Trappist Monks Turn Into Village Charlatans ANOTHER
	      SOMERSAULT OF THE CIRCUS TUMBLERS OF RIM

			    by LUIS ARCE BORJA

The leadership of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) has
published a new document on Peru.  This text was issued on 28 March
this year under the bombastic title: 'Let Us All Rally to the Defense
of Our Red Flag Flying in Peru'.  The statement from RIM is nothing
more than a vulgar trick aimed at deceiving the unaware and adopting
for themselves the pose of consistent internationalist
revolutionaries.  The content of this document is not merely an error
of analysis.  Objectively, it is the political expression of an
opportunist line trying to smuggle harmful ideas around the problems of
the People's War and the so called 'Peace agreement' fraud.

This statement clearly shows again that the leaders of RIM are
persisting in veering towards callous opportunist positions.  Neither
their rhetorical flourish, nor their bedraggled chattering, can hide
their close association with the capitulators and turncoats who have
deserted the People's War in Peru.  The statement has two aspects, on
one level it swings from self-ridicule to comic relief.  On the other,
it is also rather tendentious.  Therefore, we must forcefully rebuke
it.

There is a comic aspect - anthological, really: When the RIM clique
calls people to arms in 'Defense of the People's War' and in 'struggle
against the erroneous line in support of the Peruvian revolution and
the Central Committee of the PCP'.  They put out this call after nearly
two years from the moment that the struggle against Fujimori's fraud
began (October 1993).  This is to be like someone finally volunteering
to fight against the Hitler regime in 1947.

Like in the novel of Gabriel Garcia Marquez, One Hundred Years of
Solitude, time seems to have stood still under the feet of the RIM
leaders.  Unperturbed, they took up their positions to observe the
struggle led by the PCP to smash the so called 'peace letters' fraud
and their inspirers.  Comfortably seated in their theatre boxes, from
time to time they mumbled aloud: Long Live Chairman Gonzalo!.  From the
top of the fence they stood ready to jump onto the side of the winners
once the battle was over.  Their squeals in 'support of the People's
War and the Central Committee' are but vulgar hoopla.  Their aim is to
beguile the political parties and groups that have strongly criticised
the conciliating position of the leaders of RIM.

These 'courageous communists' only decide to take up this struggle
when, both in Peru and abroad, the police agents and their
capitulationists partners have already died a natural death.  They only
take up this struggle when the fraud aimed at splitting the PCP has
already been buried by the avalanche of the People's War itself.

Here is another pearl deserving to feature in the most hilarious
vaudeville sketch: Now, and as if they were making a momentous
discovery, the leaders of RIM say: 'The proposal for a peace agreement
to end the war can only lead to opportunism'.

No, gentlemen of RIM, the 'peace agreement' is not merely opportunism.
More than anything else, it is a police fraud, it is part and parcel of
US low intensity warfare and a despicable counter-revolutionary
action.  It is not, as you claim, something 'leading into
opportunism'.

On the contrary, it is the opportunists themselves the ones who have
clambered aboard the broken down hearse of Fujimori's secret police.
These opportunists, who RIM depicts as followers of an 'erroneous
line', are the top representatives of the 'black gang' denounced by the
Communist Party of Peru.  They are umbillically linked to the political
police.

Moreover, unlike you, the most stupid and unaware of all politicians,
would hardly have needed two years to find out the reactionary
character of the 'peace letters'.  Any political illiterate would have
done better than the leaders of RIM.  He would have easily understood
that the 'peace agreement' was a monstrous fabrication designed by US
imperialism and not merely an 'erroneous line'.

SOME BACKGROUND NOTES FOR THE BENEFIT OF OUR READERS

As an introduction to our critique of RIM's document, we would first
put to our readers a brief account of the most relevant facts of the
struggle against the 'peace agreement':

On 1 October 1993, the Fujimori regime, in cahoots with US imperialism
started to publicise the 'peace letters'.  According to the imperialist
propaganda, these letters were written and signed by Chairman Gonzalo.
Immediately, on 7 October 1993, the Central Committee of the Communist
Party of Peru (PCP) issued a statement rejecting all kinds of
government frauds.  The CC reiterated the PCP's commitment to the
continuation of the People's War.

