The 'Einblick' Trial: Notes From The Nazi Underground

	Two years have passed since the first series of letter bombings 
in Austria. Nazi cadre Franz Radl, Peter Binder, and Alexander Wolfert 
were investigated. The trial against the three men started this summer. 
But what does the scene which surrounds these figures look like?
	This question has become more significant lately, following the 
series of bans and state manoeuvres against national-socialist (NS) 
groups over the past few months. Are we dealing with so-called brown 
terrorist cells, such as the NSDAP/AO, or with something different? In 
fact, the reality is not so one-dimensional.

The NSDAP "Foreign & Formative Organization"

	Radl, Binder, and Wolfert came out of the 'Volkstreuen 
Ausserparlamentarischen Opposition' (VAPO - Loyal to the People 
Extra-Parliamentary Opposition), the Austrian wing of the 
'Gesinnungsgemeinschaft der Neuen Front' (GdNF - Followers of the New 
Front). This, in turn, is an elemental part of the NSDAP/AO. Hidden 
behind the NSDAP/AO is a largely clandestine network of neo-nazi groups. 
The important thing to keep in mind about this ominous association is 
their label 'AO'. This stands for both "Foreign Organization" (Auslands 
Organisation) as well as "Formative Organization" (Aufbau Organisation). 
This requires some differentiation. The "Foreign Organization" is 
primarily responsible for propaganda work, whose content in Germany is 
illegal because it "displays symbols which violate the Constitution". No 
more, no less. Gary "Rex" Lauck of Lincoln, Nebraska in the USA is all 
too often presented as the 'Fuhrer' of the NSDAP/AO. True, he coordinates 
the overseas activities, so the title "propaganda manager" would be more 
fitting for Lauck. But the actual leadership of the NSDAP/AO is to be 
found within the "Formative Organization". This is the network of 
neo-nazi groups and mini-parties which extend all throughout Germany and 
Austria as well. It would take too long to list all of these NS-groups. 
But this network has shown itself in public on such occasions as the 
Rudolph Hess Memorial March. Such displays of NS-nostalgia are a type of 
game, a form of nazi activity at the level of public exposure. Under the 
motto of "We're still here!", such actions internally are designed to 
give the activists a sense of strength, while externally seeking to grab 
attention by being a provocation. Like we said, a type of game. Another 
more important function of such activities is to build up cadre and to 
train committed nazi activists. Possible commandos for one of the many 
needs of the network. One variation is coordinated terror, something 
which is by no means a new phenomenon, and which recently spurred a 
series of bans against neo-fascist organizations. Terrorism is always an 
integral part of fascist conceptions. So now we come to the series of 
letter bombings carried out by Radl, Binder, and Wolfert of the VAPO. 
This complex allows us to take a look at the mechanisms and ways of 
functioning within the neo-nazi terrorist "underground".

