TIME TO LOOSEN ORANGE GRIP ON UNIONS ********** (In this addition of An Phoblacht/Republican News-August 27, 1992-we examine the seriousness and effectiveness of the trade union movement in its attitude and initiatives in helping to reduce the deliberately structured chronic unemployment situation in Northern Ireland and its contribution in real terms to ending religious discrimination in the workplace.) *********** The make-up of the workforce in such places as the Harland and Wolff shipyard, the Sirocco works, and Shorts have all been well documented before and the 96, 100 and 95 percent Protestant composition in these firms respectively have long been the norm, despite the introduction of various 'fair employment' bodies over the last 22 years or so. These, and other firms, have been heavily unionized but the imbalance in the make-up of the workforces show that the Protestant ethos of 'Protestant jobs for Protestant people' remained largely undisturbed by the trade union movement, certainly at factory floor level where unions are at their most powerful. Discrimination and intimidation existed in all types of employment where the workforces were heavily unionized as the following examples show: Olympia Leisure Centre was closed because Protestant trade unionists refused to work with a Catholic; Catholic workers at Housing Executive offices were forced to leave their jobs; Catholic workers at Shorts were intimidated inside the factory with threats written on their time cards; Shorts was brought to a standstill because management ordered workers to remove a display of sectarian bunting; Catholic workers at Shorts were named and warned not to come back; Catholics were intimidated from Unipork, Portadown; GEC Larne allowed an Orange band to parade around its factory; Catholic workers at Lisburn Leisure Centre received death threats; N.I. Electricity workers took action because they were not allowed to display sectarian bunting at the place of work; Mackies' workers (in West Belfast) too action because they were not allowed to display sectarian bunting. Many trade unionist and their leaders are members of the Orange Order, an openly sectarian organization pledged to further the interests of Protestants at the expense of Catholics. And while the trade union movement in Northern Ireland has supported actions against discrimination in South Africa, which have included the use of the boycott, no such initiatives have been instigated here and discrimination is still practiced with impunity. No real effort has been made by the trade union movement to bring about a fairer distribution of jobs and trade union leaders have shirked their responsibility by claiming it is all the employers' fault. Cases such as the recent court decision involving the Belfast Docks employers expose the true involvement of some trade unions in sustaining religious discrimination. In this case one of the largest trade unions, the Amalgamated Transport and General Workers Union (ATGWU), was found at the Court of Appeal to be acting as an effective hiring agency and constituted a hidden but effective barrier to Catholic recruitment. In fact one of the successful Protestant applicants had been in jail at the time when experienced Catholic dockers were not being considered for interview! After the Court of Appeal ruling there was no statement from the ATGWU that the old rules no longer applied. The ATGWU has a full-time official on the Fair Employment Commission. While no doubt there are many full-time trade union officials at district, regional and national level committed to good trade union anti-discrimination policies, it is in transferring those policies into practice at the workplaces that the greatest resistance to equality of opportunity is experienced. It is when this difficulty arises that the trade union movement has been found wanting. While the General Secretary of the ATGWU Ron Todd was saying in May 1991 that "We either stand on the sidelined or we take positive action", his Regional Secretary in Northern Ireland, John Freeman was saying that "The Union had considered the dangers of going on the offensive against sectarianism." This danger John Freeman was obviously alluding to was the danger of the bigots in the movement tearing up their membership cards and leaving, thus seriously weakening the financial base of the ATGWU. The question here for the unions which they must honestly address is, do they want sectarian bigots dictating how they should act--or not act--on the fundamental rights of workers? This question is not being asked by trade union leaders such as John Freeman who instead continue to indulge in double talk on the fair employment issue. At the Biennial Delegates Conference in 1989 he was reported as stating that there was nothing wrong with the internationally recognized fair employment MacBride Principles, yet later personally wrote to Governor Peter Wilson of California asking him to veto the MacBride legislation which had already been passed by the State Assembly. The extent to which some trade unionists will go to mislead those interested in fighting discrimination is shown in a meeting between the Investment Resource Research