* * * * ANTI-FASCIST FORUM (AFF) * P.O. Box 6326, Station A Toronto, Ontario M5W 1P7 Canada E-mail: aff@burn.ucsd.edu Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff - 'Antifa Forum' Number 2, Fall 1997 - ----- _________________________________________________________________ THE ANTI-FASCIST MILITIA - PREMATURE ANTI-FASCISTS? _________________________________________________________________ * A leaked NSIS (National Security Investigations Section) document(1) recently surfaced which details ongoing investigations into 'armed actions' of the self-styled "Anti-Fascist Militia" (AFM) and "Militant Direct Action Task Force" (MDATF). In April 1995, at a time when anti-fascist organizing was entering a period of decline, the idea came from somewhere in Canada to send razor-traps and pipe-bombs through the mail to fascist leadership figures across North America. This line of tactic seemed doubly unwarranted seeing as the element of organized fascism was also experiencing a low ebb in strength. In questioning why such actions were even necessary at that particular juncture, many anti-fascists in the area began to wonder whether the actions had ultimately been carried out by a left-leaning group at all! As the recent leak of information lends credence towards the theory that it was, a look into why these actions might have been taken up is necessary. Did they serve to complement the initiatives of the anti-fascist movement or were they merely a blast of desperation from the sidelines? While investigations are still pending, and with the possibility of further raids looming on the horizon, now is the time to provide a background and observation concerning events leading up to the resulting fallout thus far. WHAT HAPPENED? On April 4, 1995 the first ever AFM communique was issued stating, "the Anti-Fascist Militia sent armed mousetraps, primed with razor blades, to 10 white supremacist organizations".(2) These were Ernst Zundel (Samisdat Press), George Burdi (Resistance Records), Dr. E.R. Fields (c/o "The Thunderbolt"), Aryan Resistance Movement (Vancouver, BC), ARM (Mission, BC), Richard G. Butler (Aryan Nations), Tom Metzger (White Aryan Resistance), Skrewdriver Services, Terry Long (Aryan Nations), and Don Black (Stormfront). The enclosed letters read: "SNAP! Greetings racist trash," and ended with "This is only the beginning ... next time it might be BOOM!"(3) Hot on the heels of this action, the previously unheard of "Militant Direct Action Task Force" came out of nowhere in sending pipe-bombs through the mail to leadership figures of the far-right. It has been widely assumed that the Anti-Fascist Militia and the Militant Direct Action Task Force are roughly one in the same, judging from the style of action and communique. It has been suggested that perhaps a change of name from the former to the latter was prompted by negative exposure in the media of right-wing militias, particularly following the bombing in April of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. But more likely than not, the idea was to create the illusion of an unassociated collection of resistance groups. The targets of this latest campaign included Ernst Zundel, Charles Scott (Canadian Aryan Nations), Tony McAleer (Canadian Liberty Net), Terry Long (Canadian Aryan Nations), and John Thompson of the Mackenzie Institute. As the package sent to the Mackenzie Institute failed to detonate, and while the others were contained by bomb specialists, another one sent to Alta Genetics Inc. - a cattle-breeding company in Calgary - was the only one that caused some damage. Return addresses on the packages were made out to secondary targets in the event that the package was returned to sender, but more likely served to lure the primary target into opening the package. Warning letters received by these organizations in mid-April read: "Greetings racist trash. You and your organization have proven your self to be true scum. We don't expect that you will cease your activities in response to our threats ... So take this first wave of devices as a declaration of war. Until we see evidence that these 10 organizations have stopped their fascist activities, they and others like them will need to watch their backs, their homes, their cars, their mailboxes, their offices, their food.... This is only the beginning."(4) These actions, which at time of writing still remain shrouded in suspicion, coincided with an arson attack on Ernst Zundel's fortified home along with a number of other homes occupied by fascists. Zundel's package was received a scant two weeks after his house had been firebombed. The arson, most likely unrelated, had many in the community quite pleased to see his house flame-up in mock tribute to the 50th anniversary of 'Victory in Europe'.