Ingo And The Terrorists
	At the very latest since 1991, neo-nazis have been hard at work 
creating a new generation of cadre, whose tasks have been to plan and 
carry out targeted attacks. In one interview ['News' Nr. 48/1994], Ingo 
Hasselbach, former head of the 'Nationalen Alternative' (NA - National 
Alternative), training sessions for building bombs were carried out in 
1991 and 92. Some Austrian VAPO cadre took part in these sessions, among 
them Gottfried Kussel, Gunter Reinthaler, and Gerhard Endress. These 
training sessions were conducted in a bunker near Halbe which Berlin GdNF 
leader Arnulf Priem provided. Peter Binder was also among those who took 
part. Binder is considered to be somewhat of a weapons freak. When police 
later searched his home, large quantities of weapons materials were 
found. Among the things confiscated were pistols, machine guns, hand 
grenades, and even a functioning bazooka which was used to decorate the 
living room. It's no surprise then, if we are to believe Hasselbach, that 
Binder took part in bomb production in Berlin as early as 1990. 
Furthermore, Binder was often in Berlin in 1991 and 92. He both sold as 
purchased weapons during these visits. He mostly hung out with Arnulf 
Priem and his crowd at the time. Binder has since named Priem as another 
person possibly involved in the letter bomb series. But this probably has 
less to do with reality and more to do with an attempt by Binder to save 
his own ass. There is nothing concrete to suggest that Priem was involved 
with the letter bomb attacks, other than the suggestion that the Berlin 
GdNF figure sought to make himself more prominent in the NS-scene by 
means of those acts. But Binders own past is much more suggestive. He was 
always busy trying to get his hands on explosive materials. In 1992, he 
mixed nitroglycerin at Wolfert's house, since Wolfert was away in Croatia 
serving as a "fighter". During the 1993 letter bomb attacks, 
nitroglycerin was one of the explosive substances which was used.
	In conjunction with weapons and explosives exercises which were 
conducted in the regions surrounding Berlin, particularly in the area 
near the town of Konigs-Wusterhausen, Bendix Wendt appeared on the scene. 
In nazi circles, Wendt is known as "Dr. Vanda". He's a member of the nazi 
rock club 'Die Vandalen' (The Vandals) and, according to Hasselbach, one 
the trainers at the theoretical level. In addition to this, Wendt also 
spent his time acquiring weapons from World War II and refurbishing them. 
He and a man named Jorg Schimanek also planned to give bomb courses. 
Schimanek is also a leading figure in the VAPO. His main task was to 
organize weapons exercises and right-wing exercise drills. He was also 
the VAPO's "provincial leader" in Lower Austria.
	And what was Ingo Hasselbach's role in all of this prior to his 
media-hyped "defection" from the nazi movement? It's not possible to say 
just how involved he was in terror training. But during his time as a 
GdNF leading cadre he was responsible for publishing 'Denkzettel' 
(Lessons). In addition to all the usual racist and fascist platitudes, he 
also reprinted excerpts from the book 'Werewolf-Winke fur Jagdeinheiten' 
(Werewolf Tips for Hunting Units). This publication was an exact 
blueprint for paramilitary operations. "The arms of a hunting unit must 
be light...In the hunting group, some of the hunters are equipped with 
light machine guns, the rest have carbines. Pistols and daggers are also 
useful. Hand grenades are a must. According to the task at hand, 
explosives may also be taken along." Then there follows a listing of 
examples of hard-core nazis who follow such concepts, complete 
paramilitary training, and who seek out weapons and other war gear on old 
battlefields.
	The series of attacks in Austria are ample proof that nazis are 
in a position to make use of their knowledge in the field of terrorism 
and to aim it pointedly at the present political situation. So why are 
the nazi "underground structures" so hard for the state authorities to 
detect? It's not as if there aren't plenty of little Hasselbachs in the 
NS-scene.

Were They All Just "Acting Alone"?

	In November 1993, the public seemed shocked when the nazis 
published 'Einblick' (Insight). The press called it a "death list" of 
political opponents whom the neo-nazis wanted to eliminate. According to 
its publishers, there are means available to punish "leftist criminals", 
the "red front", and the "anarcho-mob" [preface to 'Einblick']. Threats 
were issued against more than 250 people, whose names, addresses, and 
phone numbers were published. The spectrum varied from Social Democrat 
politicians to anti-fascist activists. Several people received death 
threats following the release of the publication.
	The federal police investigate the matter as one of the formation 
of a criminal organization, but not much came of this. They only turned 
up enough evidence for charges of intimidation and insult. There was no 
longer any talk of an organized structure. Of the eight people who were 
initially charged in the matter, all were known functionaries or members 
of the NS-scene. Their links, contacts, and relationships to one another 
had been known for years. And yet, after all their investigation, the 
authorities said they could not uncover an organizational structure.
	In the end, four people were charged. The investigations of the 
other people were dropped. In fact, these people were never even called 
as witnesses. Karin Maier from Russelsheim was accused of editing and 
distributing 'Einblick'. But she was only charged as an accessory. The 
one who printed the booklet was Erhard Hefendale from Rodach. He, too, 
was only charged as an accessory. So then there were two, Stefan Cumic, 
former GdNF city leader in Mainz, and Norman Kempken, who now lives in 
Nurnberg. But to bring charges relating to an "organization", the law 
stipulates that three persons are required. So, this automatically ruled 
out charges of forming a "criminal organization".