Centre, a Washington- based organization contracted to monitor the employment practices at many US firms operating in Northern Ireland and shop stewards at the Hughes Tool factory at Castlereagh in East Belfast. The shop stewards told to IRRC that they would never work in Catholic West Belfast. "It is not done to work on the other side. You can't get people to go from one area to another, you just can't do it. It is a closed shop on one side." Some of the shop stewards, who were mostly Protestant, said that "even if they were paid 1,000 pounds sterling a day they would not work in West Belfast." This type of lie should be nailed by the trade union movement and can be done so by using the Ford example, where the majority of the workers and shop stewards are Protestant and not from West Belfast, where the factory is actually situated. Some of these shop stewards in Ford are also members of the Orange Order, notably Ford's Belfast convener, Ray Kelly of the Amalgamated Engineering Union, AUE, and Ford senior representative for staff, Robert Graham, Manufacturing, Science and Finance (MSF). Graham is Deputy Master of the Loyal Orange Lodge 490. These are the type of union representatives employees are supposed to go in discrimination cases! So the reality is that Protestants are quite willing to come to work in West Belfast and any trade union, in this case the AUE, that says different is doing so to try and justify the imbalance in their own workplaces and to hide the bigotry in their own ranks. The other aspect of this false argument is that the employment imbalance are due to the fact that Catholics are unwilling to travel to areas where jobs are because of intimidation and fear of attack. This ignores the long history of structural discrimination which has kept economic development out of nationalist districts. Intimidation is an essential part of the discrimination process itself, wherever the jobs are located. The AUE, like all trade unions, profess to be non-sectarian but an examination of where they hold their branch meetings, including Orange and Masonic Halls (no-go areas for Catholics) exposes how an anti-Catholic attitude prevails over their trade union principles. Below are listed some of the venues of AUE Branch meetings in the greater Belfast area. All members are invited to attend. Each of these meeting places are known to be used by Orange and Loyalist groups. The question to the AUE here is, if you were a Catholic, or progressive worker of any background, would you feel free to attend union branch meetings in these venues? *Hamilton Memorial Hall, Finaghy, Belfast 10, Dunmurray. (Featured in Channel 4 'Dispatches' program as meeting place for the 'Inner Circle' of RUC/UDR/UDA planning murder of lawyer Pat Finucane.) *{RUC is the Royal Ulster Constabulary or in other words the N.I. Police, the UDR is the Ulster Defense Regiment the equivalent of the U.S National Guard and the UDA is the Ulster Defense Association, a loyalist death squad recently outlawed by the Secretary of State in N.I. for its involvement in the murder of hundreds of Catholics. These groups often have an overlapping membership and often act in collusion with one another, one example being the murder of Catholic lawyer Pat Finucane. eugene) *Argyle Band Room, Lawnbrook Avenue, Belfast 13. (Used by the Shankill Butchers) {The Shankill Butchers were a group who went on to become the biggest mass murderers in the history of the U.K. At least thirty murders have been traced to them, most of them innocent Catholics kidnapped at random off the streets. They got their nicknamed because of the horrible tortures and mutilations they committed on their victims, included decapitation. Many of the murders were planned, and a few actually carried out, in the Argyle.eugene}. *Good Templars Hall, My Lady's Road, Belfast 6, Creagh. *Purdy Memorial Hall, Chevoit Avenue, Belfast 4. *Ainsworth Community Centre, Mayo Stree, Belfast 13. *The Church Hall, Riga Street, Belfast 13. *Andrews Memorial Hall, Millviews, Comber, Newtownards. *Community Centre, Ainsworth Avenue, Belfast-Glencairn. *Dufferin Memorial Hall, Hamilton Road, Bangor. *Orange Hall, Albert Road, Carrickfergus, Antrim. (for American readers: it would require a knowledge of the political geography of Northern Ireland to understand the significance of most of these addresses. Those who are familiar need no explanation as to why Catholics would not feel safe travelling to or meeting in these Loyalist areas. eugene.) As the above shows, one of the most basic elements in trade union membership, that of an opportunity to meet, free from the threat of intimidation, is continually denied to a significant proportion of AUE members. It is apparent that Ireland is still the 'taboo' subject in the trade union movement, because of the belief that the majority of workers are loyalists first and foremost and any talk of real equality may result in the erosion of their relatively privileged position and loss of membership and revenue. Proper debate on the subject of the trade union movement in the North of Ireland has been stifled, with the recommendations to defer motions back to 'Northern Ireland' committees where