Date: Mon Jan  4 03:36:56 est 1993
From: "John Covici" <covici@ccs.covici.com>
Message-Id: <2b47f730.ccs@ccs.covici.com>
Reply-To: "John Covici" <covici@ccs.covici.com>
Organization: Covici Computer Systems
To: uunet!css.itd.umich.edu!pauls@uunet.UU.NET
Subject: Unauthorized Biography of George Bush: Part 5
Status: O
Continuing
CHAPTER 4: ``THE CENTER OF POWER IS IN
WASHINGTON'' 


Prescott Bush was a most elusive,
secretive senator. By diligent
research, his views on some issues may
be traced: He was opposed to the
development of public power projects
like the Tennessee Valley Authority; he
opposed the constitutional amendment
introduced by Ohio Senator John W.
Bricker, which would have required
congressional approval of international
agreements by the executive branch. 
   But Prescott Bush was essentially
a covert operative in Washington. 
   In June 1954, Bush received a
letter from Connecticut resident H.
Smith Richardson, owner of Vick
Chemical Company (cough drops,
Vapo-Rub). It read, in part, ``... At
some time before Fall, Senator, I want
to get your advice and counsel on a
[new] subject--namely what should be
done with the income from a foundation
which my brother and I set up, and
which will begin its operation in
1956....''@s1@s6 
   This letter presages the
establishment of the {H. Smith
Richardson Foundation}, a Bush
family-dictated private slush fund
which was to be utilized by the Central
Intelligence Agency, and by Vice
President Bush for the conduct of his
Iran-Contra adventures. 
   The Bush family knew Richardson
and his wife through their mutual
friendship with Sears Roebuck's
chairman, General Robert E. Wood.
General Wood had been president of the
America First organization, which had
lobbied against war with Hitler's
Germany. H. Smith Richardson had
contributed the start-up money for
America First and had spoken out
against the United States ``joining the
Communists'' by fighting Hitler.
Richardson's wife was a proud relative
of Nancy Langehorne from Virginia, who
married Lord Astor and backed the Nazis
from their Cliveden Estate. 
   General Wood's daughter Mary had
married the son of Standard Oil
president William Stamps Farish. The
Bushes had stuck with the Farishes
through their disastrous exposure
during World War II (See Chapter 3).
Young George Bush and his bride Barbara
were especially close to Mary Farish,
and to her son W.S. Farish III, who
would be the great confidante of
George's presidency.@s1@s7 
   H. Smith Richardson was
Connecticut's leading ``McCarthyite.''
He planned an elaborate strategy for
Joe McCarthy's intervention in
Connecticut's November 1952 elections,
to finally defeat Senator Benton.@s1@s8
(Benton's 1950 victory over Prescott
Bush was only for a two-year unexpired
term. He was running in this election
for a full term, at the same time that
Prescott Bush was running to fill the
seat left vacant by Senator McMahon's
death).@s1@s8 
   The H. Smith Richardson Foundation
was organized by Eugene Stetson, Jr.,
Richardson's son-in-law. Stetson (Skull
and Bones, 1934) had worked for Prescott
Bush as assistant manager of the New
York branch of Brown Brothers Harriman. 
   In the late 1950s, the Smith
Richardson Foundation took part in the
``psychological warfare'' of the CIA.
This was not a foreign, but a domestic
covert operation, carried out mainly
against unwitting U.S. citizens. CIA
director Allen Dulles and his British
allies organized ``MK-Ultra,'' the
testing of psychotropic drugs including
LSD on a very large scale, allegedly to
evaluate ``chemical warfare''
possibilities. 
   In this period, the Richardson
Foundation helped finance experiments
at Bridgewater Hospital in
Massachusetts, the center of some of
the most brutal MK-Ultra tortures.
These outrages have been graphically
portrayed in the movie, {Titticut
Follies.} 
   During 1990, an investigator for
this book toured H. Smith Richardson's
{Center for Creative
Leadership} just north of
Greensboro, North Carolina. The tour
guide said that in these rooms, agents
of the Central Intelligence Agency and
the Secret Service are trained. He
demonstrated the two-way mirrors
through which the government employees
are watched, while they are put through
mind-bending psychodramas. The guide
explained that ``virtually everyone who
becomes a general'' in the U.S. armed
forces also goes through this
``training'' at the Richardson Center. 
   Another office of the Center for
Creative Leadership is in Langley,
Virginia, at the headquarters of the
Central Intelligence Agency. Here also,
Richardson's center trains leaders of
the CIA. 
   The Smith Richardson Foundation
will be seen in a later chapter,
performing in the Iran-Contra drama
around Vice President George Bush. 
              - * * * -
   Prescott Bush worked throughout
the Eisenhower years as a confidential
ally of the Dulles brothers. In July
1956, Egypt's President Gamel Abdul
Nasser announced he would accept the
U.S. offer of a loan for the
construction of the Aswan dam project.