What's Behind The 'Einblick'

	Following the publication of 'Einblick', Michael Petri and Sascha 
Chavez-Ramos from Mainz were arrested. Both were members of the GdNF and 
the now-banned 'Deustchen Alternative' (DA - German Alternative). Today, 
Petri is the head of the DA's successor organization, the 'Deutsche 
Nationalisten' (German Nationalists). The second person, Chavez-Ramos, is 
now in court on charges of continuing to organize the DA after it was 
banned. Together, both men operated the 'Nationale Infotelefon' (NIT - 
National Info-Telephone) in Mainz. The NIT called for people to collect 
addresses and other data for 'Einblick'. A few hours after they were 
arrested, both men were set free. At this stage, everything could have 
ended, since the investigations up to that point had been concentrated on 
those two men. It was only after anti-fascist researchers in the 
alternative educational institute 'Anne-Seghers' exposed Stephan Cumic, 
one of the editors of 'Einblick'. Then the ball started rolling. Cumic 
was arrested and he blew the whistle on a few others. As a result of 
Cumic's statements to police, raids were carried out across the country 
and eight people were under investigation. Among those already mentioned 
above - Petri, Chavez-Ramos, and Cumic - were computer graphics expert 
Kai Dalek from Oberrodach, printer Erhard Hefendehl from neighboring 
Rodach, as well as Norman Wolfgang Kempken from Russelsheim.
	The idea for 'Einblick' supposedly came from Cumic. In various 
publications, such as the GdNF organ 'Neue Front' (New Front), he 
advertised in the summer of 1992 for help on the project. He was advised 
in the project by Christian Worch, a leading GdNF cadre from Hamburg. As 
for "how" a publication like 'Einblick' should be put together, Worch 
responded "very secretly". No investigations against Worch, one of the 
primary persons behind the anti-antifa, were ever opened in connection 
with the 'Einblick' affair. Eventually, Cumic was joined in his work on 
'Einblick' by Norman Kempken. Kempken, who had been active in nazi groups 
for more than ten years, ones like the 'Taunus Front' which rose from the 
ashes of the 'Nationalistischen Front' (NF - Nationalist Front), 
eventually took control of the 'Einblick' project. He wrote the foreword, 
designed the publication on his computer, and did the final layout. In 
order to stick to Worch's advice of secrecy, Cumic and Kempken sought a 
contact address outside of Germany. So, they spoke with the Spanish 
organization CEDADE. Kempken had a good personal relationship with the 
Spanish group's leader, Pedro Varela. But this idea was dropped because 
Spain was too far away. Eventually, Cumic turned to Gary "Rex" Lauck, 
coordinator of the NSDAP/AO in Lincoln, Nebraska in the USA. With Lauck's 
assistance, 'Einblick' was eventually given a PO Box in Denmark which 
belonged to the DNSB [the Danish National Socialist Movement; the branch 
of the NSDAP/AO in Denmark]. With the anti-antifa project now on solid 
ground, the booklet could finally be printed. This was done by NSDAP/AO 
activist Erhard Hefendehl. The 64-year-old owner of the Odal Printing 
Press publishes his own pamphlet 'Der Scheinwerfer' (Searchlight) and is 
a member of the 'Wiking Jugend' (Viking Youth). It's clear from looking 
at those involved in the 'Einblick' project that the publication was the 
joint creation of leading neo-nazi cadre. But this fact was never 
examined in court.
	This became clear during the trial. "It cannot be the task of the 
court to make up for insufficient investigations..." declared the judge. 
During the trial in Gross-Gerau, the state prosecutor, Dr. Kobler, didn't 
seem to interested in examining the group of people who were responsible 
for 'Einblick'. He was more concerned with solidifying the "state's 
monopoly on violence". The preliminary results of the trial: Kempken must 
serve 2 years in prison. Cumic got 1 year of probation. Hefendehl was 
fined. Karin Mayer must perform 100 hours of community service.

Who's in charge of the GdNF?