they disappear. The trade union leadership in the North advocate a "We live over there, we know best how to handle this, leave it with us" attitude. But what must be recognized is that giving into bigotry in the trade unions in the North weakens the entire trade union movement in Ireland, preventing it from addressing issues of civil liberties, sectarian discrimination, economic sovereignty and national self-determination and from representing its members. It is in the interest of the mass of trade union members to advance these issues. In the long run it is also in the interest of Protestant workers to see a strong Irish trade union movement working in the interest of the majority of the national labour force and alongside the growing army of unemployed. For too long the trade union movement has allowed itself to be held ransom by sectional, sectarian interests. ********** An Phoblacht/Republican News is the weekly publication of the Republican Movement (Sinn Fein.) It is available via subscription from: AP/RN 58 Parnell Square Dublin 1, Ireland USA 75 dollars per year. ********* for further info on Ireland on Peacenet, see reg.ireland. Conf? 253 Topic 253 Ireland: Loyalist Speak emcelroy reg.ireland 1:09 pm Sep 8, 1992 From: Eugene McElroy Subject: Ireland: Loyalist Speak ULSTER'S TWIN FORCES ********** From the Andersonstown News (West Belfast) August 22, 1992 ********** U.S. reporter Jim Dee has been talking to members of the Loyalist paramilitary groups UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) and the UFF (Ulster Freedom Fighters). The interviews were conducted separately at different locations on the Shankill Road and took place before the recent banning of the UDA (Ulster Defense Association). They provide an extraordinary insight into the mentality and the tactics of the overhauled loyalist killer gangs whose actions have reached a level of barbarism and ferocity unseen since the 1970's. ********** Ulster Volunteer Force Q: How big is the UVF? A: The organization does not divulge numbers, weaponry or anything like that. Let's just say we have enough to meet the need. The organization doesn't need to advertise its needs. In the current situation you might get an influx, but not as much as, say, the time of the Hunger Strike. We could increase our numbers two to three times, no problem. But we're also trying to maintain a higher level of operations. We have enough sophisticated weaponry to meet the need, obviously. The supergrass {informer} trials exposed a lot of shortcomings. Now we're organized along similar lines to the Provos {IRA}, with a cell structure. But again, the organization does not divulge numbers. Q: How does the UVF differ from the Ulster Defense Association (UDA)? A: They're not that different. At one stage, the UDA flirted with the idea of an independent Ulster, the UVF never went down that road. The UVF is very committed to the union, the British link. Not to say than some individuals within the UVF would favour an independent Ulster, but the organization does not. Still, hypothetically, I could see it in the near future. We're still very much in favour of the link--we're British. But if Britain withdraws, then the UVF would have to look toward independence. Q: Recently, an ex-UVF member told me that people in the loyalist community are "pissed off" at the UDA/UFF over recent killings, and that they're viewed as "mad dogs without a leash." Would you agree with that statement? A: No, I don't view it that way. There's been a younger element that has come to the fore in the UFF. Most of the targets seem legitimate, with the odd exception. Under the old leadership there was not much activity, in a military sense, they seemed more interested in self-preservation. The present leadership seems more committed to taking the fight to the enemy and not just sitting back. But we have quite close relations with them. At times, you'll get the odd, occasional flare-up, differences. But you get that in the British Army. Q: The UVF claimed responsibility for the killing of Terry McConnville in Portadown. It was reported that "security sources" backed the family's claims that he had no connection with any paramilitary group. Are loyalist paramilitaries increasing random sectarian attacks? A: The UVF does not operate a policy of sectarian killings. See out there on the Shankill Road? Right now, literally hundreds of catholics are working on building sites. If the UVF was intent on killing catholics, we could do it easily. If we were a sectarian organization, we could do so on a daily basis. If we were sectarian, why go into the heart of a republican area to carry out a sectarian killing? Why put our members ar risk, going through the security forces? Q: There have been many allegations that the UVF operated with the collusion of the security forces. A: Absolutely not. Again an individual could, but i have no doubt that republicans have contacts within the security forces as well. I would not dispute the fact that the security forces would be sympathetic to loyalist paramilitaries. But, in the make-up of the security forces, I would say loyalist involvement is minimal. Whenever there is a killing in republican