John Foster Dulles then prepared a
statement telling the Egyptian
ambassador that the U.S.A. had decided
to retract its offer. Dulles gave the
explosive statement in advance to
Prescott Bush for his approval. Dulles
also gave the statement to President
Eisenhower, and to the British
government.@1@9 
   Nasser reacted to the Dulles
brush-off by nationalizing the Suez
Canal to pay for the dam. Israel, then
Britain and France, invaded Egypt to
try to overthrow Nasser, leader of the
anti-imperial Arab nationalists.
However, Eisenhower refused (for once)
to play the Dulles-British game, and
the invaders had to leave Egypt when
Britain was threatened with U.S.
economic sanctions. 
   During 1956, Senator Prescott
Bush's value to the Harriman-Dulles
political group increased when he was
put on the Senate Armed Services
Committee. Bush toured U.S. and allied
military bases throughout the world,
and had increased access to the
national security decision-making
process. 
   In the later years of the
Eisenhower presidency, Gordon Gray
rejoined the government. As an intimate
friend and golfing partner of Prescott
Bush, Gray complemented the Bush
influence on Ike. The Bush-Gray family
partnership in the ``secret
government'' continues up through the
George Bush presidency. 
   Gordon Gray had been appointed
head of the new Psychological Strategy
Board in 1951 under Averell Harriman's
rule as assistant to President Truman
for national security affairs. From
1958 to 1961 Gordon Gray held the
identical post under President
Eisenhower. Gray acted as Ike's
intermediary, strategist and
hand-holder, in the President's
relations with the CIA and the U.S. and
allied military forces. 
   Eisenhower did not oppose the
CIA's covert action projects; he only
wanted to be protected from the
consequences of their failure or
exposure. Gray's primary task, in the
guise of ``oversight'' on all U.S.
covert action, was to protect and hide
the growing mass of CIA and related
secret government activities. 
   It was not only covert
{projects} which were developed
by the Gray-Bush-Dulles combination; it
was also new, hidden
{structures} of the United
States government. 
   Senator Henry Jackson challenged
these arrangements in 1959 and 1960.
Jackson created a Subcommittee on
National Policy Machinery of the Senate
Committee on Governmental Operations,
which investigated Gordon Gray's reign
at the National Security Council. On
January 26, 1960, Gordon Gray warned
President Eisenhower that a document
revealing the existence of a secret
part of the U.S. government had somehow
gotten into the bibliography being used
by Senator Jackson. The unit was Gray's
``5412 Group'' within the
administration, officially but secretly
in charge of approving covert action.
Under Gray's guidance, Ike ``|`was
clear and firm in his response' that
Jackson's staff {not} be
informed of the existence of this unit
[emphasis in the original].''@s2@s0 
   On January 1, 1959, Fidel Castro
took power in Cuba. Thereafter, in the
last Eisenhower years, with Castro as a
target and universal pretext, the fatal
Cuban-vectored gangster section of the
American government was assembled. 
   Several figures of the Eisenhower
administration must be considered the
fathers of this permanent Covert Action
monolith, men who continued shepherding
the monster after its birth in the
Eisenhower era: 
   
   @sb|{Gordon Gray}, the
shadowy Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs, Prescott
Bush's closest executive branch crony
and golf partner along with Eisenhower.
By 1959-60, Gray had Ike's total
confidence and served as the
Harrimanites' monitor on all U.S.
military and non-military projects. 
   British intelligence agent Kim
Philby defected to the Russians in
1963. Philby had gained virtually total
access to U.S. intelligence activities
beginning in 1949, as the British
secret services' liaison to the
Harriman-dominated CIA. After Philby's
defection, it seemed obvious that the
aristocratic British intelligence
service was in fact a menace to the
western cause. In the 1960s, a small
team of U.S. counterintelligence
specialists went to England to
investigate the situation. They
reported back that the British secret
service could be thoroughly trusted.
The leader of this ``expert'' team,
Gordon Gray, was the head of the
counterespionage section of the
President's Foreign Intelligence
Advisory Board (PFIAB) for Presidents
Kennedy through Ford. 
   @sb|{Robert Lovett,}
Bush's Jupiter Island neighbor and
Brown Brothers Harriman partner, from
1956 on a member of the President's
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board.
Lovett later claimed to have
criticized--from the ``inside''--the
plan to invade Cuba at the Bay of Pigs.
Lovett was asked to choose the cabinet
for John Kennedy in 1961. 
   @sb|{CIA Director Allen
Dulles,} Bush's former
international attorney. Kennedy fired
Dulles after the Bay of Pigs invasion,
but Dulles served on the Warren
Commission, which whitewashed President
Kennedy's murder. 
   @sb|{C. Douglas Dillon,}
neighbor of Bush on Jupiter Island,
became undersecretary of state in 1958
after the death of John Foster Dulles.
Dillon had been John Foster Dulles's
ambassador to France (1953-57),
coordinating the original U.S. covert
backing for the French imperial effort
in Vietnam, with catastrophic results
for the world. Dillon was treasury
secretary for both John Kennedy and
Lyndon Johnson. 