(5) Despite some of the positive reactions to the arson attack, anti-fascists in the area were slightly taken aback by the mail-bombings. Since militants on the ground had very little idea as to where the attacks might have originated, many chose to put the issue on hold until more became known. While some observers seemed convinced of a plot by the right to undermine the left, others claimed the campaign smacked of something one might expect from the 'secret police' to discredit the left. Hopeful guesses in one respect, but unraveling facts are pointing elsewhere. A KNOCK AT THE DOOR In the wake of the AFM/MDATF actions, anti-fascists instinctively backed away from an atmosphere of impending repression to wait for the smoke to clear. That smoke never cleared. In fact, the only sign of it lifting has been the revelation of the leaked document from NSIS Vancouver. Since the summer of 1995, it had been rumored that investigations were fanning out from Vancouver to encompass other provinces. This can now be confirmed, although the extent of the scope has yet to be fully realized. Judging from the document, entitled "Information To Obtain A Search Warrant Canada: Province Of British Columbia"(6), the cops knew where to begin with their investigations. The AFM/MDATF communiques themselves overwhelmingly lend to the theory that they have originated from a section of the left. The politics are all over the map, as are the references they source in claiming inspiration and offering solidarity in the name of. Funnily enough, this is what actually led many to suspect that the action had been carried out by the cops or the extreme-right. All said, the terminology was a bit too laughably-lefty for even the likes of your average fascist-in-the-know to pull off. The style of the actions and communiques bore a resemblance to those of the anarchist/environmentalist-styled Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and 'Direct Action' tendency of the early 80s,(7) so it was down these avenues that lines of investigation were opened. This investigation, as outlined in the document, focused mainly on the targetted suspects and their contacts, in pursuit of the unknown Anti-Fascist Militia (AFM), Militant Direct Action Task Force (MDATF) and a third shadow-group, the "Justice Department". "Since April 25, 1995, members of Vancouver NSIS, members of the Edmonton National Security Investigations Section, members of the Ontario National Security Investigations Section, members of the RCMP General Investigations Section in Calgary and Edmonton, Alberta and Chilliwack, British Columbia, members of the Metropolitan Toronto Police Service Intelligence Services, Edmonton Police Service and members of the Vancouver Police Department have been involved in the investigation ..."(8) It remains unknown to what extent these investigations were hampered by the leak of the NSIS document. Prior to raids on the homes of the accused, their living spaces had been wire-tapped. Judging from the report and seeing as the suspects discovered the listening-devices early on, a great deal of potential evidence could have been disposed of, theoretically. The most useful information in the report provides a glimpse into what constitutes such an investigative procedure. The level of surveillance before the raids was heavy, and has no doubt remained consistent since. "During the term of Authorization ... there were approximately nine thousand and seventy-three calls intercepted on telephone lines, both audio and facsimile"(9) and e-mail. A monitor room had been established at RCMP headquarters in Vancouver for the purpose of monitoring the intercepted communications. On November 7, 1995, a search warrant was executed on a Vancouver storage locker rented by one of the suspects. Discovering and covertly marking the enclosed contents - contents which were identical to items and ingredients utilized in the mailings - investigating officers installed a hidden video camera to document the comings-and-goings of the locker's users. Several activists within mainstream anti-racist and anti-fascist groups have also come under scrutiny. Several 'visits' have taken place, although no further raids have occurred nor charges laid at time of writing. Investigations are still pending and in all likelihood, the net is still widening. Since the raids and the subsequent appearance of the NSIS information, things have been extremely quiet. Although a great deal still remains unconfirmed, with an even greater deal unknown, there's enough to put together the basic who, how, what and when. But why? THE TIME IS RIGHT? At the time when the AFM/MDATF actions occurred, the organized far-right across Canada were well into a period of decline. Although the Heritage Front and other strategically- aligned groups across North America were on their last legs, some of the leadership figures took a step back to reassess their work. They soon made a switch from movement-building on the streets, to movement-building via mainstream propaganda. Anti- fascist initiatives were also in a slump, splintered over attempts to adjust to these changing conditions. Times were tense. On April 4, 1995, they got worse. Regardless of how one views the tactics utilized, and despite the fact that the actions failed in their design, was the time right for theseactions in North America? Some might argue that the counterbalance of extreme-right action in this area far outweighs anything coming from the left. True enough, the right- wing are in the ascendancy today, but they're where they are for a reason. Since the early 80s they have been on a steady rise. The Oklahoma City bombing, an organized action by fascism which created a virtual advertisement for leaderless resistance, didn't come blasting out from nowhere; and it hardly sprang directly from the pages of a William Pierce pulp novel either. The fascists have done their groundwork. Despite being somewhat marginalized, they were well aware that the seeds