrong we were. We've been treated in the same heinous fashion as were our rightless ancestors when they stepped proudly in chains with their noble heads held high even though they were whipped with bullwhips as they marched down the gangplank of the U.S. Slave Ship Mayflower some 500 years ago. Five hundred years later we are locked in a continuous war for space in these 22-story complexes run by today's slave-runner John Stewart, an official Reservation-Keeper for the U.S. government. The slum conglomerates are making billions of dollars a year in profits off of us, the descendants of those noble African Kings, Queens, Princes and Princesses. We, like they, are the 90s biggest Black gold fields ever! The Drug Enforcement Agency's most perfect, heinous scam yet! Just think how many tons of drugs are pumped into the pens nationwide ... Look at just Slumlord John Stewart's 35 slum pens in the Bay Area. Now lock them all down 24 hours a day. Let the perverted, terrorist off-duty police moonlighting as "guards" beat the hell out of the population. Let them fill us full of fear of eviction by evicting as many as they need to instill that fear. Let them scatter HOPE II funds and watch John Stewart refuse to make repairs and steal and salt away the millions. Now call on those greedy politicians that had their campaign coffers stuffed with our blood-stained Money. Call out those human leeches from the Sun Reporter newspaper and all the other beggar-groups that paint pictures to fool the people as they plunder the truth. Our hard-fought battle began in 1977 when the First Great African Queen of Geneva Towers Tenant's Association (GTTA) discovered a plot to install the Bay Area Urban League as drivers on the plantation. Our Queen was backstabbed and then rewarded with a management position. After I was nominated Acting Chair of GTTA in 1980, I spent days and nights in constant communication with our wounded Queen as she outlined to me what to watch out for and where I had to take GTTA if we were to gain an advantageous position. The Queen told me, "Create the best set of Bylaws that the mind can put together by law. Make them so strict that even you may not think that you can work under them. Do the same thing with your Articles of Incorporation and the 501C(3) tax-exempt status." Thirteen months later GTTA had carried out First Great Queen's orders. GTTA did this by selling cupcakes, aluminum cans, newspapers and other bake sale goods. By the time management figured out what GTTA was doing-and banned the sale of food stuff-GTTA had reached its goals. We had our own constitution. "Close down shop, GTTA, if you have to. Resign Africa, Jr. if you must, BUT DO NOT LET MANAGEMENT DIVIDE YOU WITH THEIR OWN CONTROLLED GROUP OF BLIND FOOLS," said Grandpapa Africa. The group of fools came along in 1981. They stabbed us in the back. I hastily planted a group of African leadership seeds that Grandpapa Africa had given to me as he was led away in chains. He whispered to me then, "Plant these seeds down by the River of Hope just as soon as you can, boy. They's got to be fully grown by October 12, 1992." That was on October 6, 1492, the last time I heard or saw Grandpapa Africa from a visual or bodily point of view. He was on a soulful plane-taking his walking trip through eternity. -Africa, Jr. the 391st October 1992 MIM replies: Grandpapa Africa, you did not struggle in vain. It has been a long fight. It will yet be a long fight. The seeds you passed on are flourishing from the mountains of Geneva Towers to the mountains of Peru. Grandpapa Africa is the spirit of the world resistance. When the people slaving inside Amerika look outside this dead culture and witness the consciously donated blood flowing in the Peruvian Andes for the liberation of us all, you, Africa, will finally rest in peace. NEED PERU PAMPHLET Dear MIM, Please rush me 10 copies of the new 40-page pamphlet, "Support the People's War in Peru." I've sent this via Express mail because I will be speaking at a public meeting [soon]. Although Peru is not the topic, I want to have this literature available to combat the disinformation of imperialism and the revisionist left. The topic is elections '92. I am in complete agreement with MIM's assessment: Don't Vote-Build This Revolutionary (Maoist) Party. The meeting is sponsored by Friends of the People's Weekly World which recently ran a negative article in their paper about the PCP. I've enclosed that article along with a response which I faxed. Hope they print it. -Long Live Proletarian Revolution September, 1992 CRITIQUE OF THE PEOPLE'S WEEKLY WORLD William Pomeroy's article, "The Distorted Path of the Ultra-Left," vilifies the Communist Party of Peru because they have chosen armed struggle over the opiate of capitalist electoral politics. In other Latin American countries, communist and workers' parties participate in bourgeois politics only to find that they have been led into the marsh of opportunism. When the FMLN in El Salvador opposed U.S. orchestrated elections, they too were compared to Pol Pot by reactionaries throughout the world. The Communist Party of Peru is serious about socialist revolution. "Sharing power" with capitalists is not their idea of a government of workers and peasants. For this they are shunned and lied about. But no amount of imperialist slander will defeat a people's revolution. Instead of reinforcing imperialist propaganda against the vanguard of Peru's workers and peasants, it is better to support the revolution and direct our attacks at the cause of Peru's crisis: the Fujimori dictatorship and its puppet master, U.S. imperialism. * * * ERITREA, A