   @sb|{Ambassador to Britain
Jock Whitney,} extended family
member of the Harrimans and neighbor of
Prescott Bush on Jupiter Island.
Whitney set up a press service in
London called Forum World Features,
which published propaganda furnished
directly by the CIA and the British
intelligence services. Beginning in
1961, Whitney was chairman of the
British Empire's ``English Speaking
Union.'' 
   @sb|{Senator Prescott
Bush,} friend and counselor of
President Eisenhower. 
   Bush's term countinued on in
the Senate after the Eisenhower years,
throughout most of the aborted Kennedy
presidency. 
   In 1962, the National Strategy
Information Center was founded by
Prescott Bush and his son Prescott,
Jr., William Casey (the future CIA
chief), and Leo Cherne. The center came
to be directed by Frank Barnett, former
program officer of the Bush family's
Smith Richardson Foundation. The center
conduited funds to the London-based
Forum World Features, for the
circulation of CIA-authored ``news
stories'' to some 300 newspapers
internationally.@s2@s1 
   ``Democrat'' Averell Harriman
rotated back into official government
in the Kennedy administration. As
assistant secretary and undersecretary
of state, Harriman helped push the
United States into the Vietnam War.
Harriman had no post in the Eisenhower
administration. Yet he was perhaps more
than anyone the leader and the glue for
the incredible evil that was hatched by
the CIA in the final Eisenhower years:
a half-public, half-private Harrimanite
army, never since demobilized, and
increasingly associated with the name
of Bush. 
   Following the rise of Castro,
the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency
contracted with the organization of
Mafia boss Meyer Lansky to organize and
train assassination squads for use
against the Cuban government. Among
those employed were John Rosselli,
Santos Trafficante, and Sam Giancana.
Uncontested public documentation of
these facts has been published by
congressional bodies and by leading
Establishment academics.@s2@s2 
   But the disturbing implications
and later consequences of this
engagement are a crucial matter for
further study by the citizens of every
nation. This much is established: 
   On August 18, 1960, President
Eisenhower approved a $13 million
official budget for a secret CIA-run
guerrilla war against Castro. It is
known that Vice President Richard M.
Nixon took a hand in the promotion of
this initiative. The U.S. military was
kept out of the covert action plans
until very late in the game. 
   The first of eight admitted
assassination attempts against Castro
took place in 1960. 
   The program was, of course, a
failure, if not a circus. The invasion
of Cuba by the CIA's anti-Castro exiles
was put off until after John Kennedy
took over the presidency. As is well
known, Kennedy balked at sending in
U.S. air cover and Castro's forces
easily prevailed. But the progam
continued. 
   In 1960, Felix Rodriguez, Luis
Posada Carriles, Rafael ``Chi Chi''
Quintero, Frank Sturgis (or ``Frank
Fiorini'') and other Florida-based
Cuban exiles were trained as killers
and drug-traffickers in the Cuban
initiative; their supervisor was E.
Howard Hunt. Their overall CIA boss was
Miami station chief Theodore G.
Shackley, seconded by Thomas Clines. In
later chapters we will follow the
subsequent careers of these
characters--increasingly identified
with George Bush--through the Kennedy
assassination, the Watergate coup, and
the Iran-Contra scandal. 

Chapter 5 Poppy and Mommy

{``Oh Mother, Mother! What have you
done? Behold! the heavens do ope. The
gods look down, and this unnatural
scene they laugh at.''--}Coriolanus,{
Shakespeare.} 

   The Silver Spoon
 
   George Herbert Walker Bush was
born in Milton, Massachusetts, on June
12, 1924. During the next year the
family moved to Greenwich, Connecticut,
and established their permanent
residency. 
   Prescott and Dorothy Walker Bush
had had a son, Prescott, Jr., before
George. Later there was a little
sister, Nancy, and another brother,
Jonathan; a fourth son, William
(``Bucky''), was born 14 years after
George, in 1939. 
   George was named after his
grandfather, George Herbert Walker.
Since George's mother called
Grandfather Walker ``Pop,'' she began
calling her son, his namesake, ``little
Pop,'' or ``Poppy.'' Hence, Poppy Bush
is the name the President's family
friends have called him since his
youth. 
   Prescott, Sr. joined W.A. Harriman
& Co. May 1, 1926. With his family's
lucrative totalitarian projects, George
Bush's childhood began in comfort and
advanced dramatically to luxury and
elegance. 
   The Bushes had a large,
dark-shingled house with ``broad
verandas and a portecochere''
(originally a roofed structure
extending out to the driveway to
protect the gentry who arrived in
coaches) on Grove Lane in the Deer Park
section of Greenwich.@s1 
   Here they were attended by four
servants--three maids, one of whom
cooked, and a chauffeur. 
   The U.S.A. was plunged into the
Great Depression beginning with the
1929-31 financial collapse. But George
Bush and his family were totally
insulated from this crisis. Before and
after the crash, their lives were a
frolic, sealed off from the concerns of
the population at large. 