had been sown in North America; seeds which would indirectly procure support for actions such as these and beyond. For the AFM/MDATF to entertain the notion that they were evoking a similar propaganda victory is a flat-out farce. If the aim was to create a flurry of activity, this was achieved. But was the strategy of creating a front of 'armies' really anything more than an unconvincing attempt to somehow prove the existence of a left-wing counter-equivalent to the armed wing of fascism in America? If the mail-bombs had succeeded in doing what they were designed for, would the anti-fascist movement on the whole have been able to sustain a retaliation in kind? On the surface, it would appear that the AFM/MDATF had decided - perhaps not entirely consciously - to bypass the lengthy process of 'clawing back' the conditions from the current rightward drift in North America. Their shortcoming seems to be that they viewed their actions as a replacement - not as a complement - for an anti-fascist movement which had been operating with militant politics and actions complete with a target base of community support. This 'Task Force' popped out of nowhere and they, along with the controversy they stirred up for a short time in the press, seem to have gone back there. There is no apparent evidence that their actions had a credible grounding or base of mutual support from within the anti-fascist movement. CALLING ALL MILITANT ANTI-FASCISTS The fight against fascism comes down to exactly that; a fight. Militant anti-fascism naturally faces criminalization as a subversive element when it threatens the state's hegemony over the option of force in countering fascist violence. This is nothing new to anti-fascists. The physical element in confronting fascism is a crucial component in any successful operation against them. Where they go, you go. If they make known a meeting place or rendezvous point, the idea is to occupy it or smash it up and quite often both. As it goes, a righteous spanking is not the only component to an organized anti-fascist response. By far. But if you can't back up those other components and defend your own initiatives, then you'll not be very successful in the long run. When the physical strategy temporarily wins out and the fascists scurry off in all directions, there is always the chance they will resort to underground forms of terror. This sometimes comes from a position of weakness but, as recent history shows, that's not always the case. Does the left challenge them on this terrain? Where they go, you go. But don't forget to pack some sense beforehand. Militant anti-fascists don't pander to free speech and other liberal definitions of 'democracy' touted by the middle class Left and status-quo. The only lively debate with fascists that's worth having is one which results in them rethinking their argument from a long and hard look at the pavement. But, while no one would have shed too many tears in their drinks over the worldly loss of these fascists, many anti-fascists viewed the actions with raised eyebrows for the suspect tactics utilized. The use of mail-bombs is none too bright. Arguably, this tactic is the easiest and most convenient way of physically attacking one's political enemies without having to dirty one's hands. It has come to be known as a tactic of fear; one which places uninvolved parties or civilians into the line of fire. Although it can be argued that other militant actions and tactics sometimes bring an element of 'risk', mail-bombs have - by way of tradition - rarely been a weapon in the left's arsenal. This style of remote attack has become a trademark of the extreme- right everywhere. Do the AFM/MDATF actions fall under the banner of militant anti-fascism simply because they meet criteria in the 'violence' department? Do copycat-Unabomber actions coming from no real grounding reflect a cohesive strategy? The MDATF state in one of their communiques, "... we take the only option left open to us - Armed Revolutionary Action".(10) Not only is this statement a ludicrous one to make, based on the conditions at the time, but it may speak volumes on their inability to organize in any other capacity prior to deciding it was time to 'up-the-ante'. Actions carried out on any level require a balance of political direction in order to insure a shot at success. Did the Anti-Fascist Militia activists construct a political blueprint for their actions? A PLAN FOR ACTION? Fascism is most effectively fought in the areas of its influence. Many successful campaigns against fascist organizing and recruitment in North America have focused around confronting their "centres of operation". Sometimes these turned out to be houses in which fascists lived, doubling as organizational facilities or meeting spaces. For obvious reasons these made good targets for anti-fascists; targets which were directly linked to specific conditions in that area where fascism was attempting a bridgehead. In other cases, whereby picketing homes and workplaces became a one-track strategy unto itself, it reflected serious deficiencies. While it is certainly true that key figures on the far-right orchestrate the direction of fascist ranks, sole emphasis on 'fascist figureheads' gives those individuals crusader-like status; in effect, focusing more attention on them then they deserve. Directing every searchlight on these individuals