VICTORIOUS PEOPLES REVOLUTION by a comrade On September 29 Dan Connell, a freelance journalist and professor of journalism, gave a talk entitled "Eritrea: The Challenge of Peace" in Cambridge, Mass. He presented some of the most up-to- date information on the Eritrean struggle MIM can find, mostly from first hand travels to the area. This article is based on information presented in this talk. Connell has a book forthcoming from Red Sea Press about Eritrea. Eritrea is a small country of about 3.5 million people in the Horn of Africa. The Eritrean people fought a 30-year war for independence from an Ethiopia government that was backed alternately by the United States and the Soviet Union with additional aid from Cuba and Israel, among others. In May of 1991, the Eritreans emerged victorious, liberating not only Eritrea, but also Ethiopia from foreign domination. According to Connell, Eritrea is now the only tranquil spot in the Horn of Africa. Eritrea is a modern day example of the power of people, in spite of lack of technological resources, lack of funding, and lack of formal training and education, to fight and win a war against a country far more wealthy in resources, training, arms, and funding. Even before victory the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) was organizing health care and education in the liberated areas, so people could begin to fight famine and create a more advanced society than the backwards structure that was bred by forced colonization. Formed in the 1960s, the EPLF was trained and educated in Maoist warfare and political theory, and many of the original members studied in China (see MIM Notes 54). The EPLF never openly supported Maoism or claimed to be a Maoist revolutionary party but they clearly retain many of the lessons of Maoism, from their method of guerrilla warfare, to their use of "barefoot doctors" in the countryside.In colonized Eritrea women were bought and sold into marriage. They needed permission from a man to go to the market. Genital mutilation was commonplace.In the liberated areas the EPLF organized women and men around the need for change through education of both men and women and the political motivation of women. They carried out a major education campaign around marriage laws and other backwards laws regarding women. These reforms were implemented at the village level when the village people were convinced of the need for change: none of the changes were legislated by the EPLF. While carrying out this education the EPLF itself was setting an example by enacting progressive policies in the armed forces that included abolishing marriage laws and abolishing laws banning women from owning property. Women and men were trained separately for the army, but after training they were joined together to fight. These pre-victory practices have been carried over into post- revolutionary society as the elected governments in the communities are now 25-30% women. Everyday life in Eritrea evidences women in a far better position than before the revolutionary struggle began. When Connell visited, he found that the police of the provisional government in Eritrea did not carry guns. The area was very safe without the need for armed force. There were no longer restrictions on people's movement. And for the first time in many years of war there was no curfew and people were not afraid to walk around in daylight.As a result of the long war and the Ethiopian attacks backed up by 10 to 12 billion dollars in arms from the Soviet Union, almost all of the cities in Eritrea were decimated with the noted exception of Asmara. The major port in Eritrea, Masawa, was destroyed. There are still many land mines in some of the most fertile fields and people are injured on a daily basis as these continue to go off. In addition, a 12-year drought has left Eritrea with very little livestock, compounding the problems from lack of irrigation and a ravished countryside. But in spite of these difficulties, the Eritrean people are beginning to build a new society. Eighty to 85% of the population is living off of donated relief (a small amount from some major governments and most from independent sources), but they are also constructing a society that can be self-sufficient. And unlike the many corrupt programs of relief distribution prevalent in colonies experiencing famine, Eritrea has created a very efficient system of distribution that gets food to all the people. Every village has a committee in charge of making sure that everyone receives grain, according to need, and Connell could find no evidence of corruption in the relief effort. The EPRDF has been working without pay for reconstruction for the past year since the end of the war, reflecting the dedication of the government and the commitment of the people to build a better society. The Eritrean people are beginning to build basins and irrigation. The provisional government uses the relief as food for work, and provides the population with jobs rebuilding society. All over there are reconstruction projects underway: people work on constructing roads, terracing hillsides and building houses among other necessary tasks. Eritrea's land does have the potential to provide enough food to sustain its people, and as these projects advance, and with the help of the recent rains, they will be able to move closer to this goal. The provisional government has also expanded the education and health care programs that were first implemented in the liberated areas. And very shortly after the end of the war the provisional government opened new schools in four different languages. Eritrea is