   During the summers, the Bushes
stayed in a second home on the family's
ten-acre spread at Walker's Point at
Kennebunkport, Maine. Flush from the
Soviet oil deals and the Thyssen-Nazi
Party arrangements, Grandfather Walker
had built a house there for Prescott
and Dorothy. They and other well-to-do
summer colonists used Kennebunkport's
River Club for tennis and the club's
yachting facilities. 
   In the winter season, they took
the train to Grandfather Walker's
plantation, called ``Duncannon,'' near
Barnwell, South Carolina. The novices
were instructed in skeet shooting, then
went out on horseback, following the
hounds in pursuit of quail and dove.
George's sister Nancy recalled ``the
care taken'' by the servants ``over the
slightest things, like the trimmed
edges of the grapefruit. We were waited
on by the most wonderful black servants
who would come into the bedrooms early
in the morning and light those
crackling pine-wood fires....''@s2 
   The money poured in from the
Hamburg-Amerika steamship line, its
workforce crisply regulated by the Nazi
Labor Front. The family took yet
another house at Aiken, South Carolina.
There the Bush children had socially
acceptable ``tennis and riding
partners. Aiken was a southern capital
of polo in those days, a winter resort
of considerable distinction and
serenity that attracted many
Northerners, especially the equestrian
oriented. The Bush children naturally
rode there, too....''@s3 Averell
Harriman, a world-class polo player,
also frequented Aiken. 
   Poppy Bush's father and mother
anxiously promoted the family's
distinguished lineage, and its growing
importance in the world. Prescott Bush
claimed that he ``could trace his
family's roots back to England's King
Henry III, making George a thirteenth
cousin, twice removed of Queen
Elizabeth.''@s4 
   This particular conceit may be a
bad omen for President Bush. The
cowardly, acid-tongued Henry III was
defeated by France's Louis IX (Saint
Louis) in Henry's grab for power over
France and much of Europe. Henry's own
barons at length revolted against his
blundering arrogance, and his power was
curbed. 
   As the 1930s economic crisis
deepened, Americans experienced
unprecedented hardship and fear. The
Bush children were taught that those
who suffered these problems had no one
to blame but themselves. 
   A hack writer, hired to puff
President Bush's ``heroic military
background,'' wrote these lines from
material supplied by the White House: 
   ``Prescott Bush was a thrifty
man.... He had no sympathy for the
nouveau riches who flaunted their
wealth--they were without class, he
said. As a sage and strictly honest
businessman, he had often turned
failing companies around, making them
profitable again, and he had scorn for
people who went bankrupt because they
mismanaged their money. Prescott's
lessons were absorbed by young
George....''@s5 
   When he reached the age of five,
George Bush joined his older brother
Pres in attending the Greenwich Country
Day School. The brothers' ``lives were
charted from birth. Their father had
determined that his sons would be ...
educated and trained to be members of
America's elite.... Greenwich Country
Day School [was] an exclusive all-male
academy for youngsters slated for
private secondary schools.... 
   ``Alec, the family chauffeur,
drove the two boys to school every
morning after dropping Prescott, Sr. at
the railroad station for the morning
commute to Manhattan. The Depression
was nowhere in evidence as the boys
glided in the family's black Oldsmobile
past the stone fences, stables, and
swimming pools of one of the wealthiest
communities in America.''@s6 
   But though the young George Bush
had no concerns about his material
existence, one must not overlook the
important, private anxiety gnawing at
him from the direction of his mother. 
   The President's wife, Barbara, has
put most succinctly the question of
Dorothy Bush and her effect on George:
{``His mother was the most
competitive living human.''}@s7 
   If we look here in his mother's
shadow, we may find something beyond
the routine medical explanations for
President Bush's ``driven'' states of
rage, or hyperactivity. 
   Mother Bush was the best athlete
in the family, the fastest runner. She
was hard. She expected others to be
hard. They must win, but they must
always {appear} not to care about
winning. 
   This is put politely, delicately,
in a ``biography'' written by an
admiring friend of the President: ``She
was with them day after day, ... often
curbing their egos as only a marine
drill instructor can. Once when ...
George lost a tennis match, he
explained to her that he had been off
his game that morning. She retorted,
`You don't have a game.'|''@s8 
   According to this account, Barbara
was fascinated by her mother-in-law's
continuing ferocity: ``George, playing mixed doubles
with Barbara on the Kennebunkport
court, ran into a porch and injured his
right shoulder blade. `His mother said
it was my ball to hit, and it happened
because I didn't run for it. She was
probably right,' Barbara told [an
interviewer].... When a discussion of
someone's game came up, as Barbara
described it, `if Mrs. Bush would say,
```She had some good shots,'' it meant she
stank. That's just the way she got the
message across. When one of the
grandchildren brought this girl home,
everybody said, ``We think he's going
to marry her,'' and she said, ``Oh, no,
she won't play net.'|''@s9 (I.e., she
was not tough enough to stand
unflinchingly and return balls hit to
her at close range.) 