Abroad, diverse groups, parties and political organisations supporting
the Peruvian revolution, including El Diario Internacional, began a
firm struggle against the capitulators and police agents propagandising
the 'peace agreement'.  The PCP later elaborated on this problem by
means of various statements and resolutions.  In these documents the
Party characterised the 'peace letters' as a sinister police fraud
aimed at splitting the Party and assassinating Chairman Gonzalo, among
other objectives.

What was the position of the leaders of RIM during the development of
this struggle?  As everybody knows, they kept silent like Trappist
Monks.  They were unable to speak in any language and stubbornly
refused to take up a position concerning the counter-revolutionary
fraud.  To explain away their silence, they kept repeating like sick
parrots: 'We are undergoing a process of investigations'.


Under cover of their silence, they went on to act in complicity with
the enemies of the Peruvian revolution.  They banned distribution of
the official documents of the Communist Party of Peru, principally
those rejecting the 'peace letters' and guiding the struggle against
this fraud.  They also initiated a boycott against El Diario
Internacional, ordering their mignons in certain groups in the USA,
Mexico and other countries not to distribute this newspaper.

They absolutely ignored all international events and mobilisations
spearheaded against Fujimori's fraud.  Some organisms dependent of the
leadership of the RIM, began a campaign to propagate the documents
issued by the capitulatonists' gang supporting 'negotiations' with
Fujimori.

On the pretext of carrying out 'investigations' the RIM leaders held
several clandestine meetings with those promoting the 'peace
agreement'.  Stockholm and London were the venues for the joint
scheming of the RIM leaders and the capitulationists in Europe.  Some
activists of RIM took part in public events organized by the promoters
of the 'peace agreement'.

Glossing over this problem, and on the pretext of 'not giving
ammunition to the enemy', the RIM leaders attempted to smother the
struggle against the ringleaders of capitulation abroad.  They carried
out several attempts at hampering the struggle against the counter-
revolutionary elements.

Here, at the offices of El Diario, we were sent a note from the
International Emergency Committee (IEC). In this note they suggested
that we should abstain from intervention in the 'peace letters'
affairs, and counselled as 'the best method to carry out this debate':
They dragged out their tired old argument of 'not being irresponsible
in dealing with this problem' and that 'one should first investigate'.
In that period, the usurpers of the Peru Peoples' Movement (MPPs)
serving the regime and its secret police, had not better objective
allies than the RIM leaders.

Finally, in November 1994, after more than a year had elapsed, the
leaders of RIM,  put out two semi-clandestine documents.  The content
of both documents clearly summed up the eclectic and conciliating
position of the 'investigators' of RIM.  In those statements they gave
a synthesis of their 'profound and wise Marxist-Leninist-Maoist
investigation':  They alleged that the 'peace letters' were not a
police plot, but rather 'a two-line struggle within the ranks of the
PCP'.

They smuggled in the idea that this problem was strictly a non-
antagonistic contradiction within the people.  They then held that one
should 'treat the sickness to save the patient'.  In practice, this was
a call to conciliating with the interests of the police agents and
their stooges the capitulators.

Among other pearls of wisdom, they paraphrased Chairman Mao and noted
that 'without investigation there is not right to speak'. They also
held that 'one should not act hastily and irresponsibly in reaching
conclusions before understanding the problem.  Without further
explanation they held that the 'peace agreement' was led by 'a group of
people who played an historical leadership role in the PCP'.  They
presented this as a 'contradictory line'.

In this simple fashion, the leaders of RIM advocated turning the police
plot of 'peace agreement' into a matter of two line struggle within the
PCP.

WHAT IS NEW IN THE LATEST STATEMENT OF RIM?

This is a long document in which they persist in their bogus argument
of 'two line struggle within the ranks of the PCP'. In it the RIM
leaders also clearly reveal elements of their true game.  The old
Peruvian saying 'the fish is caught by its own mouth' fully applies
here:

1.   The leaders of RIM say: "THE MOST SERIOUS DANGER FACING THE PARTY
TODAY IS THE RIGHT-WING OPPORTUNIST LINE AND THE ACTIONS OF ITS
UPHOLDERS".  "THE RESOLUTION OF THIS PROBLEM WILL DECIDE THE FUTURE
DEVELOPMENT OF THE PERUVIAN REVOLUTION".