	The 'Einblick' trial quickly became boring. The scenario which 
was played out was quite routine. The judge and the prosecution asked the 
usual questions. The accused only seemed to know their own names and 
little else. Their defense lawyers were the same. Only Stefan Cumic, one 
of the alleged producers of 'Einblick', made any statements while on the 
stand. But that wasn't so exciting. One by one, the trial observers fell 
asleep. Suddenly things became a little hectic.
	"Mr. Cumic, do you know Kai Dalek?" With this question, one of 
the attorneys suddenly became excited. As Kempken and Hefendehl cringed, 
Cumic became froze up. "Mr. Cumic, is Kai Dalek in charge of the GdNF?"
	It was like the beginning of a bad mystery novel. Despite all of 
the questions which went unanswered during the 'Einblick' trial, Cumic's 
statements did shed some light on the most important figures behind the 
GdNF. There is more talk now about Kai "Herta" Dalek from Oberrodach, a 
community which neighbors upon the Ober-Franken town of Kronach.
	In his own words, Dalek is a "GdNF organizer". In his role as 
organizer, he is therefore responsible for a series of central activities 
within the NS-scene. According to Cumic, he was involved in the 
production of a pamphlet entitled 'Nationaler Akitivist' (National 
Activist), a pre-cursor to 'Einblick'. Around 100 copies of this 
four-page piece of hate literature were distributed within the neo-nazi 
scene a year before 'Einblick' appeared. Dalek, who was head of a graphic 
design studio, handled the layout and printing. Clearly he had it in his 
mind to eventually put something like 'Einblick' together. During the 
trial, the court was shown correspondence between Cumic and Dalek. The 
latter made layout and financial suggestions concerning the pamphlet. In 
1990, Dalek was federal leader of a pre-cursor organization to the 
anti-antifa called 'Anti-Kommunistische Aktion' (Anti-Communist Action). 
Because of Cumic's statements, Dalek and other anti-antifa activists in 
Ober-Franken had their homes raided. A simple check of Dalek's computer 
revealed personal data on people who also were listed in 'Einblick'. But 
this evidence was never examined more closely. According to the 
investigators, there was "insufficient evidence" to make Dalek a suspect. 
They seem to have overlooked the fact that in 1993, Dalek ordered the 
'Nationalen Block' (National Bloc) activist Silke Wunderlich from 
Erlangen to systematically spy on anti-fascists in Nurnberg. Today, Silke 
is still a member of the 'Junge Union' (Young Union, the youth 
organization of the CDU christian democratic party).
	The group of people surrounding Dalek built up lots of experience 
in anti-antifa activities. After 1990, Gunther Kusawe from Kronach and 
Gerhard Schultz from Lichtenfeld did Dalek's bidding as the heads of the 
'Antikommunistisches Aktionsbundis' (Anti-Communist Action Union). This 
has been an intergal part of anti-antifa activities in the Franken region 
since 1993. The contact address for this group is the Aschaffenburg PO 
Box of the FAP (one of the most significant neo-nazi groups in Germany). 
The focal points of Franken anti-antifa activity are Nurnberg, Erlangen, 
Bayreuth, Hof, Bamberg, Aschaffenburg, and the eastern Rhine-Main region.
	In the 'Neuen Front' (New Front), the publication of the GdNF, 
Kai Dalek's cronies bragged about how they had used sophisticated 
technologies to spy on leftist counter-demonstrators at the Hess Memorial 
March in Wunsiedl. Dalek, equipped with video gear, has often popped up 
near leftist demonstrations in order to film the participants. He is also 
known to have filmed youths in Kronach. In addition to his anti-antifa 
activities, Dalek also functions as a "manager" for the GdNF. For 
example, he coordinated the Hess Memorial March and used his own bank 
account to collect donations for the action. Dalek has been a leading 
GdNF figure since at least 1990.  Whereas Christian Worch has been 
largely responsible for public work, Dalek has been active behind the 
scenes. As the regional leader for Franken, he purchased an entire house 
near Kronach and converted it into a schooling center. As part of the 
'Deutschen Freundeskreis' (German Friendship Circle), a network of 
neo-nazi groups in the Franken region, Dalek is active at the leadership 
level in the 'Frankenrat' (Franken Council). This is the "collective" 
leadership body for the NS-spectrum in Franken. Dalek has often 
propagated the use of modern communications technology. For example, he 
is one of the operators of the nazi BBS called the 'Thule Netz', and he 
also set up a similar system in Kronach called the 'Kraftwerk Box'. Using 
the pseudonym "Undertaker", he spreads his message across the information 
highway. Computer mailboxes are one of the most important means of 
communication within the neo-nazi scene, used for such activities as 
coordinating marches or anti-antifa activities. A publication called 
'Thule' is also produced and distributed by Dalek on the Net.
	In short, Kai Dalek is one of the primary motors behind the GdNF. 
The only glitch in his career came in conjunction with the 1993 Rudolph 
Hess march in Fulda. Here, his internal code name was degraded from 
"Dagobert" (an infamous extortionist known for intrigue and impossible 
escapes) to "Captain Igloo". But "Captain Igloo" is by no means out of 
this picture, especially following the banning of the 'Nationale Liste' 
(National List) and the sentencing of Christian Worch to 2 years in 
prison. Dalek will certainly be taking over Worch's role within the GdNF 
in the immediate future.

(Translated by Arm The Spirit from the Bavarian anti-fascist publication 
'Rabaz', Nr. 3, Spring 1995)