     A goad to {rapid motion} became
embedded in his personality. It is
observable throughout George Bush's
life. 
   A companion trait was Poppy's
uncanny urge, his master obsession with
the need to ``kiss up,'' to propitiate
those who might in any way advance his
interests. A life of such efforts could
at some point reach a climax of
released rage, where the triumphant one
may finally say, ``Now it is only I who
must be feared.'' 
     This dangerous cycle began very
early, a response to his mother's
prodding and intimidation; it
intensified as George became more able
to calculate his advantage. 
   His mother says: ``George was a
most unselfish child. When he was only
a little more than two years old ... we
bought him one of those pedal cars you
climb into and work with your feet. 
   ``[His brother] Pres knew just how
to work it, and George came running
over and grabbed the wheel and told
Pres he should `have half,' meaning
half of his new posession. `Have half,
have half,' he kept repeating, and for
a while around the house we called him
`Have half.'|''@s1@s0 
   George ``learned to ask for no
more than what was due him. Although
not the school's leading student, his
report card was always good, and his
mother was particularly pleased that he
was always graded `excellent' in one
category she thought of great
importance: `Claims no more than his
fair share of time and attention.' This
consistent ranking led to a little
family joke--George always did best in
`Claims no more.' 
   ``He was not a selfish child, did
not even display the innocent
possessiveness common to most
children....''@s1@s1 

   At Andover
 
   George Bush left Greenwich
Country Day School in 1936. He joined
his older brother at Phillips Academy
in Andover, Massachusetts, 20 miles
north of Boston. ``Poppy'' was 12 years
old, handsome, and rich. Though the U.S.
economy took a savage turn for the
worse the following year, George's
father was piling up a fortune,
arranging bond swindles for the Nazis
with John Foster Dulles. 
   Only about one in 14 U.S.
secondary school students could afford
to be in private schools during George
Bush's stay at Andover (1936-42). The
New England preparatory or ``prep''
schools were the most exclusive. Their
students were almost all rich white
boys, many of them Episcopalians. And
Andover was, in certain strange ways,
the most exclusive of them all. 
   A 1980 campaign biography prepared
by Bush's own staff concedes that ``it
was to New England that they returned
to be educated at select schools that
produce leaders with a patrician or
aristocratic stamp--adjectives,
incidentally, which cause a collective
wince among the Bushes.... At the close
of the 1930s ... these schools ...
brought the famous `old-boy networks'
to the peak of their power.''@s1@s2 
   These American institutions have
been consciously modeled on England's
elite private schools (confusingly
called ``public'' schools because they
were open to all English boys with
sufficient money). The philosophy
inculcated into the son of a British
Lord Admiral or South African police
chief, was to be imbibed by sons of the
American republic. 
   George made some decisive moral
choices about himself in these first
years away from home. The institution
which guided these choices, and helped
shape the peculiar obsessions of the
41st President, was a pit of Anglophile
aristocratic racialism when George Bush
came on the scene. 
   ``Andover was ... less dedicated
to `elitism' than some [schools]....
There were even a couple of blacks in
the classes, tokens of course, but this
at a time when a black student at
almost any other Northeastern prep
school would have been
unthinkable.''@s1@s3 
   Andover had a vaunted
``tradition,'' intermingled with the
proud bloodlines of its students and
alumni, that was supposed to reach back
to the school's founding in 1778. 
But a closer examination reveals
this ``tradition'' to be a fraud. It is
part of a larger, highly significant
historical fallacy perpetrated by the
Anglo-Americans--and curiously stressed
by Bush's agents in foreign countries. 
   Thomas Cochran, a partner of the
J.P. Morgan banking firm, donated
considerable sums to construct swanky
new Andover buildings in the 1920s.
Among these were George Washington Hall
and Paul Revere Hall, named for leaders
of the American Revolution against the
British Empire. These and similar
``patriotic'' trappings, with the
allumni's old school-affiliated
genealogies, might seem to indicate an
unbroken line of racial imperialists
like Cochran and his circle, reaching
back to the heroes of the Revolution! 
   Let us briefly tour Andover's
history, and then ponder whether
General Washington would want to be
identified with Poppy Bush's school. 
   Thirty years after Samuel Phillips
founded the Academy at Andover,
Massachusetts, the quiet little school
became embroiled in a violent
controversy. On one side were certain
diehard pro-British families, known as
Boston Brahmins, who had prospered in
the ship transportation of rum and
black slaves. They had regained power
in Boston since their allies had lost
the 1775-83 Revolutionary War. 
   In 1805 these cynical, neo-pagan,
``Tory'' families succeeded in placing
their representative in the Hollis
chair of Philosophy at Harvard College.
The Tories, parading publicly as
liberal religionists called Unitarians,
were opposed by American nationalists
led by the geographer-historian Rev.
Jedidiah Morse (1761-1826). The
nationalists rallied the Christian
churches of the northeastern states
behind a plan to establish, at Andover,
a new religious institution which would
counter the British spies, atheists, and
criminals who had taken over Harvard. 