areas, Sinn Finn cries about the security forces not doing their job. But the same people who cry, attack a bar a couple of yards down the road here, where two men were killed, and get away! That couldn't happen in republican areas. Teebane is proof that we're not sectarian--we did not retaliate. {Teebane refers a village in Co. Tyrone where in 1991 the IRA blew up a van containing 8 Protestant workers who were rebuilding a British Army post. The IRA considers workers and companies engaged in work for the British Army or Police as legitimate targets. In February 1992, five people were killed at a betting shop on the nationalist lower Ormeau Road, Belfast. The Loyalist death squad responsible for this claimed it was in retailiation for Teebane. eugene}. There was a move within the organizations to retaliate. But when the right targets present themselves, we will retaliate. Our intelligence is good, very much so. There is no sectarian policy in the UVF, and that is from the highest level. Q: What is your view of the Brooke talks? How do you the prospect of republican participation? A: We hoped that the talks would be fruitful. That's why we called a ceasefire, for six weeks, to help facilitate the talks. But the IRA only intensified their campaign. The UVF has no contact with republicans. Until such time as the IRA call a ceasefire for a reasonable period of time, the UVF will not engage in any negotiations with republicans, not while they carry on their campaign of violence. Now, the SDLP does not condone violence, although at the end of the day their objective may be the same, we wouldn't deny that, but they'll work within the law. But what {Sinn Fein leader Gerry} Adams portrays to the public is quite different from what he says to his own people. I don't recognize any difference between Sinn Fein and the IRA. There is no difference. THat being said, I also think all loyalist politicians have failed the protestant people . They have been more interested in themselves, and in their own powerbase. Things like the cost of living and unemployment are completely forgotten about; the DUP {Democratic Unionist Party, headed by Ian Paisley}, UUP (Ulster Unionist Party) or Alliance, by and large, they're all the same. As for Dublin, they have nothing to offer us. The number of protestants in the SOuth has dwindled, until the percentage is so minimal. There's no question of anti- protestantism down south. So we're supportive of talks, but I don't expect much will come out of them. Q: How do you view a resolution to the conflict? Would you accept powersharing with nationalists? Q: You must bear in mind that the answer lies with the Provos; the answer to ending all violence lies with the Provos. If the IRA called a ceasefire, the UVF would reciprocate. Contrary to the 'tit-for tat' view, the UVF does not go out and retaliate: if a target presents itself, the UVF hits. The UVF has political documents put out by very progressive unionists. There was one document produced before, the UDA's 'Common Sense', a very progressive document. Common Sense was pretty much a carbon copy of that document. It proposed a devolved government, proportional representation etc. As for powersharing, catholics still feel discriminated against. Of course there is discrimination in employment, but it applies to both communities. If I were running Shorts {a automotive engine plant in East Belfast with a nearly 95 percent Protestant workforce. eugene} I wouldn't hire catholics--no one could assure me that they're not in the IRA. I would know that a protestant is not coming to destroy my business. For years we had it rammed down our throats "you must vote Unionist to maintain the border!" The border split society for one class, for the benefit of one class. This may sound conceited, but I think the people of Northern IReland are the finest people anywhere; they're hard-working and innovative, as Shorts, at the forefront, has proved. The willingness to work is there, if we had jobs everyone could not fail to prosper. But I have no doubt that the IRA have driven investors away. ********** Ulster Freedom Fighters Q; How big is the UFF? A: Johnny- Big. Our membership has grown four times in the past year, province wide. We're 400 to 500 strong in west Belfast alone. Last year our command structure was wiped out, but that allowed us to reorganize. Most of those who were scooped were skimming {using organizational funds for personal purposes} and tipping off {informing} the security forces. We got rid of the dead wood. Restructuring brought in a younger element--no more grandads, sitting behind a desk. Our recruitment is way up. In Belfast, we're organized into six brigades, similar to the Provos, with an Inner Circle meeting one a week. Q: The UFF was involved in an attack on two women in North Belfast which has been labelled purely sectarian. What is the strategy behind random attacks? A: Sammy- Those women were not attacked. A known member of the North Belfast IRA was the intended target. If we wanted to kill those two women, they'd have been killed. They'd be dead now. Johnny--Our intelligence is one hundred percent accurate! One hundred and one percent! We get our information from the security forces! I could show you computer printouts in the other room, security force printouts with precise intelligence. Sammy--"Innocent" catholics are always crying that they're innocent, but they're not. If they want to be sectarian, we can be blunty sectarian. We'll fight fire with fire. This is war. We are engaged in military war with the Provos. Q: Nationalists point to cases such as the Brian Nelson affair as an illustration of why they oppose the security forces. {The Nelson affair highlighted the close relations existing between the security forces and the loyalists.