Is it true that the most serious danger facing the PCP today is the
'Right-wing opportunist line'? Is it true that the resolution of this
problem would decide the future of the war, as the leaders of RIM
proclaim?.

Chairman Gonzalo holds that a Right-wing opportunist line is a serious
danger for the Party and the revolution only when it succeeds in
ESTABLISHING ITSELF WITHIN the organization.  The danger exists since
this line aims at carrying out four changes: 1) Changing the character
of the Party.  2) Changing the general political line of the
revolution.  3) Changing the leadership, specially the General
Headquarters.  4) Changing and liquidating the People's War.

We ask this question: Is this the case of the 'peace letters'?.  The
'peace letters' do not arise from any Party source.  The 'peace
agreement' is fabricated and STRUCTURED in the headquarters of the
National Intelligence Services (SIN) of the Peruvian state with the
help of US experts. This fraud is THEN combined with the participation
of capitulationist elements within the prisons who have no influence
whatever in the leadership of the party and the People's War.  The
capitulationists, having become snitches and police agents, had no
possibility of influencing the Party's militants.

In February 1994, the Central Committee of the PCP referred to this
fact in the following fashion:  "THE PURPORTED LETTERS PRESENTED BY
FUJIMORI, THE PURPORTED INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE CALL AND ALL LATER
SCHEMES ARE NOTHING BUT A COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY PLOT ENGINEERED BY U.S.
IMPERIALISM AND THE MASS MURDERERS' QUISLING DICTATORSHIP IN
COMBINATION WITH THE SINISTER ACTIONS OF THE BLACK GANG......UPHOLDING
A RIGHT WING OPPORTUNIST LINE..... AND COMPOSED OF INFILTRATED AGENTS,
TRAITORS, CAPITULATIONISTS AND OLD REVISIONISTS".

On the other hand, the individuals (the capitulationists) in the
prisons, who went over to work for the police, are separated from any
relationship with the Party's organisations.   Thus, the black gang and
their foreign agents fail in their attempt.  They fail to take
advantage of the police plot to split the Party, destroy the PCP and
the People's War.  It is only within the heads of the gentlemen of RIM
that these individuals are still perceived as a danger for the
revolution.

IS THERE ANY VALIDITY IN RIM'S ARGUMENT?

If the 'analysis' of RIM is taken seriously, one would conclude that
the plot of 'peace agreement' is still alive and well.  That this plot
continues to cause havoc within the ranks of the Communist Party of
Peru (PCP).  One would have to believe that this continues to be an
acute problem within the ranks of the Party.  A problem that is still
unresolved and that "THE RESOLUTION OF THIS PROBLEM WILL DECIDE THE
DESTINY OF THE REVOLUTION".

The gentlemen of RIM have the political objective of propagating an
idea: That in nearly two years of struggle against the 'peace
agreement', the Central Committee of the PCP has failed and is still
unable to defeat the 'right wing opportunist line'. This is a bogus
argument revealing a completely subjective viewpoint.  It is not true
that the fraud of 'peace agreement' continues to be a danger for the
advance of the armed struggle in Peru.  Admitting that this
counter-revolutionary plot once threatened the integrity of the PCP, no
one with the most elementary knowledge of Peruvian reality could think
that today this danger persists.

Even the Peruvian 'Sendelorogists' who most hate the PCP would not now
dare say that the destiny of the war depends upon the success of the
'peace letters' plot. On the contrary, most of the official analysts in
Peru and abroad recognise today that Fujimori has failed in using the
letters.  The fraud of 'peace agreement' has lost all its harmful
effects within the PCP and among the masses of the poor in Peru. Its
counter-revolutionary effect was short lived.

>From the very moment that the Peruvian regime and U.S. imperialism
began promoting the 'peace letters', the PCP developed a determined
struggle at the political-ideological and at the military levels to
smash this plot.  Without a doubt, the most powerful weapon for
smashing the imperialist plot and defeating their supporters within the
prisons was the very development of the People's War.