   British Empire political
operatives Stephen Higginson, Jr. and
John Lowell, Jr. published
counterattacks against Rev. Morse,
claiming he was trying to rouse the
lower classes of citizens to hatred
against the wealthy merchant families.
Then the Tories played the
``conservative'' card. Ultra-orthodox
Calvinists, actually business partners
to the Harvard liberals, threatened to
set up their own religious institution
in Tory-dominated Newburyport. Their
assertion, that Morse was not
conservative enough, split the
resources of the region's Christians,
until the Morse group reluctantly
brought the Newburyport ultras as
partners into the management of the
Andover Theological Seminary in 1808. 
   The new theological seminary and
the adjacent boys' academy were now
governed together under a common board
of trustees (balanced between the Morse
nationalists and the Newburyport
anti-nationalists, the opposing wings
of the old Federalist Party). 
   Jedidiah Morse made Andover the
headquarters of a rather heroic,
anti-racist, Christian missionary
movement, bringing literacy, printing
presses, medicine, and technological
education to Southeast Asia and
American Indians, notably the Georgia
Cherokees. This activist Andover
doctrine of racial equality and
American Revolutionary spirit was
despised and feared by British opium
pushers in East Asia and by Boston's
blueblood Anglophiles. Andover
missionaries were eventually jailed in
Georgia; their too-modern Cherokee
allies were murdered and driven into
exile by proslavery mobs. 
   When Jedidiah Morse's generation
died out, the Andover missionary
movement was crushed by New England's
elite families--who were then Britain's
partners in the booming opium traffic.
Andover was still formally Christian
after 1840; Boston's cynical Brahmins
used Andover's orthodox Protestant
board to prosecute various of their
opponents as ``heretics.'' 
   Neo-paganism and occult movements
bloomed after the Civil War with
Darwin's new materialist doctrines. In
the 1870s, the death-worshipping Skull
and Bones Society sent its alumni 
members back from Yale University, to
organize aristocratic secret satanic
societies for the teenagers at the
Andover prep school. But these cults
did not yet quite flourish. National
power was still precariously balanced
between the imperial Anglo-American
financiers, and the old-line
nationalists who built America's
railroads, steel and electrical
industries. 
   The New Age aristocrats proclaimed
their victory under Theodore
Roosevelt's presidency (1901-09). The
Andover Theological Seminary wound up
its affairs and moved out of town, to
be merged with the Harvard Divinity
School! Andover prep school was now
largely free of the annoyance of
religion, or any connection whatsoever
with the American spirit. Secret
societies for the school's children,
modeled on the barbarian orders at
Yale, were now established in
permanent, incorporated headquarters
buildings just off campus at Andover.
Official school advisers were assigned
to each secret society, who
participated in their cruel and
literally insane rituals. 
   When J.P. Morgan partner Thomas
Cochran built Andover's luxurious
modern campus for boys like Poppy Bush,
the usurpers of America's name had
cause to celebrate. Under their
supervision, fascism was rising in
Europe. The new campus library was
named for Oliver Wendell Holmes,
Andover class of 1825. This dreadful
poet of the ``leisure class,'' a tower
of Boston blue-blooded conceit, was
famous as the father of the twentieth
century U.S. Supreme Court justice. His
son, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.,
symbolized the arbitrary rule of the
racial purity advocates, the usurpers,
over American society. 
   The Secret Societies

   Andover installed a new headmaster
in 1933. Claude Moore Fuess (rhymes
with fleece) replaced veteran
headmaster Alfred E. Stearns, whom the
Brahmins saw as a dyed-in-the-wool
reactionary. Stearns was forced out
over a ``scandal'': a widower, he had
married his housekeeper, who was
beneath his social class. 
   The new headmaster was considered
forward-looking and flexible, to meet
the challenges of the world political
crisis: for example, Fuess favored
psychiatry for the boys, something
Stearns wouldn't tolerate. 
   Claude Fuess had been an Andover
history teacher since 1908, and gained
fame as an historian. He was one of the
most skillful liars of the modern age. 
   Fuess had married into the Boston
Cushing family. He had written the
family-authorized whitewash biography
of his wife's relative, Caleb Cushing,
a pro-slavery politician of the middle
nineteenth century. The outlandish, widely
known corruption of Cushing's career
was matched by Fuess's bold, outrageous
coverup.@s1@s4 
   During George Bush's years at
Andover, his headmaster, Fuess, wrote
an authorized biography of Calvin
Coolidge, the late U.S. President. This
work was celebrated in jest as a
champion specimen of unwholesome
flattery. In other books, also about
the bluebloods, Fuess was simply given
the family papers and designated the
chief liar for the ``Bostonian Race.'' 
   Both the Cushing and Coolidge
families had made their fortunes in
opium trafficking. Bush's headmaster
named his son John Cushing Fuess,
perhaps after the fabled nineteenth
century dope kingpin who had made the Cushings
rich. @s1@s5 
   Headmaster Fuess used to say to
his staff, ``I came to power with
Hitler and Mussolini.''@1@s6 This was not
merely a pleasantry, referring to his
appointment the year Hitler took over
Germany. 