} How close is your relationship with the RUC and the Army? A: Sammy--Nelson was just an intelligence officer; as in 'overall' intelligence. That's all he was involved in. Listen, republicans have their contacts within the security forces too. They have their people passing on information. I'm not going into details about out relationship with the security forces. But it is there, and it is a good working relationship. I'm not going to give details, but let's say we get information on a weekly rather than a daily basis. The information is not on specific republican movements, day to day movements. We'll be working on a target for months before we nail the target. I'm not going into anymore details on that. Q: Many people feel that direct negotiations with the republican movement are fundamental to any lasting solution. How do you view that prospect? A: Sammy--How do you talk to scum? Politicians can negotiate. But the Provos started this, what should we negotiate? The Brooke talks are absolute nonsense. This year the UFF is at full strength. Our numbers have swelled, and our ammunition has swelled. Q: Ammunition from South Africa? A: Sammy--Yes. But the South African connection is only marginal. It's the one you know about, so it's the one we admit. But its much more than that. We have other supporters. We've got our supporters in America too. But the point is we're not just reacting to what they (the IRA) do, we do our own thing. We're trying to show how the Provos' actions impact on the catholic community. The IRA are more communists than anything else. On our side, if you say anything about us, fair enough. But in Andersonstown, people are scared to speak. They're afraid of the Provos. That's communism. The Provos say an attack on the police is an attack on the 'state'. But an attack on the security forces is an attack on the protestant community. They should have no part in the talks, and they never will have a part. Q: In a United Ireland, republicans envision a new secular state. Are there changes that could occur in the 26 Counties {Southern Ireland} that would make re-unification more acceptable? A: Sammy--I've been down South. My view of the 26 counties is: keep your nose out of our fucking business. They're peasants down there. Their economy is nothing. They're just trying to get a foot in the British economy. They want the shipyard. {A reference to Harlan and Wolff's, a ship yard which is the major employer in Belfast. It is the shipyard where the Titanic was built, and has tremendous symbolic meaning for the Loyalist population, which makes up 90-95 percent of the H and W workforce. eugene}. There's nothing for me in a united Ireland at all--I'm British. If republicans want an "all Ireland" then they should move down South. The only way you'll see peace here is if you put barriers up around each community. The British can't see any way out of it. I can't see it ending in my lifetime. ********** In Peacenet's "reg.ireland" conference, there are other postings that are of relevance to this posting. Number 81 contains the UDA document 'Common Sense' refered to here. Number 111 contains a Sinn Fein statement on Loyalism. Number 186 is entitled 'Loyalist Human Rights Concerns'. Number 191 highlights the Nelson affair refered to here in the UFF interview. For further information on Ireland in Peacenet, please consult 'reg.ireland'. Ireland articles are also cross posted into other Peacenet conferences such as gen.socialism, gen.racism, alt.activism, misc.activism.progressive, labor.newsline, apc.labor, justice.usa, gen.women and others. If you have any other suggestions for cross posting, please let me know. If you want articles posted directly to you let me know via 'emcelroy'. -- Hit or for more (99% read) -- Conf? [Continued] Topic 253 Ireland: Loyalist Speak eugene. Conf? Topic 254 Discrim. in N.Ireland emcelroy reg.ireland 2:25 pm Sep 8, 1992 From: Eugene McElroy Subject: Discrim. in N.Ireland Religious Bias Rises In Northern Ireland ****** Recently published figures show that religious discrimination in Northern Ireland is rising again. Male Catholics are now 2.6 times likely to be unemployed as Protestants--back to the position they had in 1971, after a period of slight improvement. The male youth unemployment rate, which is high for protestant workers at 19.6 percent, is double for Catholics with a staggering rate of 39 percent in the 16-25 age group. Catholics are only half as likely as Protestants to be in managerial or professional jobs, and are over-represented in semi and unskilled manual labor. To challenge