Letter From PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan To The
President Of CSCE (Committee for Security and Cooperation in
Europe) On November 12, 1994

Dear Sir,

     From the very outset, the Kurdish question has been an issue
of the utmost importance and continues to be so because of the
geographical region that Kurdistan encompasses and the attitude
of the Turkish state which persists in its dirty war, engendering
a conflict which recognises no bounds and causes intense
suffering. This is why, in its passage towards resolution, the
Kurdish problem has attained its current stage of such heated
debate on the agenda of many State and international
organisations.
     It is precisely in such a context, with the aim of putting
an end to all relative speculation about our position, that I
wish to inform you about the actions carried out by the Turkish
government in our country and share with you our point of view
on the appropriate measures for resolving this issue.
     Today, after ten years of war, Kurdistan presents a scene
of desolation. Convinced that it can bring about a conclusion by
military means, the Turkish state has persisted in its refusal
to recognise the identity of the Kurds even in name and rejected
all proposals for a solution, leaving in its wake a landscape of
destruction and the blood of thousands of Kurdish patriots.
     Our involvement has always consisted of taking up a position
of informing the public of this reality and of developing
proposals conducive to improving the situation. In this regard,
we have acted in a responsible and sensitive manner.
     Unfortunately, the Turkish state is more then ever
determined to pursue its dirty war, a war that is characterised
by unprecedented atrocities. In this regard, the declarations
made by the authorities at different times and the documents
which you will find attached form the basis of practices which
have as their consequence the destruction of more then 2,000
villages and a Kurdistan without people. Virtually all our
forests have been deliberately burned down.
     Millions of Kurdish civilians have been forced to flee to
the towns and cities of Turkey, particularly those whose villages
have been destroyed. The victims of these outrages are, moreover,
forced to suffer a rigorous policy of assimilation. The slightest
measures taken towards cultural development, every endeavour
towards constitutional reform, and all attempts to promote a
democratic process are forbidden and blocked at every turn,
without exception. In this respect, the example of the DEP amply
demonstrates the unacceptable rigidity of the Turkish state in
its response to every lawful political activity.
     The aim of the Turkish dirty war is to create a country with
neither villages nor forests, confronting the Kurds with the
dilemma: "Either you become village guards and fight your
brothers, or you become refugees."
     Turkey desires to make a bloodbath of Kurdistan, deploying
its entire army, special forces, chauvinist-racist elements
employed as assassins, and fundamentalist extremist groups in the
hope of achieving a final solution.
     The Kurdish people have always reacted against these methods
and this attitude of the state. Time after time they have clearly
expressed their refusal to submit themselves to such unjust and
brutal treatment.
     Our people have expressed their objection in revolts in many
parts of Kurdistan. On each occasion, these manifestations have
been mercilessly suppressed with bloodshed and the towns where
such reactions occurred, such as Lice, Simak, Kulp, Digor, and
Yuksekove, have been devastated.
     Our nation, comprising one of the most ancient peoples of
the world, has been condemned to such treatment for having
expressed their demand to live freely, for having sought to
vindicate their name, language, and identity and recover their
right to pursue their national and cultural development.
     In this sense, you may appreciate that no other nation on
earth finds itself in so unjust a situation, that no other dirty
war has had an outcome of such weighty consequence, and that no
other people is denied its rights to such a degree nor been the
victim of such massacres. You will also concur that there is no
other question in the world which demands more urgent
intervention.
     In parallel with this international interest, the debates
which revolve around the issue may also give rise to
qualifications which attempt to discredit us and make unjust
accusations which do not accurately represent our position.
     The fact that we represent the Kurdish people of North
Kurdistan is indisputable. This is clearly shown by the actual
support we are given by the people and by the scale and scope of
the war. Millions of our civilians have placed their trust in our
party and have expressed their support in a manner of real
confidence. For these reasons, in all our actions we have
demonstrated the weighty responsibility which we have assumed
with a keen sensitivity.
     I wish to emphasise the following points:
     We advocate no military solution whatsoever. We favour
political options and I believe that the current situation can
be resolved through dialogue. Moreover, being perfectly aware
that the question of Kurdistan is, above all, one of an interna-

tional character, we are fully convinced that influential
countries and/or international institutions can play an important
role.
     We confirm that we remain open to all developments and to
requests for interviews arising in this context, and we attach
great value to these.
     We have repeatedly indicated to the public that a political
solution can be found through the means of debate, examining the
possible alternatives, including federation within the present
borders of Turkey. We have demonstrated our attitude in practice
by declaring a unilateral cease fire in March 1993, which we
extended further.
     In the same manner, the proposals for a resolution which we
made at the "International Conference on North-West Kurdistan"
held in Brussels on March 12-13, 1994, are realistic and
plausible. Despite this, the Turkish state has failed to make any
positive response to our initiative.
     There are two parties to this problem: ourselves, and the
Turkish government. If the other side is ready, let us
immediately call a halt to this war. We do not wish the deaths
of tens of thousands of people. There is a point which intrigues
me here: What is terrorism? Who is terrorising whom and in which
fashion? The fact that this term has been deliberately misapplied
to such a degree causes me to feel a certain shame, not on my own
behalf, but rather for the international public. Despite all our
constructive proposals, the Turkish government is determined to
pursue the war, notably in pushing nationalist-extremist
politicians like Ecevit and Turkes to the fore.
     As you will observe, statements inferring that we are
opposed to dialogue are false. This is why I am convinced that
the outside world may no longer remain a passive spectator to the
massacre of a nation and must assume a position in relation to
the measures of this special war. I await this development with
great impatience in the name of my nation. I declare that we are
ready to do whatever is necessary in this matter. I will support
your initiatives.
     In recalling the responsibility which history has conferred
upon us in the name of humanity, I express my belief that a new
process of relations will commence, opening the way for
discussion and the ultimate resolution of the problem.
     I repeat that we are ready for an open democratic process
and a consideration of all proposals for a solution.

Abdullah Ocalan,
General Secretary of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)

(From: Kurdistan Report #20 - January/February 1995)