   In his 1939 memoirs, Headmaster
Fuess expressed the philosophy which
must guide the education of the
well-born young gentlemen under his
care: 
   ``Our declining birth rate ... may
perhaps indicate a step towards
national deterioration. Among the
so-called upper and leisure classes,
noticeably among the university group,
the present birth rate is strikingly
low. Among the Slavonic and Latin
immigrants, on the other hand, it is
relatively high. We seem thus to be
letting the best blood thin out and
disappear; while at the same time our
humanitarian efforts for the
preservation of the less fit, those who
for some reason are crippled and
incapacitated, are being greatly
stimulated. The effect on the race will
not become apparent for some
generations and certainly cannot now be
accurately predicted; but the
phenomenon must be mentioned if you are
to have a true picture of what is going
on in the United States.''@s1@s7 
   Would George Bush adopt this
anti-Christian outlook as his own? One
can never know for sure how a young
person will respond to the doctrines of
his elders, no matter how cleverly
presented. There is a much higher
degree of certainty that he will
conform to criminal expectations,
however, if the student is brought to
practice cruelty against other
youngsters, and to degrade himself in
order to get ahead. At Andover, this
was where the secret societies came in. 
   Nothing like Andover's secret
societies existed at any other American
school. What were they all about? 
   Bush's friend Fitzhugh Greene
wrote in 1989: ``Robert L. `Tim' Ireland,
Bush's longtime supporter [and Brown
Brothers Harriman partner], who later
served on the Andover board of trustees
with him, said he believed [Bush] had
been in AUV. `What's that?' I asked.
`Can't tell you,' laughed Ireland.
`It's secret!' Both at Andover and
Yale, such groups only bring in a small
percentage of the total enrollment in
any class. `That's a bit cruel to
those who don't make AU[V] or
`Bones,'|'' conceded Ireland.@s1@s8
 
   A retired teacher, who was an
advisor to one of the groups,
cautiously disclosed in his
bicentennial history of Andover, some
aspects of the secret societies. The
reader should keep in mind that this
account was published by the school, to
celebrate itself: ``A charming account
of the early days of K.O.A, the oldest
of the Societies, was prepared by Jack
[i.e. Claude Moore] Fuess, a member of
the organization, on the occasion of
their Fiftieth Anniversary. The Society
was founded in ... 1874.... 
   ``[A] major concern of the
membership was the initiation ceremony.
In K.O.A. the ceremony involved visiting
one of the local cemeteries at
midnight, various kinds of tortures,
running the gauntlet--though the novice
was apparrently punched rather than
paddled, being baptized in a water
tank, being hoisted in the air by a
pulley, and finally being placed in a
coffin, where he was cross-examined by
the members.... K.O.A. was able to hold
the loyalty of its members over the
years to become a powerful institution
at Phillips Academy and to erect a
handsome pillared Society house on
School Street. 
   ``The second Society of the seven
that would survive until 1950 was
A.U.V. [George Bush's group]. The
letters stood for Auctoritas, Unitas,
Veritas. [Authority, Unity, Truth].
This organization resulted from a
merger of two ... earlier Societies ...
in 1877. A new constitution was drawn
up ... providing for four chief
officers--Imperator [commander], Vice
Imperator [vice-commander], Scriptor
[secretary], and Quaestor [magistrate
or inquistor].... 
   ``Like K.O.A, A.U.V. had an
elaborate initiation ceremony. Once a
pledge had been approved by the
Faculty, he was given a letter with a
list of rules he was to follow. He was
to be in the cemetery every night from
12:30 to 5:00, deliver a morning paper
to each member of the Society each
morning, must not comb or brush his
hair nor wash his face or hands, smoke
nothing but a clay pipe with Lucky
Strike tobacco, and not speak to any
student except members of A.U.V. 
   ``After the pledge had memorized
these rules, his letter of instruction
was burned. The pledge had now become a
`scut' and was compelled to learn
many mottoes and incantations. On
Friday night of initiation week the
scut was taken to Hartigan's drugstore
downtown and given a `scut sundae,'
which consisted of pepper, ice cream,
oysters, and raw liver. Later that
night he reported to the South Church
cemetery, where he had to wait for two
hours for the members to arrive. There
followed the usual horseplay--the scut
was used as a tackling dummy, threats
were made to lock him in a tomb, and
various other ceremonies observed. On
Saturday afternoon the scut was taken
on a long walk around town, being
forced to stop at some houses and ask
for food, to urinate on a few porches,
and generally to make a fool of
himself. On Saturday night came the
initiation proper. The scut was
prepared by reporting to the cellar in
his underwear and having dirt and flour
smeared all over his body. He was
finally cleaned up and brought to the
initiation room, where a solemn
ceremony followed, ending with the
longed-for words `Let him have
light,' at which point his blindfold
was removed, some oaths were
administered, and the boy was finally a
member....'' 

    Notes for Chapter 4
 

16.