In this respect, it is worth noting the comments of a well known
'Senderologist'.  This individual, does not, unlike the RIM leaders,
pretend to be a 'Marxist- Leninist-Maoist'.  However, he shows at least
a greater degree of clarity on the matter. Analysing the consequences
of the capture of Chairman Gonzalo and the results of the psychological
warfare promoted by means of the 'peace agreement', Gustavo Gorriti
says the following: "THE CAPTURE OF GUZMAN CAUSED THE DIFFERENCES, BUT
THE ERRORS IN USING THE PRISONERS' LETTERS HELPED THE RECOMPOSITION (OF
THE PCP) .... THAT IS WHAT HAPPENED.  DESPITE SOME SPECTACULAR
ACHIEVEMENTS AND SOME APPARENT SUCCESSES, THE OFFENSIVE OF THE LETTERS
SEEMS NOT ONLY TO HAVE FAILED.  WHAT IS MORE DANGEROUS, IT HAS
COMPROMISED THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE FIRST STAGE.  HOW DANGEROUS IS
SHINING PATH TODAY?  FIRST, IT IS NOT LIQUIDATED, FAR FROM IT ...... IT
HAS A RECONSTITUTED CENTRAL COMMITTEE WITH EXPERIENCED LEADERS, WITH
THE CAPACITY TO COORDINATE ACTIONS........." (Caretas magazine N.-
1312, May 1994, pages 28-30).

What is then the situation of the 'peace agreement' abroad?  The
individuals in the leading positions of the Peru People's Movement, who
had climbed aboard the police plot and the hearse of capitulation, find
themselves shunned and totally marginalised. They have been spurned by
the organizations and political parties in those countries.

Let us see a few examples:  In Paris, there was a tiny handful who on
occasions attempted propaganda for the 'peace agreement'.  Now, due to
lack of support, they have been forced to turn their offices into a
miserable canteen for drunken louts.

In Stockholm, the headquarters of the leader of the capitulationists
abroad, Javier Esparza, things are even worse. This fellow and the La
Torre family, his relatives, are the only 'militants' upholding the
'peace agreement'.  This family clan is very  isolated.  So isolated,
that to promote their views, they openly had to request the Peruvian
embassy's help (see El Diario N.- 25).

In Basel, Switzerland, nothing is left of the capitulationist 'MPP'.
In Hamburg, Germany, besides an individual and his wife, capitulation
has no other followers.  In Mexico things are even worse for them, and
anywhere else, there is nothing at all to report!.

RIM MAROONED BETWEEN THE 'PEACE LETTERS' AND THE PEOPLE'S WAR

In synthesis, both in Peru and abroad, the joint enterprise of the
police and the capitulationists has been ground to dust all along the
line.  The 'peace letters' that not even Fujimori dare use anymore,
have been consigned to the museum of plots and props used against the
PCP.  From this ordeal, the PCP and the People's War have come out
strengthened.  The RIM leaders say that 'the greatest danger facing the
Party today' is the 'very right wing opportunist line and the actions
of those upholding it'.

They are being patently absurd.  If what they are saying was true we
would have to recognise that U.S. imperialism and Fujimori's 'peace
agreement' plot can still achieve its counter-revolutionary
objectives.  Besides, if this problem is as serious as they make it out
to be, why have they waited nearly two years to 'order' a struggle
against the opportunist line?

2.   The leaders of RIM say: "IT IS URGENT TO CONTINUE THE EFFORTS TO
DISCOVER WHAT ARE CHAIRMAN GONZALO'S OWN VIEWPOINTS TODAY".  "HOWEVER,
THE LINE IS THE CENTRAL ISSUE, NOT ITS AUTHOR".

According to Lenin, opportunists strive: "TO AGREE WITH BOTH SIDES OF
ANY ARGUMENT".....  and that "IT IS DIFFICULT TO PIN DOWN AN
OPPORTUNIST BY MEANS OF A READY MADE FORMULA. OPPORTUNISM PRECISELY
CONSISTS IN LACK OF PRINCIPLE. IT IS ALWAYS READY TO ENDORSE ANY ONE
FORMULA WITH THE SAME EASE THAT THEY WOULD RECANT FROM IT" (V.I. Lenin,
One Step Forward, Two Steps Back, May 1904).