tends to ignore the root cause of their growth. It ignores the field on which they play and in the end, allows them free run on that turf. While it is essential to target the key-players of organized fascism, regardless of how marginalized they may be, it is equally important to counter their influence. In breaking the cycles of growth for the far-right, putting a stop to their activity is the first stage of action. This involves drawing attention to the source of the problem, and then taking the steps neccessary to effectively deal with it. In Canada, this had been achieved throughout areas that bore the strongest concentrations of fascist activity and organizing. The second stage - one of replacing them in these areas where they recruit and thrive - is the key to long-term success. It's a step in the right direction to have a fascist organizer sent packing, but what can anti-fascists hope to achieve through a short-term strategy, besides having to go through the whole business again a couple of years later from square one? Instead of following through with the anti-fascist plan of action that was already in effect, the Anti-Fascist Militia activists seem to have opted for discounting the whole experience. If they took any inspiration, it was the short-term or 'quick-fix' vision so prevalent within the mainstream anti-racist/anti-fascist groups who have failed to realign to changing conditions. Based on the misconception that in order to defeat organized fascism all that is required is the 'silencing' of its organizers, the short-lived AFM has exposed its own weakness. "Fascist leadership in North America have made considerable attempts to move their operations off the streets and into the mainstream throughout the past few years; a direct result of anti-fascist strength in the area. These moves on their behalf are a clear decision against publicly offering themselves up as potential targets for anti-fascists during the present frame. However, on all fronts they are shirking confrontations today in order to build the support they'll need for the inevitable clashes of tomorrow. Currently, we are seeing a growing convergence of the far-right as various elements are consolidating with the aim of building a mass-based movement. During this phase, anti-fascists should be actively building their own strategies and political relevance to counter the influence of the far right on all levels."(11) August, 1997 * ENDNOTES (1) "Information To Obtain A Search Warrant / Canada: Province Of British Columbia", posted on Ernst Zundel's "Zundelsite". (2) AFM communique #1 - Arm The Spirit Info-Bulletin #4 - June/July 1995. (3) The Province, July 20, 1995. (4) The Georgia Straight, July 21-28, 1995. (5) Action claimed by the "Jewish Armed Resistance Movement" (see sidebar: "Zundel Bunker Torched On V-E Day"). (6) "Information To Obtain A Search Warrant / Canada: Province Of British Columbia", National Security Investigations Section (NSIS), Province of British Columbia. (7) Direct Action was active in the early 80s, responsible for the bombing of a power line and Litton Systems (Canada) Ltd., a plant that produced guided cruise missiles. The affiliated Wimmin's Fire Brigade had simultaneously firebombed video shops which were stocking violent pornography. The Animal Liberation Front (ALF) a non-violent but pro-direct action group based in England from 1976, was imported and actively set up here across Canada in the early 80s. The AFM shadow-group, "Justice Department", bears the same name of a group formed in England in 1993; an offshoot of the ALF. This English-based group claimed responsibility for a campaign of letters containing razor-primed mousetraps and package bombs sent to hunters, farmers, animal researchers, breeders and meat producers. Another such group, also an offshoot of the ALF, was the "Animal Rights Militia". These splinter groups had been subject to intensive surveillance and disruption from the British state. The Animal Rights Militia is said to have been a fake group set up by police agencies to entrap activists. (8) excerpt from section "Grounds For Belief", "Information To Obtain A Search Warrant / Canada: Province Of British Columbia", National Security Investigations Section (NSIS), Province of British Columbia. (9) excerpt from section "Grounds For Belief", "Information To Obtain A Search Warrant / Canada: Province Of British Columbia", National Security Investigations Section (NSIS), Province of British Columbia. (10) Vancouver Sun, July 26, 1995. (11) excerpt from "An Introduction To Anti-Fascist Forum" leaflet, 1997. * * * SIDEBARS _________________________________________________________________ ZUNDEL BUNKER TORCHED ON V-E DAY _________________________________________________________________ At approximately 5:30 am on Sunday, May 7, 50 years to the day the Nazis fell to Allied forces, the home/office "bunker" of Nazi propagandist and holocaust-denier Ernst Zundel was set on fire with a few litres of gasoline, lit in a calm and deliberate manner. The action has been claimed by the "Jewish Armed Resistance Movement" which apparently comes out of the Jewish Defence League, a Zionist armed group. Up to half-million dollars' damage was done, and the fire destroyed mountains of nazi newspapers and files, as well as printing and duplicating equipment. According to the Zundelites, the building was