 Richardson to Prescott Bush, June
10, 1954, H. Smith Richardson Papers,
University of North Carolina, Chapel
Hill.
 
                       
17.
 Wayne S. Cole, {America First: The
Battle Against Intervention, 1940-1941}
(Madison: the University of Wisconsin
Press, 1953); Interviews with
Richardson family employees; H. Smith
Richardson Foundation annual reports;
Richardson to Prescott Bush, March 26,
1954, Richardson Papers. {Washington
Post}, April 29, 1990.
 

18.
 Richardson to Chase Bank executive
Cole Younger, Sept. 17, 1952, H. Smith
Richardson Papers, University of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill.
 

19.
 Parmet, Herbert S.,
{Eisenhower and the American
Crusades} (New York: MacMillan
Company, 1972), p. 481.
 

20.
 John Prados, {Keepers of the Keys:
A History of the National Security
Council from Truman to Bush} (New York:
William Morrow, 1991) pp. 92-95.
 

21.
 Robert Callaghan in {Covert
Action}, No. 33, Winter 1990. Prescott,
Jr. was a board member of the National
Strategy Information Center as of 1991.
Both Prescott Sr. and Jr. were deeply
involved along with Casey in the
circles of Pan American Airlines, Pan
Am's owners the Grace family, and the
CIA's Latin American affairs. The
Center, based in Washington D.C.,
declines public inquiries about its
founding.
   See also {EIR Special Report},
``American Leviathan: Administrative
Fascism under the Bush Regime''
(Wiesbaden, Germany: Executive
Intelligence Review Nachrichtenagentur,
April, 1990), p. 192.
 

22.
 For example, see Trumbull Higgins,
{The Perfect Failure: Kennedy,
Eisenhower, and the CIA at the Bay of
Pigs} (New York: W.W. Norton and Co.,
1987), pp. 55-56, 89-90. 
   Unverified information on the
squads is provided in the affidavit of
Daniel P. Sheehan, attorney for the
Christic Institute, reproduced in {EIR
Special Report} ``Project Democracy:
The `Parallel Government' behind the
Iran Contra Affair'' (Washington, D.C.:
Executive Intelligence Review, 1987),
pp. 249-50. 
   Some of the hired assassins have
published their memoirs. See, for
example Felix Rodriguez and John
Weisman, {Secret Warrior} (New York:
Simon and Schuster, 1989); and E.
Howard Hunt, {Undercover: Memoirs of an
American Secret Agent} (New York: G.P.
Putnam's Sons, 1974).
 

   Notes for Chapter 5

1.
 Nicholas King, {George Bush: A
Biography} (New York: Dodd, Mead &
Company, 1980), pp. 13-14.
 

2.
 {Ibid.,} p. 19.
 

3.
 {Ibid.}
 

4.
 Joe Hyams, {Flight of the Avenger:
George Bush at War} (New York:
Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovitch, 1991), p.
14.
 

5.
 {Ibid.,} p. 17.
 

6.
 {Ibid.,} pp. 16-17.
 

7.
  Donnie Radcliffe, {Simply Barbara
Bush} (New York: Warner Books, 1989),
p. 132.
 

8.
 Fitzhugh Green, {George Bush: An
Intimate Portrait} (New York:
Hippocrene Books, 1989), p. 16.
 

9.
 Radcliffe, {op. cit.,} p. 133.
 

10.
 King, {op. cit,} p. 14.
 

11.
 Hyams, {op. cit.,} pp. 17-19.
 

12.
 King, {op. cit.,} pp. 10, 20.
 

13.
 {Ibid.,} p. 21.
 

14.
 Claude M. Fuess, {The Life of Caleb
Cushing,} 2 vols. (New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, 1923).
 

15.
 John Perkins Cushing was a
multi-millionaire opium smuggler who
retired to Watertown, Massachusetts
with servants dressed as in a Canton
gangster carnival. See Vernon L.
Briggs, {History and Genealogy of the
Cabot Family, 1475-1927} (Boston:
privately printed, 1927), Vol. II, pp. 
558-559. John Murray Forbes, {Letters
and Recollections}, (reprinted New
York: Arno Press, 1981), Vol. I, p.
62-63. Mary Caroline Crawford, {Famous
Families of Massachusetts} (Boston:
Little, Brown & Co., 1930), 2 vols.
 
16. Interview with a retired Andover
teacher. 


17.
 Claude M. Fuess, {Creed of a
Schoolmaster} (reprinted Freeport, New
York: Books for Libraries Press, 1970),
pp. 192-93.
 
                                    
18.
 Green, {op. cit.,} p. 49. 

                                                 
19.
 Frederick S. Allis, {Youth from
Every Quarter: A Bicentennial History
of Phillips Academy, Andover} (Andover,
Mass.: Phillips Academy, 1979),
distributed by the University Press of
New England, Hanvover, N.H.), pp.
505-7.
 

----         John Covici
          covici@ccs.covici.com