discrimination, the government in 1989 introduced a new 'Fair Employment Act' which offers high levels of compensation to workers who have been discriminated against. In a recent case Mary Duffy, a temporary laundry worker who was refused employment because of discrimination secured 25,000 pounds sterling in compensation for injury to feelings. This is the largest amount ever awarded under this heading. ****** taken from Labour Research August 1992. Vol. 81, Number 8. LR is available from: LRD 78 Blackfriars Road London, England SE1 8HF ******** for further info on Ireland in Peacenet, see reg.ireland. Conf? Topic 255 "Stitch the Wound..." emcelroy reg.ireland 11:06 am Sep 9, 1992 From: Eugene McElroy Subject: "Stitch the Wound..." SINN FEIN 'MUST OPEN ITS MIND TO PROTESTANTS' from the "Irish Democrat" August 1992 ********** If Republicans are not ready to understand the fears and aspirations of the Protestant community, they will consign the people of Ireland to endless war, Derry Sinn Fein leader Mitchell McLaughlin warned last month. "If we are ever to resolve the situation in Ireland...there must be a rapprochement with the Protestant community in the North", he wrote in 'The Guardian' newspaper. Even after British withdrawal, which he said remained a prerequisite for peace, the north-east of Ireland would still be occupied by almost one million people "whose whole history, aspirations, culture and sense of stability have been formed, nurtured and reinforced within a British political, intellectual and emotional environment." He admitted a reciprocal desire for peace and understanding would be needed from the Protestant community. But most controversially, he alleged that republicans had been partly to blame for the disappearance of a vibrant, radical non-conformism from the Protestant community. Since partition, republicans had rejected the dissenting Protestant voice because of their own fear of the Catholic hierarchy, he charged. Republicans had to face the unpalatable truth that "many IRA activities from the northern Protestant perspective are perceived to be sectarian." He said that there had always been an element within the republican movement "who secretly believe that the Protestant population could be coerced into accepting Irish unity and independence." This was neither possible nor acceptable, he warned. "We must convince them of the rightness of our cause and the benefits accruing to them from advocacy of our cause," he said. He said republicans had to choose between paying lip service to anti- sectarianism or actively seeking to connect with Protestantism at every level. ********** The 'Irish Democrat' is published by the Connolly Association. It is available by subscription from the CA at: Irish Democrat 244/46 Gray's Inn Road London WC1X 8JR Cost 7.50 pounds sterling in Britain and the Six Counties. (Sorry, I don't know what it costs for a sub to North America.) ********** The following is an article by Mitchell McLaughlin. (This must be the Guardian article cited above, but it was handed to me without a citation...) TIME TO STITCH THE WOUND by Mitchell McLaughlin We Republicans must ask (and answer) the question, "What are Unionists afraid of?" The Unionists for their part have provided clear indications that they would say catholicism, republicanism and nationalism, in that order. There is also the understandable if seldom expressed fear that they will be treated in any new arrangement in just as cavalier a fashion as the Unionists have treated the nationalist minority. In this they do not differentiate between Sinn Fein, the SDLP and the various southern parties. The Unionists quite correctly demand civil and religious liberty, yet have done their best to extinguish it in political and social life in the North, as have their reactionary counterparts in the South. The Unionists now talk as if they have been a persecuted, misunderstood people whose only desire is to live in peace with its neighbors. They have distorted history and made their sectarian little statelet the butt of ridicule and shame. And yet, tragically, given the role created for them by Westminster, there was very little else they could have done or believed. Prisoners of a history made behind their backs in committee rooms in Westminster and in the great drawing rooms of Empire, they behave exactly as an artificially created imperial bulwark would behave. So it is that present day Unionists of every shade of opinion blame the IRA for all their ills, and have little difficulty in seeking the defeat of the IRA, and by implication, that of the Catholic population, as a far more important consideration than any attempt at peaceful reconciliation within the island of Ireland. In a perceptive and illuminating essay, "Intellectual and Political Culture: A Unionist-Nationalist Comparison", Liam O'Dowd points out that to outsiders the inability of Unionists and nationalists to engage in constructive political dialogue is mystifying. On of the explanations frequently advanced is the existence of political violence. Yet the rejection of dialogue preceded the "troubles". More than 40 years went by before the prime ministers of both parts of Ireland met. When people say that if we are all to live on this tiny island, it must be in harmony with our Protestant brothers and sisters, some militant Republicans are only too eager to dismiss such statements as facile, mindless, heart-tugging liberal nonsense. And so they are when presented in a context where British involvement in our affairs is ignored or glossed over. However, we all will have a future after British withdrawal, and if we are to live together in Ireland without the Brits, then Republicans and nationalists have got to reach an equitable arrangement with the Protestant community, and that arrangement must guarantee equal rights for all. No privileges, no perks, no special relationships and no religious or economic favoritism for anyone or any organization. If we are to ever resolve the situation in Ireland, if we are ever to have real and lasting peace on this island, there must be a rapprochement with the Protestant community in the North. We, as Republicans, must seek to understand and empathize with the Protestant community. Of course, a prerequisite of peace is a British withdrawal, but we must be realists enough to accept that even after that withdrawal, part of this island will still be inhabited by more than 900,000 people whose whole history, aspirations, culture and sense of stablitity, have been formed, nurtured and reinforced within a British political, intellectual and emotional environment. Despite the accumulated angers and resentments of the centuries, we must open our minds to the ideology, the fears and the beliefs of a community that has been part of out oppression. Of course, a reciprocal desire for peace and understanding is required from the Protestants in the North, but we have repeatedly stated that in a post-British Ireland the negotiations that would precede such an arrangement, Republicans would be generous. That generosity would be needed because someone, somewhere, will have to take that first step toward breaking the cycle of hatred and misunderstanding that has poisoned Irish society. Irish republicanism prides itself on its historical linking of Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter. Every rebellion, rising and social movement since 1798 has had, we are told, its share of Protestant involvement and leadership. But partition ended all that, and it is no exaggeration to say that since the ending of the civil war the Protestant population has had only a minimal part to play in the ongoing debates and struggles for the creation of a united, democratic country. What happened? How did a vibrant, radical nonconformism virtually disappear? Republicans have been partly to blame. When you look at the post- partition development of the Republican movement, it is clear that time and time again we have rejected that dissenting voice because of our fear of the Catholic hierarchy. Also, one objective reality which must be faced by Republicans, even if it is unpalatable, is that many IRA activities from the northern Protestant perspective are perceived to be sectarian. It is therefore undoubtedly true that differences between the two communities which have historically existed have become wider as a result. This is the truth which must be recognized by Republicans. I can think of occasions when some IRA operations displayed insensibility to the feelings of ordinary Protestants, and although the IRA campaign is clearly not sectarian (even when RUC-Royal Ulster Constabulary- and UDR- Ulster Defense Regiment- personnel are the targets), nonetheless there remains an unconscious insensitivity in some areas of the movement which must be removed. Unpalatable it may be, but there has always been an element within the Republican movement and on the island of Ireland itself who secretly believe that the Protestant population could be coerced into accepting Irish unity and independence. That is not acceptable. Neither is it possible, as Republicans should know, because all the might of Britain could not and cannot suppress Irish resistance. The Republican quarrel is with the British state in Ireland, and the truth is that we cannot and should not even try to coerce the Protestant people into a united Ireland. We must convince them of the rightness of our cause and of the benefits accruing to them from the advocacy of our cause. We as Republicans have choices to make: we can continue paying lip service to anti-sectarianism while denying the reality of sectarian elements in our movement, or we can actively seek to connect with Protestantism at every level. There is great animosity and misunderstanding on both sides, and our joint histories are littered with atrocity and shame. While we offer the hand of friendship to our Protestant neighbors, we cannot expect them to read our palms to discover our intentions. We, as they, must be ready to talk and apologize and unite, and the only way that can be achieved is through understanding. Are we ready for that painful experience? If we are not, then we consign the people of this island to endless war. Mitchell McLaughlin is leader of Sinn Fein on the Derry City Council. ********** for further information on Ireland in Peacenet, please see "reg.ireland".