insured but not the contents. Zundel first fortified his home after a 1984 pipe-bomb attack, and for the past twenty years he has been fought on all fronts, including at Canada's Supreme Court level, primarily by the Jewish community. He is linked to authorship and distribution of materials like "Did Six Million Really Die?" and "The Hitler We Loved and Why". His current propaganda work includes shortwave radio broadcasts, video and publishing, and is rumoured to be behind an "anti-anti-fascist" software database program for sale to European nazis. He is beyond doubt a key player in the far-right - locally, nationally and internationally. Zundel, who was away on a speaking tour in B.C., is perhaps the most credible-sounding of Canadian nazis, with a polished style and endless smirk, always playing the victim of the Left and Jews. He immediately pinned the blame for the fire on the most vocal of his current opponants, a new neighbourhood-based anti-racist group, and a militant Toronto anti-fascist group which has demonstrated in front of the bunker in the past, tossing rotten fish and excrement. But Zundel's enemies are many. The action certainly struck a chord in the neighbourhood: many people openly cheered at the sight of the fire's ravages: a gaping hole in the roof and water-damaged debris. The neighbourhood-based organization, Cabbagetown Campaign Against Nazis in Our Neighbourhood (C-CANON), and Anti-Racist Action (ARA) have publicly stated their support for the action. Both groups believe that it is not the role of anti-racists to protect Zundel from the wrath of his numerous enemies. However, nearby tenants (who happen to be Asian immigrants) have been made homeless as a result of the attack, and could probably use some financial help. C-CANON member Bruce Eakin was quoted in the daily Toronto Star, when asked if he condoned the use of violence against Zundel, Eakin answered "Absolutely. If people don't fight back, then where are we? Back in World War II. You have to stand up." Eakin went to the Zundel bunker when he heard about the fire, and put up a sign reading "Oklahoma=Zundel=Hate, Out Nazi Out!" Another neighbour pointed out to TV reporters in front of the burned building that Zundel had brought the attack upon himself, and that the fire showed exactly why he is not wanted in the neighbourhood. C-CANON's immediate goal had been to educate the local community about Zundel's presence, and this job has now been accomplished rather speedily. It now rests with the neighbourhood group to continue educating area residents about Zundel's role in the neo-nazi and far-right scene worldwide, and to organize against rebuilding of the bunker. It is clear to this writer that the rise of overt racism, white supremacist terror and violence, and religious fundamentalism in North America is fuelling a war mentality. And in this context the arson was an act of resistance, a statement on V-E day that cannot be misinterpreted. At no time during the last fifty years since the defeat of Hitler's Germany, has the need to fight fascism again been so great. It is well to remember that 50 years ago, the under-supported Resistance fighters paid the highest price while setting the stage for the Allied forces' victory landing. For the sake of those who will come after us, let us remember the dignity of resistance, and use whatever we may need to accomplish it. (Taken from ATS Info Bulletin #4 - June/July 1995) * * * _________________________________________________________________ A WORD FROM THE 'EXPERTS' _________________________________________________________________ The most entertaining thing throughout the aftermath of the mail-bomb attacks, second only to some priceless reactions from the targets themselves, was the response of the liberal Left. As is usually the case in these matters, the newshounds swarmed the doorsteps of the anti-racist 'professionals' to get to their facts. What we heard from the 'experts' was a sampling of their gripes concerning the militant wing of anti-fascism. Fists and boots against fascists were suddenly made out to be in the same league as...... mail-bombs! Stand-ups such as the illustrious Alan Dutton of the Canadian Anti-racism Education and Research Society (CAERS), refuted the bombings and stated in the press, "We do not support any acts of vigilantism against hate groups," "Counter-posing hate against hate is not the solution to the problem."(Vancouver Sun, July 20/95) Many liberal anti-fascist organizations seem to revel in their use of the word "hate" to describe violence or general nastiness coming from the right or the left. It's a convenient middle-class coinage used to avoid dealing with the real problem at source; much like the social worker who believes that youth attracted to the fascist violence must be dealt with by sitting them down and analyzing their feelings. We hate that. Charan Gill, long-time "president" of the B.C. Organization to Fight Racism (BCOFR), when asked by the press about his views on the tactics used, mentioned nothing directly about the bombs. Instead he used the opportunity to state "BCOFR has not had anybody attend its meetings who wanted to fight racism with violence, but said that extremists who want to take direct action against the hate movement occasionally show up at demonstrations."