This opinion of Lenin regarding opportunism fits the leaders of RIM to
a tee!.  What is the political thrust of the question mark poised by
the leaders of RIM about the viewpoints of the leader of the Peruvian
revolution?  It is clear as a bell!

By means of this question mark they smuggle in the peregrine idea that
the author and brain behind the 'peace agreement' plot is Chairman
Gonzalo himself.  Thus they openly side with Fujimori's agents and the
capitulationist gang in flogging to death the idea that the 'peace
negotiations' are personally directed by Chairman Gonzalo.  They
conciliate with the idea that he has actually made international
telephone calls to 'order support' for the 'peace agreement' plot.

This idea cannot but lead the leaders of RIM directly to the side of
counter-revolution.  To hold that Chairman Gonzalo is leading the sell
out of the People's War, is to portray him as a political pygmy and a
dirty capitulationist. This objective of the plot of 'peace letters' is
a main one.

The evil idea that the gentlemen of RIM smuggle in, aims to reinforce
the strategic anti-insurgency plans of the government and of U.S.
imperialism to liquidate Gonzalo Thought.  This plan is based in the
sinister use of the figure of the leader and guide of the Peruvian
revolution.  This method they have themselves designed as 'the war of
Gonzalo against Gonzalo'.  The leaders of RIM employ the ruse of asking
themselves: 'What is really thinking Chairman Gonzalo?'.  They succeed
only too well in casting aspersions on the extraordinary theoretical
and practical contributions of Chairman Gonzalo.  They are also sowing
doubts about his integrity as a communist, specially abroad.

Of what value could Gonzalo Thought's be if its own author would betray
it?.  The leaders of RIM, by using this ruse, are affirming the
authenticity of the "peace letters" and presenting Dr Guzman as their
author.  With this ruse, the ideologic-political backbone of the PCP
centred upon Gonzalo Thought as the synthesis and application of
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is slurred.  This is precisely the objective of
Peruvian reaction and U.S. imperialism.  Is this the great love that
the leaders of RIM feel for the Peruvian revolution?.  With "friends"
like these, we don't need any more enemies!.

RIM:  FROM A VOW OF SILENCE TO UNBRIDLED LOQUACITY

"The line is central, not the author", this principle that would be
valid under any other circumstance turns into cheap aspersions in the
mouth of the RIM leaders.

Why, if they truly upheld this principle, they dib not apply it since
1993?. The political chicanery encapsulated in this phrase is as
follows: In the specific case of the People's War, and in the
circumstances that surround it since the capture of Chairman Gonzalo
(September 1992) and with Fujimori' fraudulent plot (October 1993), one
cannot arbitrarily separate the general political line of the
revolution from its author.  To make this distinction inevitably leads
to placing a question mark over the extraordinary theoretical and
practical contribution of Chairman Gonzalo. It also leads directly into
negation of the validity of the political line that sustains the
Peruvian revolution.  To understand this problem, one must first
understand the inter- relation that exists between the People's War and
Chairman Gonzalo.  Both are elements of one and the same historical
process.

We do not here in any way hold that the final destiny of the Peruvian
revolution is conditioned to the life or death of the great Peruvian
revolutionary. We reject even the shadow of an idealist and bourgeois
interpretation of the role of individuals in history.  We believe in
the laws of social development. We are sure that no accidental cause
can stop the class struggle and the revolutionary process. However, we
do defend and affirm the great role and historical figure of Chairman
Gonzalo for the Peruvian process and the world proletarian revolution.
The Chairman is today a foremost communists of our era.  In this
respect the PCP has this to say:

"We must study Gonzalo Thought basing ourselves upon the historical
context that produced it: We must look into the ideological basis that
sustains it; we must pinpoint its contents, which are more in evidence
in the general political line and in the military line that is its
kernel.  We must aim to grasp the essence of this thought, the issue of
political power, the issue of the conquest of power here in Peru.  This
issue is inextricably linked with the conquest of power for the
proletariat in the world...  ". (Fundamental Documents of the PCP, page
408, "Guerra Popular en Peru, el Pensamiento Gonzalo", June 1989).

VULGAR METAPHYSICIANS.

The RIM leaders defend vulgar metaphysical positions about Marxist
philosophy.  Their philosophical outbursts billed as "principled" are
sheer petty bourgeois idealism. From the standpoint of historical
materialism the great leaders of the oppressed classes are the product
of specific social conditions and historical developments.

These leading figures form an inseparable whole with the processes of
social revolution in which they are immersed.  The great leaders and
figures in the camp of the oppressed masses are not merely the
representatives of the most advanced ideas of the era.  They are also
the prototype of revolutionary ethics, moral and behaviour.

Since the time of Spartacus 70 years BC, from the time of Marx, Engels,
Lenin, Mao Tsetung and comrade Stalin, revolutionary thought and
practice have always formed a unity. No one imagines Marxism as the
product of capitulationists and traitors.

To separate Gonzalo Thought from the political life and praxis of
Chairman Gonzalo, is nothing less than an aberrant falsification of the
materialistic outlook in history.  This is barely a excuse to deny the
life and works of the leader of the People's War.  To deny it as part
and parcel of the class struggle and the acme of development of the
Peruvian proletariat.

In synthesis, by using the ruse of 'line is central and not its
author'. the "Maoists" in the leadership of RIM who trail behind the
capitulationists are playing an identical role to that of the worse
enemies of the Peruvian revolution.  This contradicts the position and
analysis of the Central Committee of PCP:  The Party very clearly, and
in different documents, defends the life and also the historical role
of Chairman Gonzalo as one of the greatest Marxists-Leninists-Maoists
of the present era.  The Party totally rejects the idea that the great
leader of the People's War has turned himself into a miserable peddler
and merchant of the revolution.

3. The leaders of RIM say. "The Committee of RIM calls upon the whole
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and Marxist-Leninists-Maoists
of the world:  To struggle in defense of the People's War in Peru and
support the comrades of the Communis Party of Peru in preserving the
achievements of the revolution, defeating the right wing opportunist
line ... ".

If this call had been issued in October 1993 and not in March 1995, it
would have been surely taken seriously both in Peru and at the world
level. However, today, when the wheel of history has taken many full
turns and so much water has passed under the bridges, this call sounds
merely like a Siren song.

These highfalutin words supporting the People's War, the PCP, and the
struggle against the "Right wing line", reflect the hypocritical and
opportunist tone of the document we are criticising.  The battle cry of
the RIM leaders against the "Right wing opportunist line", is a smoke
screen to hide their own opportunist features.  It is like a burglar
who when found out loudly cries: 'catch thief' pointing to his
accomplice!. Why all this shrieking now and not before?.

One of the characteristics of opportunism is to adapt itself to the
best circumstances of the moment.  They never want to lose out on the
best opportunity. Opportunism is always vague.  Opportunism looks for
advantages and tries to remain aloof from the class conflicts.

Today, the RIM Committee, is the least appropriate agency to lead and
mobilise the Marxist-Leninists-Maoists of the world and to support the
armed struggle in Peru.

The opportunist attitude of the RIM leaders in the affair of the "peace
letters", has landed them in a veritable cul-de-sac.  They are totally
isolated and rejected by 99% of the RIM bases. Besides, they are held
in contempt by many organisations and political parties abroad.  These
are forces, who, while not part of RIM, have nevertheless struggled and
supported the PCP's position on the issue of the "peace letters".
Evidently what the RIM leaders desperately want is to again climb
aboard the train of revolution and stave off their final and total
bankruptcy.

BRIEF SYNTHESIS. WHAT DO THE RIM LEADERS WANT?

The 'theoretical' lucubrations of the RIM leaders and their efforts to
distort the concrete reality of the People's War, are aimed at the
following objectives:

1. Dangerously, they seek to endorse and give legal currency to the
authenticity of the "peace letters".  They seek to depict these letters
as the political expression of a group of militants and sympathizers of
the Communist Party of Peru (PCP).  The political expression of people,
whether misguided or not, who are part of the Party. Not as
capitulationists and police agents as the Central Committee of PCP and
others hold.