made up of nine nationalities, and the new schools reflect the provisional government's desire to allow each nationality to retain its distinct heritage.The Transitional government of Ethiopia-run by the EPRDF-has an agreement with Eritrea to hold a referendum in April on the question of Eritrea's independence, in which the Eritrean people will almost certainly choose to continue along the path of independence.The struggle in Eritrea should hold several lessons for anti-imperialists. It demonstrates the ability of the masses, when properly organized, to fight seemingly insurmountable odds and win: liberation struggles are not a thing of the past. People often ask how any country could hope to fight the enormous might of a superpower like the United States, anti- imperialists should point to Eritrea as an example of this hope becoming a reality. The Eritrean people appear to be pursuing a path of integrated economy: some socialism and some capitalism. While MIM does not have much information right now as to exactly how they will carry out the task of rebuilding their society and economy, we learn from the history of the Nicaraguan revolution where capitalism was never eliminated, and the Cuban revolution where independence was sacrificed for dependency on the Soviet Union's aid. Without an independent self-sufficient socialist economic system, Eritrea may soon find itself unable to defend against foreign domination as was the case with Nicaragua and Cuba. In spite of potential differences over the direction post- revolutionary construction should take, MIM stands firmly behind the Eritrean people and applauds their revolutionary success. Struggles like this one, widely ignored by mainstream as well as "left" media, are the reason why we need an independent revolutionary press. For further reading on the history of Eritrea MIM recommends Never Kneel Down by James Firebrace. Send $9 to MIM for a copy postpaid. * * * D.C. STATEHOOD IS NOT ENOUGH by a comrade One month before the elections Congress forced the most expansive, racist death penalty initiative seen yet onto the ballot. A white Senator from Alabama proposed the initiative, outraged when his white aide was killed recently on Capitol Hill. The tough-on- crime measure was markedly not a response to the deaths of hundreds of Blacks in the city every year. Studies have shown that the death penalty used as a tool for nation and class oppression. This particular measure went further, expanding the crimes for which the death penalty could be imposed. It also would have the executions performed in the District, but rather in the home states of the white guys who proposed this in the first place! The methods of execution were not specified on the ballot, and therefore could have included electrocution in Alabama, lethal injection in Texas, or gassing in North Carolina.(2) The referendum was overwhelmingly defeated, by a 2-to-1 vote. The loudest opposition came from church leaders and local politicians, including the Rev. Jesse Jackson and D.C. Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly. But the strongest vote against the initiative came from the city's poorest, most crime-ridden areas. The media expressed shock at this, expecting poor Black people who are sick of crime to vote to kill other poor Black people who are sick of being oppressed.(3) The masses from the poorest neighborhoods know that the death penalty doesn't deter killings, and neither does increased police "protection." "Thou Shalt Not Kill" signs went up all over the city. Ministers opposed the measure on moral and religious grounds rather than political, but noted the disproportionate impact on young Black men, especially when the victim of the killing is white.(4) The problem is, some who voted against this initiative would vote for the death penalty if put on the ballot by D.C. residents. Statehood The death penalty measure was politically tied to the idea of statehood for the District of Columbia. And now that Clinton and more Democratic Congressional representatives have been elected, the statehood furor is moving at greater speeds, with continued begging of Congress for a statute that would create the 51st state. Statehood supporters are calling for voting representation in Congress and two Senators like every other state. Many believed that if D.C. residents accepted an initiative from Congress, all hopes of attaining statehood would be lost. Further, area politicians are now celebrating Clinton's victory, hoping it will mean increased autonomy and eventual statehood for the District.(5) (Remember, Clinton is the one who wants to put 100,000 more pigs on the streets and who brags about executions in Arkansas during his governorship.) One person noted that D.C. needs "more funding for education, recreation and after- school programs."(6) While an improvement over cops and executions, government-run educational programs will not stop "crime." The only thing that can possibly stop crime is a revolutionary reallocation of resources to the masses, which will not be accomplished through D.C. statehood. People fighting for statehood focus on the issue of taxation without representation-D.C. pays highest federal taxes per capita-and some liken the situation to that in Azania.(7) But what about those oppressed nations that do live in states that have "representation"? In 1973 Congress passed the Home Rule Act, which gave the District limited dominion over local affairs, but the federal government still retained veto power over all acts. Since 1979 the D.C. Statehood Party has been campaigning for a statehood initiative to bring more autonomy and self-determination to D.C. The name of the proposed state is New Columbia, a tribute to the colonialist monster Columbus.The proposed constitution and Bill of Rights sounds much like any other, including "freedom from discrimination" and laws against violence against people because of nationality, poverty, race, citizenship, sex, sexual orientation, etc.