( Vancouver Sun, July 20/95) His group condemned the actions of militant anti-fascists in January 1993 who had stormed a hotel where White Aryan Resistance leaders and supporters were meeting. Funnily enough, this is the same line of tact which led the BCOFR into irrelevancy and failure in the early 80s while the Klan was left to fester. Knee-jerk pacifism at its worst. Not surprisingly, Alain Dufour of the World Anti-fascist League (LAM) was also asked to cobble a few words together for the Montreal Gazette (July 26/95) as an expert on the subject of 'left-wing extremists', naturally. * * * _________________________________________________________________ IF YOU GET A KNOCK AT THE DOOR.... _________________________________________________________________ Militant Anti-fascism naturally faces criminalization as a subversive element when it threatens the state's hegemony over the option of force in countering fascist violence. All anti- fascists should be prepared for the inevitability of interaction with the paid agents of the state, the police. That interaction may be the seemingly innocent inquiry about the nature of a low- profile activity, such as flyposting, to an inquiry concerning individuals in relation to an action. We should all be under no illusions whatsoever about these interactions. They are designed to remove our liberty from us. This is a very real threat and should be treated with the utmost seriousness. Avoid talking to the police. There is no law in this country that says you must talk to the police. Where it becomes unavoidable, forget about obtaining your statutory rights..... the police have already forgot about giving them to you. All the middle class nonsense about they have to do this, say that and behave in a particular way is a theory propounded and set in law by those who never come into conflict with the law because it acts in their interests. On the streets, the general procedure is you will be asked your name and address. This is all you are required to give. Say no more. Do not answer questions about the names, addresses or intentions of others. Most anti-fascists are understandably cautious about volunteering information about themselves so it is highly likely that you only know people by sight and very little else about them. Remember, every piece of information you give the state that you are not obliged to is of use to the state, it gives them names, provides a contact network, it places people at events. It may seem insignificant now but at a future date it may be used in a prosecution, for example to prove that a certain group are often together on demonstrations, etc. Often, the police and other agents of the state will approach you and say something like: "Your name has come up in the course of an investigation into a bombing conspiracy. If you can just answer a few questions, we're sure we can clear this up." The purpose of statements like this is to catch you off guard, to intimidate you, and to get you to talk. Say nothing. Some anti-fascists think they can out-smart the investigator, turn their questions around and get information from them. Experience has shown that this is dangerous. Questions often provide insight for them to go on. Do not engage in political conversations with the investigators either. Lying is also generally a bad idea. Statements that can be proven to be false will be followed up. The best thing you can do is convey that you do not know anything, you are not aware of any such individuals, you do not know who they should talk to, and that you are the most thick-headed person on the block. Plain ignorance is not a crime. Don't let police investigators into your house. If they get a foot in the door, demand that they leave. You don't have to let them in unless they have a properly filled-out and valid search or arrest warrant. Don't allow them to talk their way in. If they enter, call your lawyer and get the lawyer on the phone with the cops. You are still not obliged to answer any questions. You don't have to go anywhere with the police or investigators unless you are under arrest. If they invite you out for a 'friendly' chat or ask you to accompany them anywhere, don't go. There is no such charge as "For Questioning", "For Suspicion" or "For 24 Hours". If you are arrested and charged, you only have to give your name, address, fingerprints and have your photo taken. Don't get chatty with your cellmate - the police can use evidence obtained from planted agents and informers. Immediately demand to call your lawyer and do not volunteer for any other police procedures (ie: forensic examinations, etc.) Whatever you say, Say Nothing! * * * SUPPORT AFF - SUBSCRIBE TO 'ANTIFA FORUM' TODAY! Anti-Fascist Forum is not a state-funded project. It relies solely on its own resources and supporters. Subscribe to Antifa Forum or become a supporter today! 4-issue subscription to Antifa Forum: $25 (North America); $30 (Overseas); $50 (Institutions) Bulk orders of Antifa Forum: $35 for 10 copies (postage included) Supporter subscription: 4-issues plus addition to the AFF mailing list $40 (North America); $45 (Overseas) ANTI-FASCIST FORUM (AFF) Antifa Info-Bulletin is a member of the Anti-Fascist Forum network. AFF is an info-group which collects and disseminates information, research and analysis on fascist activity and anti-fascist resistance. More info: E-mail: aff@burn.ucsd.edu Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff