Article 16062 of alt.conspiracy: Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy,alt.activism,alt.society.civil-liberty,alt.individualism,alt.censorship,talk.politics.misc,misc.headlines,soc.culture.usa Path: cbnewsl!jad From: jad@cbnewsl.cb.att.com (John DiNardo) Subject: Part VII, The Casolaro Murder --> The Feds' Theft of Inslaw Software Organization: AT&T Bell Laboratories Distribution: North America Date: Fri, 2 Oct 1992 14:10:06 GMT Message-ID: <1992Oct2.141006.19661@cbnewsl.cb.att.com> Followup-To: alt.conspiracy Keywords: CIA = Murder Inc., CIA desecrates the People's Constitution Lines: 143 The Following excerpts are from the WASHINGTON REPORT On Middle East Affairs, October 1992, P.O. Box 53062, Washington, D.C. 20009 1(800) 368-5788. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * BOOKS ~~~~~~~ "October Surprise: American Hostages in Iran, and the Election of Ronald Reagan" By Gary Sick. Random House, Inc., 1991. Reviewed by Andrew Killgore, former U.S. ambasssador to Qatar ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ It was a traumatic year for President Jimmy Carter. His secret attempt in April 1980 to rescue fifty-two American diplomatic hostages imprisoned in Tehran had failed disastrously. Of eight rescue helicopters sent, three had been destroyed by accident, along with a C-130 aircraft. Eight airmen had been killed and no hostages were rescued. The president's full public assumption of responsibility for the embarrassing fiasco did little to save him from growing charges of general fecklessness, especially in the face of an economy that seemed to be faltering. With Carter's re-election uncertain, the prize of the White House suddenly seemed attainable for the Republican Party. As a matter of principle, Carter refused to provide arms to Iran in exchange for the hostages. He also rejected Israel's proposals that it be allowed to ransom the hostages with U.S. arms. Carter did, however, negotiate with Iran over the release of Iranian assets frozen in the U.S. when the American hostages were seized. The dread possibility that this negotiation might be successful, releasing a surge of popular enthusiasm that might win Carter the election when the hostages came home, haunted Ronald Reagan's campaign organization. They worried about such an "October Surprise" right up to the November day when Americans went to the polls and elected Reagan president. The hostages, held prisoner for four hundred and forty-four days, were finally released at 12:05 P.M. on January 20, 1981, FIVE MINUTES after Ronald Reagan took the oath of office as President of the United States. The curious timing of the release caused some to wonder from that moment on whether the Reagan campaign and the Iranians had made a secret deal to delay the hostage release until after the presidential election. Such a TREASONABLE delay by PRIVATE operatives to thwart official U.S. Government efforts to free the hostages would amount to American political corruption of a cosmic level. Though morally indefensible, the political significance of such a deal would depend, to a large extent, on WHO made it. Did the candidate HIMSELF know? Or was it done behind his back by some amoral well-wisher? If there was a crime, the question, as in a classic mystery thriller, was WHO did it? OCTOBER SURPRISE author Gary Sick, a National Security Council staffer under Presidents Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter and, briefly, Ronald Reagan, and the principal White House aide for Iran during the Iranian revolution and hostage crisis, wasn't much of a detective at first. A retired Naval captain, he was simply too decent a man to contemplate that ambition for power by the Reagan campaign could lead it to betray America's diplomatic hostages, and indeed, the United States. As late as 1985, when he wrote his book, ALL FALL DOWN: America's Tragic Encounter With Iran, Sick still had not accepted that Jimmy Carter's political death might not have been solely from natural causes. Then two critical bits of information suggested that his basic trust had been misplaced. First, a single sentence in the New York Times showed that Reagan campaign manager and CIA Director-to-be William Casey had been outside the United States on critical dates when his associates had claimed that he was not. Second, a single date on an affidavit suggested that the Reagan Administration was trying to cover its tracks immediately after the inauguration. (discontinuation of excerpted book review) * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * When Fred Alvarez wrote that letter to Ronald Reagan containing "specific" details of the Reagan-Bush gang's treasonous "October Surprise" caper -- and when Ronald Reagan thoughtlessly wrote Fred back with a signed reply, that letter became a deadly blackmail card lying face-up on the playing table of political intrigue. Now when the gang found out about the incriminating Reagan letter, they probably said: "Why wasn't someone watching the old fool more carefully? That letter could hang all of us." CIA Director, then- private citizen and now President of the United States George Bush likely had his eyes peeled and his gears spinning as to how to handle Fred Alvarez. Now eventually, Fred became irate over the Wackenhut/Iran-Contra crew's misappropriation of proceeds from the Cabazon Indian gambling casino. So, in indignation, he started to go public on them. He gave interviews to the Desert Sun in which he stated: "As I speak, I'm a dead man." (and indeed, a brave man) (Would someone like to look up those Fred Alvarez interviews in back issues of the Desert Sun, and post them to the net? Photocopies can probably be obtained by your local library through the nationwide library network.) They shot Fred Alvarez in the head, execution-style. But there was still another loose cannon rolling around on deck: It was Paul Marosca. Marosca and Alvarez originated the realization that Reagan-Bush were setting themselves up for eventual blackmail in cutting the "October Surprise" surprise double-cross with the viciously hostile Iranian fundamentalist regime. Marosca probably had a copy of Reagan's signed self-incriminating letter. So they executed Paul Marosca too. Slowly strangled to death. Now Marosca's friend, Michael Riconosciuto was onto them. He had discovered Paul's body. The gang was feeling relentless heat from the unshakable threat that hung over their heads: that letter. It seemed like it was being passed on, like a baton, from one dead man to the next. They were extraordinarily "stresed out and pushy" in trying to keep Riconosciuto from finding out. But he found out anyway. Now they had to silence him too. But Riconosciuto had created his own trump card designed to ward off the executioners. He had set a time-bomb, engineered to go off upon his death. It was that letter again. With his death, the letter would automatically be disseminated to many journalists who were not inclined to just sit on it. Among all these suspicions of mine is the suspicion that Danny Casolaro was one of those journalists. But Danny couldn't wait for the time-bomb to be triggered. He was going to detonate it himself with his planned book: "Indio". They had to deal with Riconosciuto in a different way -- for the time being. But ultimately, the one and only failure-proof method -- the dead-men-tell-no-tales method would have to be used. When Riconosciuto defied their warning not to cooperate with the Congressional investigating committee, that did it. They set him up on drug charges and jailed him. They're now probably trying to figure out how to de-fuse his time-bomb so they can dispose of this remaining threat. John DiNardo