(1) These ideas sound great, but Amerikans have yet to see them put into practice by this white imperialist patriarchy. The call for statehood ignores the fact that Blacks, Latinos, and Indigenous peoples are oppressed even when they live in states with federal representation in Congress. The call for statehood is a liberal one, focussing on the racism of the status of D.C. today. But if we want real change and not just the kind of change promised by Clinton and the Democrats, then we need revolutionary calls for an overthrow of the entire Amerikan system, not a call to include more Blacks in the ranks of Congress and the Senate. Notes: 1. "The Statehood Option" in Facts & Issues, League of Women Voters of D.C. Education Fund, 1985. 2. Flier of Equal Justice, USA; A Project of the Quixote Center, Hyattsville, MD. 3. Washington Post 11/5/92, p. C1. 4. Flier of "Committee Against All Killing." 5. W.P. 11/5/92, p. C10. 6. W.P. 11/5/92, p. C14. 7. Community News, Howard University 6/7/90. * * * CANADA REFERENDUM POSES MEANINGLESS QUESTION [MIM Notes 72 ran the following correction about this story: CORRECTION ON CANADA Last month MIM Notes incorrectly reported that the Canadian fraternal organization to the Workers League favored the referendum. The Trotskyist organization that supported the referendum was the Canadian fraternal organization to the International Socialist Organization. Mobilisation should not have been described as a Marxist-Leninist organization; although they lean in this direction, they are in their formative stage and are a self- described independent communist collective. From the results of the referendum, it appears that the Spoil Your Ballot campaign reached a significant number of people. In Quebec, where the campaign focused much of their work, 2.64% of the ballots cast were spoiled. This is over 90,000 ballots, and in Ontario 28,000 ballots were spoiled. Of all ballots counted, 2.24% were spoiled. Notes: The Montreal Gazette 11/27/92] CANADA REFERENDUM POSES MEANINGLESS QUESTION [This is the original article.--mim5@mim.org] by a comrade While Amerikans were gearing up to go to the polls to choose between imperialist candidates, Canadians cast their ballots in a choice between reactionary nationalism and chauvinism. On October 26, this choice was presented in the form of a yes/no referendum on a new Canadian constitution that represented a carefully constructed compromise between the various capitalist interests in Canada. The referendum failed 54-46%, losing in six of 10 provinces and the Yukon. It lost decisively in Quebec and barely won in Ontario; every province had to approve for the changes to take effect.(2) The new constitution would have made cursory changes in various government bodies, turning the Senate into a representative upper house of the Parliament and giving each province a veto over further constitutional amendments. Many saw the referendum as a way to settle the Quebec autonomy fight that has been waging for more than 125 years. It offered greater than proportional representation to Quebec but would have maintained unity between Canadian provinces.(1) This left some on the No side opposing the constitution because it would give Quebec too much power, and others against the referendum because they want complete separation for Quebec. Also against the constitution were those who thought it gave native people too much autonomy as well as those who thought it did not give them enough. This made for an odd coalition that included the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, which opposed the accord because women were not represented separately as a group in the negotiations. Those in favor of the referendum basically supported the status quo in relations between Canadian provinces and a united Canada: many, including the Canadian fraternal organization to the Workers League, equated a Yes vote with patriotism. Those on the No side, whatever their reasons, were basically campaigning against something they did not like in the new accord, just as many Amerikans campaigned against Bush, assuming that the alternative could not be as bad. Most of the Trotskyists of Canada, with the exception of the Bolshevik Tendency, voted No for these reasons. It is unclear how this No victory on the referendum will affect Canada, but many suggest that it will further strain an already weak economy and united country. Yes or No is no choice Taking the Yes or No side in this referendum, just like taking the Bush or Clinton or Perot side in the elections, is not really a choice at all. Neither side offered any change to the imperialist status quo, just a bit of inter-imperialist power rivalry. It is interesting that so many organizations in Canada that call themselves revolutionary bowed to this imperialist bickering and took sides.Just as MIM denounces any progressive groups that legitimized the Amerikan elections by telling people to vote for Clinton or any independent candidates, MIM denounces these opportunist Trotskyists who actively campaigned on the part of the government to convince the people they really could make a difference through the ballots controlled by the imperialists. The only groups that MIM is aware of who actively campaigned against the entire ballot referendum-Groupe Action Socialiste, Mobilisation, and the Bolshevik Tendency-joined in a coalition calling for Canadians to spoil their ballots. (The first two are Marxist-Leninist organizations opposed to Trotskyism, but without a worked out line on Maoism, the latter is a Trotskyist split from the Spartacist League.) In a statement issued by Groupe Action Socialist, they explain some of their reasons for opposing this referendum: "The YES side does not want to really change the relations between nations that form this country. As for the NO side in Quebec, they want everything to become Quebecois rather than half Canadian and half Quebecois; but they also promise us that, for the rest, everything will stay the same. "The new constitutional deal offers no democratic solution to the divisions and national oppressions. Native people have been offered the possibility of being denied the right to government autonomy in five years from now. After intense backroom maneuvering, the Premiers took back with one hand what they had given with the other and have kept the First Nations under the trusteeship of federal and provincial laws. "We must manifest our opposition to the reactionary chauvinists in English Canada who denounce the deal because they think it is the best way to impose setbacks to Quebec as well as Native Nations. We must oppose the PQ and the Bloc Quebecois who are trying to scare French speaking workers by telling them the deal is threatening their basic rights and at the same time are attacking Native demands. We must oppose the capitalists and the politicians that support the deal only to protect their own interests and maintain their domination over us by making sure that workers in St. John, Newfoundland, Montreal or Whitehorse do not really have the same rights. "On October 26, spoil your ballot. Say No to that kind of politics and join us in fighting for real changes." MIM applauds the hard work of these comrades to expose the bankruptcy of the system in which a small group of bourgeois politicians put before the people only dead end choices. As the people will quickly learn, neither the No-to-Bush, nor the No-to- the-referendum side will result in any change from imperialist practices of either the Amerikan or the Canadian government. Notes: 1. Boston Globe 10/22/92, p. A1. 2. Economist 10/31/92, p. 41. * * * SNEAKERS REFLECTS HACKER LIBERALISM by a comrade Sneakers Directed by Phil Alden Robinson SNEAKERS is a deliberate acronym for "NSA reeks." The National Security Agency, one of Amerika's agencies of repression, is correctly depicted as a bad guy in this movie, but for the wrong reasons. The message, underscored by post-Cold War references to the Commonwealth of Independent States, is that now that the Cold War is over, Amerika's surveillance capacities serve only to invade Amerikans' "privacy rights." One of this movie's catch- phrases is that there are "too many secrets." This analysis totally misses the principal contradiction in the world before and after the USSR's collapse: the contradiction between imperialism and oppressed nations. Anybody want to guess how many NSA satellites are being used to watch and listen to PCP cadres in Peru? How about Iraq? Libya? Panama? Grenada? Nicaragua? We won't know the details until a People's Army busts the doors open, but we can be sure that the collapse of a rival imperialist power won't stop Amerika from spying on, jailing, bombing and starving the world's oppressed people. Sneakers reflects the liberal individualism of the computer hacker underground. The movie starts in 1969, with college kids Marty Bryce (Robert Redford) and Cosmo (Ben Kingsley) hacking into the Republican Party coffers to transfer money to the Black Panther Party and to a marijuana reform lobby. The hackers' selection of donation recipients symbolizes the best (Maoism) and worst (self- gratification) sides of the 1960s settler-left. The individualism of both the hacker world and the settler-left is evident: when the pigs bust Cosmo, Marty chooses to cover his own ass by going underground alone for 20 years rather than mobilizing the masses in Cosmo's defense. Furthermore, like many individualist leftists of the 1960s, Marty did not join a party (except maybe the Demokrats), and his already mushy politics have therefore degenerated to the point where, in 1992, he is using his hacking skills and contacts as a security expert for banks. Marty only has principles when he can afford them. When men purporting to be NSA agents threaten Marty with prosecution for his past hacking activities, he agrees to obtain a valuable microchip for the imperialist agency. Still, Marty seems to have learned since the 60s that organizations are more powerful than individuals. He is now part of a quasi-criminal collective with characters played by Sidney Poitier, Dan Aykroyd, River Phoenix, and David Strathairn. Mary McDonnell is recruited into the collective, sort of. She uses her sex appeal to obtain an ID card and voiceprint for the collective, and is helpful in other ways, but her role is marginal. This is reflective of the marginal role of women in the hacker underground. Under patriarchy, women are taught not to want power, and Sneakers correctly illustrates that seizing technology is seizing power. The collective shows itself to be a powerful force. Together they are able to rob a bank, to reconstruct Marty's journey in a car trunk, escape hostile situations, make a difficult-to-trace call to the NSA's Director of Operations (James Earl Jones). In one scene, a blind member of the collective (Strathairn), is even able to drive-poorly but sufficiently-thanks to cooperation with his comrade. Cooperation, discipline, and security all make for an effective organization, and Sneakers is correct to illustrate this. The collective shows by its practice that technology, including the Amerikan government's technology, can be defeated by people-if they are properly organized. After using their collective skills to steal the microchip for what they presume to be the NSA, they test the chip and find that as one of them says, "It's the codebreaker-no more secrets." Their decoder is a hacker's dream: they quickly break into the databanks of the Federal Reserve, the National Power Grid, and the Air Traffic Control System. Here one of the characters demonstrates their interest in power for its own sake: "Anybody want to crash a couple of passenger jets?" Marty's old settler-leftist hacking buddy Cosmo resurfaces as a bad guy. It's hard to tell who Cosmo is working for, if in fact he is working for anyone besides himself. He says he helped the Mob while in prison, and that they sprung him from jail and employed him. If he is lying, he's still not working for anyone more palatable than the Cosa Nostra. So regardless, he can be chalked up as another sixties settler-leftist who didn't join a party and ended up selling out his already mushy principles. Perhaps as a defense mechanism against his conscience, Cosmo has a "left" cover for his role as a capitalist parasite: "We were gonna change the world, Marty," he says. He explains that he plans to singlehandedly seize world power, then change the world. "Who else is going to change the world? Greenpeace?" Cosmo is correct in understanding that Greenpeace reformism is a dead-end road. He is also correct in understanding the relationship of power to change. Where he fails is in believing that individuals make history. It is the masses who make history. An individual who is isolated from the masses will inevitably fail to act in the interests of the masses. Marty, too, fails to act in the masses' interests. He recognizes the importance of power (as symbolized by the microchip), but basically sees it as a tool for his petty-bourgeois liberal ends. The collective gains leverage over the NSA when they realize that the chip has no use other than spying on rival Amerikan government agencies of repression. So they all get to blackmail whatever they want out of the NSA. What do they want? Marty wants his criminal record erased so he can enjoy a relaxing, bourgeois lifestyle without fear. Aykroyd wants a Winnebago. Poitier wants a trip to Europe with his wife. For good measure, Strathairn asks for "Peace on Earth and good will toward men," and Phoenix gets a lover (which incidentally serves to remind audiences that women are property). Also, the final scene shows that Marty now has the power to assuage some of the liberal guilt he feels on the two occasions in the film when he sees homeless people. The TV reports that the Republican Party is bankrupt; Amnesty International, Greenpeace, United Negro College Fund report record earnings. So now the black bourgeoisie is larger (at the expense of other third world people), white pseudoenvironmentalism can better be used as a club against third world people, and Amnesty International can better accomplish its anti-communist mission. These reactionary changes are what well-intentioned people make when they engage in focoism-militant struggle waged by people who are isolated from the aspirations of the masses. * * * REMEMBER THE FILLMORE! by a comrade Three hundred families from San Francisco's Fillmore District were murdered in 1977 by cyanide-laced Kool Aid at Jonestown, Guyana. They had been brainwashed and relocated to Guyana by white preacher Jim Jones. Jones left town after Mayor George Moscone was assassinated by supervisor Dan White. Jones was a land-speculator with political ties who commanded a bloc of Black votes. In return for votes to Moscone and traitor Assemblyman Willie Brown, Jones had been appointed President of the Board of Commissioners of the San Francisco Public Housing Authority. Within a year, Jones had resigned and convinced his "flock" to sell their homes and lease-rights for pittances to the San Francisco Redevelopment Agency and move with him to Guyana. On November 18, 1978 a visiting Congressman was gunned down at Jonestown and 900 women, men and children, including Jones, were found rotting in the hot Guyanan sun, dead from cyanide poisoning. Nine days later, ex-San Francisco Supervisor Dan White shot and killed Mayor Moscone and gay supervisor Harvey Milk in their City Hall offices. Moscone, Willie Brown and Jim Jones represented bourgeois factions scrambling for the billions of dollars of land being freed up for redevelopment in the Fillmore. Milk was simply homophobic icing on the cake of assassination. Brown is a world-class power-broker today. ITALIC The three hundred Black families that were murdered in Jonestown had owned and rented property in the Fillmore near in the "People's Temple." END They possessed certificates entitling them to move back into whatever buildings were erected on the sites of their homes at less-than-market values. Today, the Fillmore Center, a thousand-unit yuppie pleasure-dome, rises up over this boutiqued boneyard. Still today-Black San Franciscans speak in hushed tones of the awesome power required to remove and exterminate an entire community and make it look like suicide. The Oakland poet, Pat Parker, said in her poem about Jonestown: "Black people do not, do not commit suicide." Will we wake up one day and discover that three million public housing tenants have committed suicide? Not if MIM has anything to do with it. Study this newspaper. Read our literature on the true nature of Amerika. Struggle with us about Maoism, gender, national liberation, class struggle and revolution. ITALIC Before it is too late. END Notes: The 1987 suicide rate for Black males was 50% less than for white males. The 1987 homicide rate for Black males was 674% greater than for white males. Calculated from the Statistical Abstract of the United States 1990, p. 85. * * * WHITE TRUCKERS TRASH PUBLIC HOUSING; COPS SUPPORT THE ACTION by a comrade On the night of October 9, Mr. and Mrs. David Groves, two white truckers from Seattle, created a violent incident at 26th & Treat Streets near Bernal Dwellings housing project in San Francisco. The Groves drove their huge tractor-trailor into the narrow intersection and side-swiped several parked cars belonging to residents of the neighborhood. People gathered as David Groves, who had been riding shotgun, stepped out of the truck and directed his wife in backing up. Several more parked vehicles were hit by the truck. When the people asked him to stop destroying their cars, David Groves reached into the truck cab, grabbed a baseball bat and said, "I'm gonna kill you niggers!" The people defended themselves as they disarmed and beat up David Groves. Several crates of his cargo of fish were put on the sidewalk as collateral for damage done to the vehicles. Latonia Murdock, President of the Bernal Dwellings Tenant's Association, called an ambulance to the scene. Murdock witnessed a man break up the punishment of Groves and saw the man pick up and give Mrs. Groves a wedding ring she had dropped.When the San Francisco Police Department (SFPD) arrived Groves was taken away and treated for minor injuries. His truck was towed for safe keeping. SFPD officers told bystanders they could take the cartons of fish home since, otherwise, the fish would spoil. Rich and poor alike carted off the fish. But on October 10, the SFPD swooped down on Bernal Dwellings and forcibly entered apartments without search warrants. The contents of many apartments were ripped apart and anybody with fish in their refrigerator was held for interrogation. A number of men were arrested and later released without charges. Police also towed tenants' cars from legal parking spaces. Over the next several days the project was repeatedly attacked by police motorcycle and tac squads in riot gear. A 13 year-old girl playing "Hide The Belt" in the courtyard was handcuffed and patted down by male police who accused her of hiding drugs in the sandbox. A young boy was thrown to the ground and handcuffed with police guns aimed at his head. Both were later released. The San Francisco Public Housing Authority then commenced an illegal campaign to evict a women and her two infants as a show of administrative power and as a warning to the people to keep their mouths shut about the real deal at Bernal Dwellings. As if having her belongings destroyed by police was not enough, Housing has also illegally tampered with the woman's AFDC payments. Television and print media from all over Northern California descended on Bernal Dwellings like hungry vultures. The media claimed that the Groves were only trying to turn their truck around when a "gang" of Black men pulled them from the truck, beat them, took Mrs. Grove's wedding ring and stole boxes of crab, lobster and fish. Actually, there were no crabs or lobsters-only frozen fish. Truckers following the Grove's route have any number of turn-arounds available to them without threading their way into a narrow intersection next to the only housing project in the area. But truckers have been known to visit the intersection attempting to buy contraband. The November elections Reporters and the City government used this pre-election incident to divide the residents of Bernal Dwellings from their more affluent neighbors and to set white against Black. The racist media claimed that a doll and a pair of tennis shoes that some kids tossed up on a project telephone wire several years ago are a "warning to whites" not to enter the area. The City rewarded the Groves with a large sum of money, and the truckers were allowed to leave San Francisco immediately without being charged for reckless driving or assault. The police gave the abandoned fish to the people and then used possession of the fish as an excuse to terrorize and arrest the people-and their children-in their homes. During another recent election, the SFPD landed a helicopter on the roof of a building at Bernal Dwellings to raid the project from the sky.A powerful publicity campaign was mounted to duplicate the lies and hysteria manufactured around the punishment of trucker Reginald Denny during the May rebellion in Los Angeles. On November 3, San Francisco voters approved a reactionary ballot- measure outlawing "aggressive panhandling." The City is also creating public opinion to tear down the project's basketball court in retaliation for Groves and to further demoralize the residents. Bernal Dwellings is a tiny place completely surrounded by single- family homes and market-rate apartments. Its buildings and grounds have been allowed to fall into unspeakable disrepair by the Housing Authority because the Authority wants the residents to vacate their homes. A multi-million dollar "rehabilitation" of Bernal Dwellings is planned and the tenants stand in the way of neighborhood gentrification and profit-taking for the band of thieves, grifters, land speculators and criminal bureaucrats calling themselves San Francisco City Hall. Similar scenes are being played out all across Clinton's Amerika as the Department of Housing and Urban Development continues to turn "subsidized" land-banked properties over to the control of private capitalists-such as Catholic Charities and an army of "non-profit community development corporations." In San Francisco, Black people have been burned out, "relocated" and driven from the neighborhoods as the rich seize and "gentrify" land that belongs to the Black Nation. The Black population of San Francisco has been dropping at a rate of 2.5% every five years since 1975.