In this manner, the RIM leaders are trying to conceal the 'peace
letters' true character as a police plot of the Fujimori regime, U.S.
Imperialism and their agents. On this point, the position of the RIM
leaders is identical to the position of the Fujimori regime and of the
most rabid enemies of the Peruvian revolution.   In this manner,
directly or indirectly they side with all those who speak of the 'two
Shining Paths', one led by 'Feliciano' and the other by Chairman
Gonzalo.

2. The rhetoric of the RIM leaders serves for keeping imperialist
propaganda around the 'peace agreement' alive, an issue that has
already been amply disposed off by the PCP.

Also, alongside this insidious idea, they bestow the title of 'internal
Party contradiction' to a gang of capitulationists and police agents.
To people who have already been unmasked and smashed, both in Peru and
abroad.

It is because of this that the RIM leaders shout: "Of the outcome of
this struggle will depend the future" of the People's War. With this
message, they attempt to smuggle the idea that the 'contradictory line'
is strong within the PCP.  That this is a line whose power 'could'
decide the course of the war.

3. By using the metaphysical, anti-dialectical plank of separating
'line from author', the RIM leaders prop up the main aspect of the
imperialist campaign to portray Chairman Gonzalo as a capitulationist
leader.  Thus, they portray him as a leader of the same ilk, or even
worse, than other well-known merchants of armed struggles in Latin
America.

All these bombastic and high sounding words of the RIM leaders about
finding out 'what Chairman Gonzalo really thinks' are clearly aimed at
sowing doubts.  These are words aimed at casting slurs upon the
unassailable communist morality of the leader of the PCP and of the
People's War.

4. The RIM leaders have gone into reverse. Their last statement has a
strong opportunistic stench about it.  It is their idea of a life line
to save themselves from political bankruptcy.

What is the bottom line of this affair?.  In these last two years, the
RIM leaders somersaulted and danced like courtesans around Fujimori's
plot.

Meanwhile, in Europe and in other continents an important campaign
mobilising around the defense of the PCP and the People's War was
developing. Scores of parties and political organisations, and support
groups, promoted a vigorous battle against the capitulationists of the
'peace letters'.

Nearly all the bases of RIM took part in this struggle. From this great
anti-imperialist mobilisation, only the Revolutionary Communist Party
USA (RCP-USA), two tiny groups from Colombia, and the "Union of Iranian
Communists" (Sarbedaran) stayed away.  This last organism is closely
linked to the RIM leaders.

Within this framework, the leaders of RIM, overtaken by their own
bases, became isolated and lost authority. Their false oaths of loyalty
to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism did not avail them very much.


5. The call of RIM, to "defend the People's War in Peru"  is an old
trick of rotten revisionists and opportunists within the International
Communist Movement. Bernstein and Kautsky in the name of the "working
class and the socialist revolution"  went over to the side of European
imperialism.

Khrushchev, Brezhnev and Gorbachov also shouted "Long Live
Marxism-Leninism!", simultaneously they were dismantling and
liquidating Soviet power, they were accomplishing tasks on behalf of
the counter-revolution and were in cahoots with U.S. imperialism.

Trotsky, fancied himself as the greatest disciple of Lenin and the
great defender of the proletarian dictatorship.  However, he did
nothing but align himself with the worse enemies of the Russian
revolution.

Brussels, 9 May 1995. (Article prepared for El Diario Internacional
N-.26 of 05/95).

Published in Internet by Committee Sol Peru - London.  We take the
opportunity to reiterate our support and solidarity with Luis Arce
Borja and with El Diario Internacional.

The Committee expresses its total and unreserved coincidence in
rejecting and repudiating the vile actions of the opportunist gang
today entrenched in the leadership of RIM.  In the next few days, our
Committee will also issue a formal statement on the problems within the
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement.

London 10 May 1995 Adolfo Olaechea on behalf of Committee Sol-Peru -
London