(1) Notes: 1. "San Francisco Master Plan," SF Dept. of City Planning and Association of Bay Area Governments 1989. * * * RACISTS REWARDED AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS The University of Massachusetts, known for its attempts at "multiculturalism," is rewarding two students involved in a racist assault on a Black Resident Assistant. (Resident Assistants are University students who, in exchange for free housing and $25 a week, are used as rent-a-cops by the administration to enforce, among other things, the alcohol policy.) Two RAs have told MIM, under conditions of anonymity, that two students who have supposedly been expelled from housing are secretly being housed in a fancy hotel, care of the Dean of Students Office. On the night of September 25, in Washington Tower dormitory, Black RA Arlens Barosy, while on "rounds" encountered a group of white underage men drinking. Barosy told them to pour out their alcohol, and one of the white men repeatedly punched Barosy, knocking him through a door and bruising his head. The men fled.(1) The assailant, Francis Marchant, was later identified as a non- student and a registered guest of the residents of room 801.(2) The UMass Code of Student Conduct states that students are responsible for the actions of their guests. These students invited Marchant back the next weekend (security did not stop him from entering the building). Barosy noticed the man in the building and called the police, who did not arrest Marchant until several weeks later. That weekend Barosy's door was smeared with human shit and the words "NIGRRS SUCK" (sic) were written on the wall.(3) "Due to the incident and the subsequent appearance of racial graffiti and feces outside his door and other stress," Barosy was forced to quit his RA job and move to another dormitory.(2) On the night of October 8, about 40 members of the Black Student Union occupied the 8th floor of Washington Tower demanding that Marchant's hosts (smart enough to be partying elsewhere that evening) be expelled from housing. After two hours, the administration agreed.(4) That same evening, 40 white men with sticks prowled the campus stalking a Black woman. The Black woman called the police from an emergency phone. They told her they were working on it, and hung up on her. Rocks were also thrown through the window of Memorial Hall, a building occupied by students advocating scholarships for low-income women of color. The next afternoon, a white woman was attacked and beaten by white men with sticks who called her a "Nigger Lover."(5) The administration's action to house "expelled" racist students in a hotel is adding insult to the injury caused by the escalating tensions on campus. The University has obviously realized that it has skipped its own due process procedures, and is therefore avoiding liability by providing these students with free housing. By the University's own regulations it should have moved these two students to a different building immediately and then started disciplinary hearings within days. Secretly housing these students is allowing the university to postpone punishment. Countless judicial hearings could have been held both before the Washington occupation and in the ensuing days. Instead the University is pretending to serve both sides. Instead of punishing these students, the University is telling racists who punch their way through the multicultural facade how they can expect to be treated: when you punch a Black authority figure, you can expect a bigger room, relief from the alcohol policy, free cable TV, and a maid to make your bed. On October 13, the Black Student Union presented a list of demands designed to increase minority representation. The BSU set a two week deadline and the U.S. Justice Department volunteered to mediate. According to the Boston Globe, the Department of Justice had recently determined that the nearby city of Holyoke is one of the U.S. cities most ripe for riot, which likely increased their interest in "racial tensions" at UMass. On November 9, a compromise was announced. About a third of the Black Student Union's demands were met, and the administration has graciously volunteered to hire 20 more police officers. The student negotiators seem unaware that the University could fund at least 80 full scholarships with the salaries of these 20 cops. To the activists at UMass, I can only commend your efforts. Increasing minority representation, especially that of oppressed- nation women, is a valuable reform. The road to liberation, however does not lie in begging the administration for piece-meal reforms, but in building independent power. Likewise, the administration's attempts to buy minority happiness by hiring 20 more racist cops (the first thing the University offered when confronted with the demands) should be met with resistance, not silence. Remember that the U.S. Justice Department and a campus that rewards racist assailants are not on the side of oppressed peoples. Notes: 1. Massachusetts Daily Collegian 11/2/92, p. 1. 2. MDC 11/2/92, p. 6. 3. MDC 10/5/92, p. 1,3. 4. MDC 10/9/92, p. 1. 5. MDC 10/14/92, p. 6.